1. Watson, Alan, The Evolution of Law (Baltimore, 1985) [hereinafter cited as Watson, Evolution].Google Scholar

2. Milsom, S. F. C., Historical Foundations of the Common Law (Toronto, 2nd ed., 1981)Google Scholar [hereinafter cited as Foundations].

3. Ibid. at 20.

4. See e.g. Simpson, A. W. B., Introduction to the History of the Land Law (Oxford, 1961) 8Google Scholar.

5. Foundations, supra note 2 at 21.

6. See e.g. Burn, E. H., Cheshire's Modern Real Property (London, 11th ed., 1982) 24Google Scholar; Megarry, R. E. and Wade, H. W. R., The Law of Real Property (London, 3rd ed., 1966) 29Google Scholar; (5th ed., 1984) 32.

7. Foundations, supra note 2 at 165.

8. Ibid. at 177.

9. Ibid. at 166.

10. Ibid. at 290f.

11. Ibid. at 291.

12. Ibid. at 292f.

13. Ibid. at 308f.

14. Ibid. at 33.

15. Ibid. at 36.

16. Ibid. at 309.

17. Ibid. at 77.

18. Ibid. at 199.

19. For a particular example see Watson, Evolution, supra note 1 at 35ff.

20. Krygier, M., ‘Critical Legal Studies and Social Theory: A Response to Alan Hunt’, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 7 (1987) 26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21. Amtliches Stenographisches Bulletin der Schweizerischen Bundesversammlung, Nationalrat (1905) 436.

Quel est, par exemple, le régime matrimonial qui se rapproche le plus de celui du canton de Neuchâtel? Ne cherchez pas trop près; allez au contraire à l'extrême frontière orientale de la Suisse, dans le canton des Grisons! Vous pensez peut-être que le régime matrimonial du canton de Thurgovie et même toute l'économie de sa législation civile le rattachent étroitement au canton voisin de Zurich? Les analogies sont beaucoup plus frappantes entre le code thurgovien et le code Napoléon, qu'entre le même code thurgovien et celui qu'a redigé Bluntschli. J'emprunte, Messieurs, au message du conseil fédéral du 24 novembre 1896 quelques autres constatations non moins caractéristiques:

‘Le droit des cantons avantage les fils au détriment des filles dans les cantons de Lucerne, Fribourg, Zoug et Thurgovie. Schaffhouse et Neuchâtel donnent aux ascendants et collatéraux le droit de retour selon l'origine des biens. Appenzell, Argovie, Bâle, Fribourg, Soleure ne font aucune distinction entre les lignes paternelle et maternelle. Genève, Thurgovie, le Jura bernois, Saint-Gall, Vaud, Fribourg, Tessin et Soleure font des ascendants une classe spéciale d'heritiers. Les substitutions fidéicommissaires sont interdites á Genève, dans le Jura bernois, à Lucerne, Glaris, dans les Grisons et à Zoug. Genève le Jura bernois, Neuchâtel, Appenzell, Argovie, le Valais, Berne, Vaud, Glaris et Fribourg accordent à l'enfant naturel une part dans la succession de son père. Zurich, Genève Thurgovie, Soleure, Tessin, Neuchâtel, St-Gall et le Jura bernois ont admis l'adoption. Berne, Thurgovie, Argovie, Genève, Soleure, Neuchâtel, Fribourg et le Tessin donnent à; le mère, au decès du père la puissance paternelle et la tutelle des enfants. Genéve et Nidwald ont institué le conseil de famille, qui a pour mission de surveiller la gestion du tuteur. Dans le domaine du droit des choses, nous trouvons le registre foncier à Bâle-ville, Soleure, dans le canton de Vaud à Schwytz et à Nidwald.’… J'abrège ma citation. Mais n'est-elle pas la meilleure démonstration de ce qu'il y a eu d'artificiel et de fortuit dans la formation de notre droit suisse? Cette mosaīque, qui semble le résultat de la fantaisie et du hasard pour le moins autant que des influences éthiques ou morales, ne doit pas nous remplir d'une vénération telle que nous n'osions pas y toucher.

22. For demonstration of such developments in particular cases see e.g. Watson, Evolution, supra note 1 at 28ff, 43ff (and especially at 58f).

