1. The most important sources in this regard are William Rex Crawford, A Century of Latin American Thought (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961); Germán Arciniegas, Latin America, A Cultural History, translated by Joan MacLean (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967); Miguel Jorrín and John D. Martz, Latin American Political Thought and Ideology (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1970); and Harold E. Davis, Latin American Thought: A Historical Introduction (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972). These sources generally neglect the nonpolitical and academicist trends of thought in the region.

2. Andrés Bello, Obras Completas, vol. 8 (Santiago de Chile: Pedro G. Ramírez, 1885), p. 309.

3. Ibid., p. 238. Important sources on the establishment of the University of Chile are Raúl Atria B., Eduardo Acuña A., Patricio Dooner D., Edmundo López H., and Ernesto Moreno B., Actores sociales y cambio institucional en las reformas universitarias chilenas (Santiago: Corporación de Promoción Universitaria, 1973), particularly chapter 5 by Patricio Dooner. Also, the issue entitled “Homenaje al bicentenario del natalicio de Andrés Bello,” Atenea: Revista de Ciencia, Arte y Literatura, nos. 443–44 (1981). Most articles in this issue touch upon the establishment of the University of Chile; see particularly Sergio Fernández Larraín's “Elogio de Bello,” pp. 13–40. An important source on Bello's ideas for the university is Raúl Hernán Silva, “El pensamiento de Bello en el discurso de instalación,” Boletín de la Universidad de Chile 35 (November 1962): 28–32.

4. Andrés Bello, Obras Completas 7:451.

5. On the objectives of the colonial university, see Mario Góngora, “Origin and Philosophy of the Spanish American University,” in The Latin American University, edited by Joseph Maier and Richard W. Weatherhead (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1979), pp. 17–64.

6. Crawford, for one, emphasizes Bentham's influence on Bello; see his A Century of Latin American Thought, pp. 52–57.

7. Hanns-Albert Steger, “The European Background,” in Maier and Weatherhead, p. 87.

8. Góngora, ibid., pp. 41–42.

9. Bello, Obras 8:450.

10. Bello, “Curso de filosofía, por N.O.R.E.A.,” in Obras 7:317–36. A similar emphasis may be found in his comments about other textbooks, such as Jaime Balmes's Filosofía fundamental and Rattier's Filosofía, contained in the same volume.

11. These ideas were originally presented in Lastarria's “Investigaciones sobre la influencia de la conquista i del sistema colonial de los españoles en Chile,” published in Santiago in 1844. He elaborated on them later in his Recuerdos literarios (Santiago: Editorial Zig-Zag, 1967).

12. Andrés Bello, “Investigaciones sobre la influencia de la conquista i del sistema colonial de los españoles en Chile: memoria presentada a la universidad en sesión solemne de 22 de Septiembre de 1844, por don José Victorino Lastarria,” Obras 7: 71–88. An excellent account of the polemic between these two intellectuals can be found in Allen L. Woll, A Functional Past: The Uses of History in Nineteenth-Century Chile (Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), chap. 2.

13. Quoted by Norman P. Sacks, “José Victorino Lastarria: un intelectual comprometido en la América Latina,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 140 (1972): 160.

14. Lastarria's autobiography, Recuerdos literarios, provides one of the best sources on his thought and activities. One must be aware, however, of his tendency to overemphasize his importance in the context of Chilean intellectual history. In addition to the Sacks article, useful sources are Luis Oyarzún, “Lastarria y los comienzos del pensamiento filosófico en Chile durante el siglo XIX,” Revista de Filosofía 1 (August 1949): 27–56; and Renato Cristi, “El gesto filosófico de Lastarria,” Teoría 5–6 (December 1976): 3–14.

15. Lastarria, Recuerdos literarios, p. 35.

16. Solomon Lipp, Three Chilean Thinkers (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1975), chap. 1; Jorrín and Martz, pp. 100–2; Crawford, pp. 69–74; and Davis, pp. 83–85.

17. Juan Bautista Alberdi, “Ideas para presidir la confección del curso de filosofía contemporánea,” in Escritos póstumos de Juan Bautista Alberdi 15 (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Juan Bautista Alberdi, 1900). This essay was originally written in 1842.

18. On the different phases of the Faculty of Philosophy, see José Echeverría, La enseñanza de la filosofía en la universidad hispanoamericana (Washington, D.C.: Unión Panamericana, 1965).

19. Fanor Velasco, “Recuerdos del Instituto Nacional,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 51, no. 55 (1925–26): 48.

