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Brazilian Regionalism

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RIO GRANDE DO SUL AND BRAZILIAN REGIONALISM, by LOVEJOSEPH L. (Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1971. $12.50.)
MINAS GERAIS IN THE BRAZILIAN FEDERATION, 1889–1937. By WIRTHJOHN D. (Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1977. Pp. 322. $17.50.)
PERNAMBUCO IN THE BRAZILIAN FEDERATION, 1889–1937. By LEVINEROBERT M. (Stanford Cal.: Stanford University Press, 1978. Pp. 236. $17.50.)

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Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 October 2022

Barbara Weinstein
Barbara Weinstein*
Affiliation:
Vanderbilt University
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Type
Review Essays
Information
Latin American Research Review , Volume 17 , Issue 2 , 1982 , pp. 262 - 276
Copyright
Copyright © 1982 by the University of Texas Press

References

Notes

1. The broadest analysis of this process can be found in Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, 1966). See also Anton Blok, The Mafia of a Sicilian Village, 1860–1960 (New York, 1974), especially pp. 22–26 and the forward by Charles Tilly; Jonathan M. Wiener, Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860–1885 (Baton Rouge, 1978); Peter Schneider, Jane Schneider, and Edward Hansen, “Modernization and Development: The Role of Regional Elites and Noncorporate Groups in the European Mediterranean,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 14 (1972):328–50; Ernesto Yepes, “Burguesía y gamonalismo en el Perú,” Análisis 7, pp. 31–66.

2. For a detailed discussion of the failure to create a national republican party, see Maria do Carmo Campello de Souza, “O processo político-partidário na Primeira República,” in Carlos Guilherme Mota, org., Brasil em perspectiva (São Paulo, 1978), pp. 162–226.

3. The only significant studies of state politics under the Old Republic published prior to Love's work on Rio Grande do Sul included Jean Blondel, As condições da vida política no estado de Paraíba (Rio, 1957) and Ralph Della Cava, Miracle at Joaseiro (New York, 1970). The latter, in particular, has some excellent chapters on political conflicts in the state of Ceará, but focuses mainly on the links between a local millenarian movement and the regional political machine.

4. For a general discussion of regionalism, which lays out many of the premises for the subsequent studies of Minas Gerais, Pernambuco, and São Paulo, see Joseph L. Love, “An Approach to Regionalism,” in Richard Graham and Peter H. Smith, eds., New Approaches to Latin American History (Austin, 1974), pp. 137–55.

5. The origins and persistence of regional inequality are analyzed in Nathaniel H. Leff, “Economic Development and Regional Inequality: Origins of the Brazilian Case,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 86 (May 1972):243–63, and Wilson Cano, Raízes da concentração industrial em São Paulo (São Paulo, 1977).

6. For further discussion of the role of coffee production in the transformation of the Paulista economy, see Emilia Viotti da Costa, Da senzala a colônia (São Paulo, 1966), pp. 154–202; Warren Dean, The Industrialization of São Paulo, 1880–1945 (Austin, 1969), pp. 3–15, and Cano, Raízes da concentração, pp. 31–87.

7. A recent regional study, which gives much greater emphasis to municipal politics and coronelismo, is Eul-Soo Pang, Bahia in the First Brazilian Republic: Coronelismo and Oligarchies, 1889–1934 (Gainesville, 1979).

8. An extremely perceptive and detailed analysis of the links between a regional political elite and the dominant economic class can be found in Linda Lewin, “Politics and Parentela in Paraíba: A Case Study of Oligarchy in Brazil's Old Republic” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1975), pp. 275–96. Lewin demonstrates that the typical high-level officeholder in Paraíba (governor, federal senator and deputy) was a bacharel with few or no direct ties to the landowning class. In contrast, the state assembly and municipal governments were dominated by the fazendeiros or their relatives.

9. Lewin, “Politics,” pp. 45–47; Florencia E. Mallon, “Peasants and Rural Laborers in Pernambuco, 1955–1964,” Latin American Perspectives 5, no. 4(Fall 1978):51–53.

10. Lewin, “Politics,” pp. 4–13, 78–79. According to Lewin, prosperity merely aggravated political conflicts by raising the stakes. For example, with the spread of cotton production in Paraíba, a loss of irrigation rights or refusal of a railroad line (due to a lack of political clout) could threaten a family with financial disaster. For a discussion of the relationship between economic and political power in another boom economy, see Barbara Weinstein, “Prosperity without Development: The Paraense Elite and the Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1980), especially pp. 332–48.

11. Lewin, “Politics,” pp. 437–39; Pang, Bahia, pp. 89–147.

12. For a provocative approach to this question see Elizabeth Ann Kuznesof, “Brazilian Urban History: An Evaluation,” LARR 17, no. 1(1982).

13. Lewin, “Politics,” pp. 78, 83. For a highly illuminating discussion of the way in which superficially similar commercial trends can have very different ramifications, see Richard M. Morse, “Brazil's Urban Development,” in A. J. R. Russell-Wood, ed., From Colony to Nation: Essays on the Independence of Brazil (Baltimore, 1975), pp. 171–74.

14. Love, São Paulo, p. 215; Dean, The Industrialization, p. 84.

15. Peter L. Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization without Change, 1840–1910 (Berkeley, 1974), pp. 85–117; Levine, Pernambuco, pp. 21–27.

16. A brief discussion of Catholic influence in Brazilian political and intellectual life during the 1920s and 1930s can be found in Sérgio Miceli, Intelectuais e classe dirigente no Brazil (1920–1945) (São Paulo, 1979), pp. 51–56.

17. Roberto Borges Martins, “Growing in Silence: The Slave Economy of Nineteenth-Century Minas Gerais, Brazil” (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1980). Obviously, this work was not available at the time that Wirth was writing. See also Stuart B. Schwartz, “Elite Politics and the Growth of the Peasantry in Late Colonial Brazil,” in Russell-Wood, ed., From Colony to Nation, pp. 145–52.

18. These would include Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry, and David Denslow, “Sugar Production in Northeastern Brazil and Cuba, 1858–1908” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1974).

19. Linda Lewin describes the long struggle of the Paraibano coastal elite to create a deepwater port at Cabedelo so that the state's exports would no longer be funnelled through Recife and Fortaleza. “Politics,” pp. 75, 90, 200. For an account of the antagonistic relationship between the rubber-producing states of Pará and Amazonas see Weinstein, “Prosperity,” pp. 349–84.

20. Boris Fausto, A revolução de 1930: historiografia e história (São Paulo, 1970), pp. 32–38.

21. The key figure in this loyal opposition was Júlio Mesquita, publisher of the newspaper O Estado de São Paulo. For a brief and tentative analysis of the paper's political position see Weinstein, “Impressões da elite sobre os movimentos da classe operária: Cobertura da greve em O Estado de São Paulo, 1902–1917,” in Maria Helena Capelato, et al., O Bravo Matutino: Imprensa e ideologia no jornal O Estado de São Paulo (São Paulo, 1980), pp. 162–68.

22. On the “colonial economy” of the postbellum South, see C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1887–1913 (Baton Rouge, 1971), pp. 291–320.