23. But I have argued elsewhere that the Humanists, by showing that to a great extent the Corpus Juris Civilis was not of classical origin, weakened its authority and thus academics could more respectably pay attention to other aspects of local law. This was an important factor in the codification of civil law systems. See Watson, A., The Making of the Civil Law (Cambridge, Mass., 1981) 71fGoogle Scholar. There are implications for ‘schools’ of jurists in Osler, D., ‘A Star is Born’, 2 Rechtshistorisches Journal (1983) 194fGoogle Scholar.

24. See Manna, G., Della Giurisprudenza e del Foro Napoletano della sua Origine fino alla Pubblicazione delle nuove Leggi (Naples, 1859) 186fGoogle Scholar.

25. Examples of such book are Rapolla, F., De jure regni neapolitani Commentaria in ordine redacta (Naples, 1746)Google Scholar; Fimiami, C., Elementa juris privati neapolitani in duos libros redacta (Naples, 1782)Google Scholar; Guarani, M., Syntagma romani juris ac patrii secundum seriem Institutionum Imperialium (Naples, 1773)Google Scholar; Maffei, G., Institutiones juris civilis Neapolitanorum (Naples, 1784)Google Scholar; Basta, G., Institutiones juris romani neapolitani (Naples, 1782)Google Scholar; Fighera, O., Institutiones juris regni neapolitani (Naples, 1782)Google Scholar.

26. See Sorge, Giuseppe, Jurisprudentia forensis universi juris materias, 11 vols. (Naples, 1740–1744)Google Scholar; Sorge, Giuseppe, Enucleationes casuum forensium, sive additamenta ad opus jurisprudentiae forensis, 11 vols. (Naples 1756–1758)Google Scholar.

27. An example closer to home, and equally typical of development by juristic interpretation, is provided by the group in the contemporary U.S. known as Critical Legal Studies scholars. They, too, attempt to reject much of what has gone before, though they are bound by what they know. A glance at the footnotes in their writings will quickly reveal whom they wish to regard as authoritative—references to Roberto Unger and Duncan Kennedy are de rigueur—and whom they will despise. Indeed, some writings of the masters are always, in all contexts, treated as of the greatest relevance. A true believer reveals his faith by referring to these writings favorably in the opening pages of his own piece. For the group see the bibliography of Critical Legal Studies by Hunt, Alan in 47 Modern Law Review 369ff (1984)Google Scholar.

28. Garciá, Ana Maria Barrero, Fuero de Teruel (Madrid, 1979) 7Google Scholar.

29. Valiente, F. Tomás y, Manual de Historia del derecho Espanol (Madrid, 4th ed., 1983) 150Google Scholar.

30. See, e.g., Besnier, R., La Coutume de Normandie, histoire externe (Paris, 1935) 32Google Scholar [hereinafter cited as Coutume]. If, as often the privileges of one town were granted to another by the ruler then the result is statute, not customary law. Nonetheless, as with the redaction of coutumes in France in general, the written redaction was regarded in fact as containing customary law.

31. Ibid. at 22.

32. Soulatges, La Coutume de Toulouse (Toulouse) ix. The work is not dated, but the latest reference is to 10 November, 1769.

33. See Valdeavellano, P. Loscertales de, Costumbres de Lérida (Barcelona, 1946) 10ffGoogle Scholar.

34. ‘Dum memorassem quod venientes homines nostri, in praesentiam nostram, adduxerint caussas, inter se altercantes quae nec per usum fuimus certi ad terminandum, nec in Edicti corpore anteriori incerto.’ See also for slightly different issues the preambles from his fourteenth (726 A.D.) and fifteenth (727 A.D.) years.

35. See., e.g., Soulatges, La Coutume de Toulouse, supra note 32 at xiff.

36. ‘Ego Guillelmus Botetus dedi aliquantulam operam ut consuetudines ciuitatis uarias et diuersas in unum colligerem et scriptis comprehenderem ut aufferretur quibusdam occasio malignandi qui quando erat pro eis consuetudo et esse consuetudinem affirmabant. Si contra eos in consimili casu allegabatur non esse consuetudinem asserebant. Unde processus causarum probacio consuetudinis retardabat et litigantes inde dispendia grauia senciebant.’

37. ‘Quoniam igitur humana labilis est memoria nec rerum turbe potest sufficere ob hoc cautele sagaci actum est arbitrio leges autentice institutionis et iura civica, que consulta discretione ad sedendam seditionem inter cives [et incolas] de regali auctoritate manarunt, litterarum apicibus anotari, ut majori, quia regali tuicione munitas, malignantium versucia nullatenus possint infringi, vel alicuius subreptioris molestia deinceps eneruari;’ to be found in de Ureña, R., Fuero de Cuenca (Madrid, 1935) 111Google Scholar. Of course, since the compilation is official it has become statute and the fuero does contain legislative materials but that does not affect the issue.