20. Ibid., p. 53.

21. John J. Johnson uses the name “liberal republic” to refer to this period in Chilean history. See his Political Change in Latin America: The Emergence of the Middle Sectors (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958).

22. The notion of “professionalism” has acquired a complex meaning, particularly in North American scholarship. Such authors as Burton Bledstein, Thomas Haskell, Bruce Kuklick, and others use it to refer to the rise of the academic professions in the United States. In the context of Chilean positivism, professionalism simply meant a practical emphasis placed on disciplines formerly taught under a purely academic model. With the decline of positivism, professionalism acquired a new meaning, much closer to North American usage.

23. Diego Barros Arana, “Fragmentos del discurso de Diego Barros Arana con motivo del cincuentenario de la universidad en 1893,” Boletín de la Universidad de Chile 35 (November 1962): 42–44.

24. Augusto Orrego Luco, “La resurrección del latín,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 101 (July-December 1942): 157–74.

25. The most important source on Letelier's life and thought is Luis Galdames, Valentín Letelier y su obra, 1852–1919 (Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Universitaria, 1937). See also Leonardo Fuentealba H., “Filosofía de la historia en Letelier,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 127 (January-December 1959): 313–51; and Peter J. Sehlinger, “Cien años de influencia de la obra de Letelier,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 139 (1971): 72–85.

26. Valentín Letelier, Filosofía de la educación, revised and enlarged edition (Buenos Aires: Cabaut, 1927), p. 167.

27. Important studies on the impact of positivism in other areas of Latin America are Leopoldo Zea, Dos etapas del pensamiento en Hispanoamerica: del romanticismo al positivismo (México, D.F.: El Colegio de México, 1949); and João Cruz Costa, A History of Ideas in Brazil: The Development of Philosophy in Brazil and the Evolution of National History, translated by Suzette Macedo (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964).

28. Letelier, Filosofía, p. 410.

29. Ibid., p. 414.

30. An excellent account of German influences on Chilean education can be seen in William Walter Sywak, “Values in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: The Germanic Reform of Chilean Public Education, 1885–1910,” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1977). Letelier made his admiration for the German model of education explicit in his Filosofía de la educación. The student of comparative history may find valuable insights about the German influence on education in the United States in Jurgen Herbst, The German Historical School in American Scholarship: A Study in the Transfer of Culture (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1972).

31. Specific details on the creation of the Pedagogical Institute can be found in Guillermo Feliú Cruz, “El Instituto Pedagógico bajo la dirección de Domingo Amunátegui Solar, 1892–1922,” Mapocho 3 (1965): 11–43. Details on the hiring of the German professors can be found in Valentín Letelier, “Cartas a don Claudio Matte,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 121 (January-June 1953): 34–53.

32. Letelier, Filosofía, p. 429.

33. Roger L. Geiger has pointed out that French intellectuals and educational figures also viewed the German educational system quite positively. German universities, in particular, were highly regarded. See his “Reform and Restraint in Higher Education: The French Experience, 1865–1914,” Yale Higher Education Program Working Paper no. 2, 1975, pp. 8–9.

34. Leopoldo Zea, El positivismo en México, second ed. (México: Ediciones Studium, 1953), p. 188. See also Jorrín and Martz, pp. 30–31, 130–34.

35. Many graduates of the institute, including Luis Galdames and Darío Salas, subsequently occupied important positions in the Chilean educational system. See Ricardo Donoso, “El Instituto Pedagógico: tres generaciones de maestros,” Journal of Inter-American Studies 6 (January 1964): 5–16.

36. Clark Gill indicates that by 1850 only 1 percent of the population was enrolled in elementary schools. See Education and Social Change in Chile (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966), pp. 15, 20. Only .2 percent were in secondary schools. By 1900 the figure for elementary school enrollment was 5.5 percent and .4 percent for secondary schools.

37. The appendixes to Guillermo Feliú's article contain useful statistics on the evolution of the institute. See also José Echeverría, La enseñanza, on the merger of the Pedagogical Institute with the Faculty of Philosophy, Humanities, and Fine Arts in 1931.

38. Julio Montebruno, “Don Jorge Enrique Schneider,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 101 (July-December 1942): 197–98.

39. For an overview of Mann's contributions to the study of different academic disciplines at the National University, see Hayra G. de Sommerville, Laura Zagal Anabalón, Carlos Videla V., and Esteban Doña U., “Una fase importante de la enseñanza de la filosofía, de la psicología y de la pedagogía en la Universidad de Chile,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 100, nos. 45–46 (1942): 206–37. Of course, not all Chileans agreed that German professors made contributions. See, for instance, Raúl Silva Castro, “Don Eduardo de la Barra y la pedagogía alemana,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía 101 (July-December 1942): 208–35.