38. Bozkurt is quoted (in German) in Hirsch, E. E., Rezeption als sozialer Prozess (Berlin, 1981) 33fGoogle Scholar [hereinafter cited as Hirsch, Rezeption].

39. See e.g. Velideoglu, H. V., ‘Erfahrungen mit dem Schweizerischen Zivilgesetzbuch in der Turkei’, Zeitschrift für Schweizerisches Recht [hereinafter cited as ZSR] 81 (1962) 51 ff at 53Google Scholar.

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42. See e.g. Hirsch, Rezeption, supra note 38; Zwahlen, M., ‘L'Application en Turquie du Code civil reçu de la Suisse’, ZSR 95 (1976), 249 ffGoogle Scholar.

43. See Hirsch, Rezeption, supra note 38 at 56f.

44. Annales de la Faculté de Droit d'Istanbul 5 (1956)Google Scholar [hereinafter cited as AFDI].

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50. See Watson, Evolution, supra note 1 at 116. For an illuminating example of largely inappropriate rules being borrowed ‘Just because they were there’ see Burbank, S.B., ‘Procedural Rulemaking under the Judicial Councils Reform and Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980’, 131 University of Pennsylvania Law Review 283ff (1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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53. See e.g. Conrad, H., Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte (Karlsruhe, 2nd ed., 1962) ii: 233fGoogle Scholar [hereinafter cited as Conrad, Rechtsgeschichte].

54. Ibid. at i: 234.

55. Conrad, Rechtsgeschichte, ii: 339ff.

56. But see above all K. Luig, ‘Der Geltungsgrund des römischen Rechts in 18. Jahrhundert in Italien, Frankreich und Deutschland’ in La Formazione storica del Diritto moderno in Europa 2 (1977) 819Google Scholarff [hereinafter cited as Luig, ‘Geltungsgrund’].

57. For more detail and references see, e.g., Watson, A., Sources of Law, Legal Change, and Ambiguity (Philadelphia, 1984) 47ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar [hereinafter cited as Watson, Sources of Law].

58. In fact he inserted much Roman law into the customs he drew up, such as that of Berry; see Filhol, R., Le premier président Christofle de Thou (Paris, 1937) especially at 67Google Scholar.

59. For the doctrinal debate see above all Guizzi, V., ‘Il diritto comune in Francia nel xvii secolo’, T.v.R. 37 (1969), 1ffGoogle Scholar; Luig, ‘Geltungsgrund’, supra note 56 at 832ff.

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61. See above all, Ibid. at 317ff; Watson, Sources of Law, supra note 57 at 70f.

62. For this notion see K. Luig, ‘The Institutes of National Law in the seventeenth and eighteenth Centuries,’ Juridical Review (1972), 193ff; Cairns, J., ‘Institutional Writings in Scotland Reconsidered’, Journal of Legal History 4 (1983) 76ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. For France and the code civil see now above all Chêne, C., L'Enseignement du Droit français en pays de droit écrit (1679–1793) (Geneva, 1982) especially at 323ffGoogle Scholar.

63. Foundations, supra note 2 at 40f.

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66. History, supra note 64 at 1, 102; quoted by Barton, Roman Law, supra note 65 at 8.

67. Ibid. at 9.

68. See Hall, G. D. G., ed., The Treatise on the Laws and Customs of the Realm of England commonly called Glanvill (London, 1965) xxxviGoogle Scholar.

69. Barton, Roman Law, supra note 65 at 11.

70. See above all, Ibid. at 13ff.

71. For this see in English, A. Watson, Sources of Law, supra note 57 at 28ff.

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78. Ibid. at 18ff.

79. Ibid. at 21.

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81. Foundations, supra note 2 at 43f.

82. But elsewhere, too, an institutional writer might refer to precedent. A notable example from southern France is Claude Serres, Les Institutions du droit françois suivant l'ordre de celles de Justinien (Montpellier, 1753).

83. See, e.g., Baker, Introduction, supra note 76 at 101.

84. Maitland, History, supra note 77 at 23f.

85. See, e.g., Craig, Jus Feudale, 1.9.3.6.

86. Foundations, supra note 2 at 3f.

87. See, e.g., General Survey of Events, Sources, Persons and Movements in Continental Legal History by various European authors (Boston, 1912) 74 (by Calisse, C.)Google Scholar.

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