40. On the Latin American reaction against positivism, see Risieri Frondizi and Jorge J. E. Gracia, El hombre y los valores en la filosofía latinoamericana del siglo XX (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1975). The interest in man and values characterizes the new philosophical concerns and is remarkably similar throughout Latin America.

41. Galdames, Valentín Letelier, p. 201.

42. All the science departments combined, for instance, granted 171 degrees in 1910, only 27 percent of all degrees granted in that year. See Galdames, p. 589.

43. Quoted by José Luis Romero in “University Reform,” Maier and Weatherhead, p. 136.

44. Enrique Molina, La filosofía en Chile en la primera mitad del siglo XX (Santiago: Editorial Nascimento, 1953), p. 18.

45. On the philosophical thought of Vasconcelos and Caso, see Crawford, Latin American Thought, pp. 260–93. On their political and cultural activities, see Enrique Krauze, Caudillos culturales en la revolución mexicana, second ed. (México: Siglo XXI, 1977) and Daniel Cosío Villegas: una biografía intelectual (México: Joaquín Mortiz, 1980), pp. 19–20, 22–24.

46. Molina, De lo espiritual en la vida humana, second ed. (Santiago: Editorial Nascimento, 1947).

47. Molina, La filosofía, p. 10.

48. Molina, Confesión filosófica y llamado de superación a la América hispana (Santiago: Nascimento, 1942), p. 40.

49. The period between 1931 and 1968 at the University of Chile has received comparatively greater scholarly attention than previous periods of its history. See Carlos Huneeus Madge, La reforma universitaria en la universidad de Chile (Santiago: Corporación de Promoción Universitaria, 1973); Frank Bonilla and Myron Glazer, Student Politics in Chile (New York: Basic Books, 1970); Albert L. Michaels, “Chilean Politics and University Reform,” Universities and the New International Order 4, Special Studies Series no. 113, edited by Irving J. Spitzberg (Buffalo, N.Y.: State University of New York at Buffalo, 1979); and the already cited Actores sociales y cambio institucional by Raúl Atria et al.

50. As the Department of Philosophy became “professional,” dedicated to cultivating a more academic than political brand of philosophy, histories of the discipline in Chile began to appear. The most important of these is Molina's La filosofía en Chile, which has already been cited. A more recent account of this period is Roberto Escobar's La filosofía en Chile (Santiago: Universidad Técnica del Estado, 1976). This source views philosophy in academic terms and examines rather superficially those Chilean philosophers who do not fit the author's professionalistic view of Chilean philosophy. Somewhat less biased, but still uncritical of philosophical professionalism, is Santiago Vidal's “Apuntes sobre la filosofía en Chile,” Cursos y Conferencias 48 (March 1956): 39–60.

51. The Chilean Revista de Filosofía, whose first issue appeared in August of 1949, began to publish all types of communications and news related to the most professional aspects of philosophical activity in Chile.

52. Luis Oyarzún mentions the impact of Ortega's work on the intellectual milieu of his time in his Temas de la cultura chilena, Colección Imágenes de Chile no. 2 (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1967), p. 161.

53. Risieri Frondizi, “Philosophy,” Handbook of Latin American Studies 5 (1939): 418–27.

54. “El Departamento de Filosofía de la Universidad de Chile,” Revista de Filosofía 3 (July 1956): 101–3.

55. The organization and outcome of this congress are described in “Primer Congreso de la Sociedad Interamericana de Filosofía,” Revista de Filosofía 3 (July 1956), and in “El Congreso Interamericano de Filosofía,” Revista de Filosofía 3 (December 1956): 118–24.

56. Representative articles in this regard by Rivano are “Análisis crítico de algunas concepciones de la conciencia y el yo,” Revista de Filosofía 3 (December 1956): 41–53; “Ciencia, realidad y verdad,” Revista de Filosofía 5 (December 1958): 43–58; “El principio de la evidencia apodíctica en la filosofía de E. Husserl,” Revista de Filosofía 6 (December 1959): 45–57; and the introductory essay to his translation of Francis H. Bradley's Appearance and Reality, 2 vols. (Santiago: Comisión Central de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Chile, 1961), pp. xiii–lxxi. For an examination of Rivano's work in this period, see Félix Schwartzmann, “La Philosophic au Chili,” in La Philosophic Contemporaine, edited by Raymond Klibanski (Florence: La Nuova Italia Editrice, 1971); and also Iván Jaksić, “The Philosophy of Juan Rivano: The Intellectual Background of the University Reform Movement of 1968 in Chile” (Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1981).

57. Rivano, “Desde el abandono” (Santiago: 1963, Typescript), p. 18.

58. On the impact of the Cuban Revolution in Latin America, see Jorrín and Martz, pp. 270–71, 302–13. The impact of this revolution on Latin American university students has been described in Arthur Liebman, Kenneth N. Walker, and Myron Glazer, Latin American University Students: A Six Nation Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), pp. 29–31.

59. Rivano, Entre Hegel y Marx: una meditación ante los nuevos horizontes del humanismo (Santiago: Comisión Central de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Chile, 1962), pp. 27, 54.

60. Jorge Millas, “Discurso sobre la universidad y su reforma,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 119 (1960): 249–61.

61. Félix Martínez Bonati, “La misión humanística y social de nuestra universidad,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile 119 (1960): 122, and La situación universitaria (Santiago: Prensas de la Editorial Universitaria, 1965), pp. 22, 46.

62. Juan de Dios Vial Larraín, “Idea de la universidad,” in La universidad en tiempos de cambio (Santiago: Editorial del Pacífico, 1965), pp. 8–12, and “Acerca de la filosofía,” Revista de Filosofía 8, no. 1 (1961): 91.

63. José Ortega y Gasset, Misión de la universidad y otros ensayos afines, fourth ed. (Madrid: Editorial Revista de Occidente, 1965), p. 71.

64. Ibid., p. 78.

65. Most important among these works are, in addition to Entre Hegel y Marx, “La América ahistórica y sin mundo del humanista Ernesto Grassi,” Mapocho 4 (January 1964): 114–31; El punto de vista de la miseria (Santiago: Facultad de Filosofía y Educación, Universidad de Chile, 1965); Contra sofistas (Santiago: E. Hispano-Suiza, 1966); and Cultura de la servidumbre: mitología de importación (Santiago: Editorial Santiago, 1969).

66. Richard J. Walter, “The Intellectual Background of the 1918 University Reform in Argentina,” Hispanic American Historical Review 49 (1969): 233–53.

67. These events, like all others related to the university reform movement, were covered in detail by the press. The Anales de la Universidad de Chile published an extremely valuable issue that reprints most of these articles. See “Documentos reforma universitaria: prensa,” Anales 126 (October-December 1968).

68. The implications of university reform for the Department of Philosophy are examined in the Revista de Filosofía 14, no. 1 (1969).

69. Enrique Kirberg, Los nuevos profesionales: educación universitaria de trabajadores en Chile: UTE, 1968–1973 (Guadalajara: Instituto de Estudios Sociales, Universidad de Guadalajara, 1981), p. 103.

70. See Hernán Ramírez Necochea's El partido comunista y la universidad (Santiago de Chile: Ediciones de la Revista Aurora, 1964).

71. Patricia Weiss Fagen, Chilean Universities: Problems of Autonomy and Dependence, Comparative Politics Series no. 4 (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1973), pp. 11–15.

72. This point is largely accurate, but one is left with an obscure idea of the initial motivations for reform. Some scholars emphasize economic motivation as the basis for reform, particularly Bonilla, Glazer, and Michaels. Huneeus places a heavy emphasis on political motivations. Recent studies continue to view the events of 1968 as an expression of a larger political struggle between the major parties of the country. See Manuel Antonio Garretón, “Universidad y política en los procesos de transformación y reversión en Chile, 1967–1977,” Estudios Sociales 26, no. 4 (1980): 83–109; Angel Flisfisch, “Elementos para una interpretación de los procesos de reforma en la Universidad de Chile, 1950–1973,” FLACSO Documento Preliminar no. 19 (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, September 1981); and the book by Enrique Kirberg already cited. One major difference between the older and the more recent studies on university reform is the focus on student politics. The latter tends to emphasize more the implications of larger structural social changes on higher education. For an assessment of this shift in scholarly attention, see Daniel C. Levy, “Student Politics in Contemporary Latin America,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 14 (June 1981): 353–76.

73. Most of the sources cited in note 72 agree on the achievements of university reform.

74. This last statement is based on exchanges between students and faculty from the department and me, because an assessment of Chilean philosophy and of the Department of Philosophy under military rule is yet to be made. One can find valuable insights, however, in Garretón and Levy. I am particularly indebted to Levy's “Chilean University Policy under the Junta,” in a forthcoming book entitled Chile under Military Rule, edited by Arturo Valenzuela and Samuel Valenzuela.

75. Bertrand Russell, Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays (London: Longmans, Green, 1921), p. 1.