1. Such writers as Domingo de Soto, Tomás de Mercado, and Bartolomé de Albornoz criticized the slave trade as early as the sixteenth century, and David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture 187ff., (Ithaca, N. Y., 1966), admirably summarizes their views. Also useful in this connection is A.-J. Saraiva, “Le Pere Antonio Vieira S. J. et l'esclavage des noirs au XVII^e siècle,” Annales:Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations, XXII: 1289-1309 (1967). However, the first serious study of the African in Spanish America was probably that published in Seville by the Jesuit missionary Alonso de Sandoval in 1627. His work, edited by Ángel Valtierra, has recently been republished under the title De instauranda Aethiopum salute: El mundo de la esclavitud negra en América (Bogotá, 1956). In the early seventeenth century, Sandoval was not only instrumental in organizing the missionary effort among the newly-arrived slaves in the port of Cartagena, but he also carefully noted their ethnic origins and customs, and strenuously condemned the hypocrisy and heartlessness of slaver and slaveholder alike. However, Sandoval stopped short of advocacy of abolition. For additional detail, see the review of this work by James F. King, Hispanic American Historical Review, XXXVII, 358-360 (1957), and Juan Manuel Pacheco, S.J., “El maestro de Claver: P. Alonso de Sandoval,” Revista Javeriana, XLII, 80-89, 146-155 (1954).

2. Good bibliographies concerning the African in colonial Spanish America will be found in Magnus Mörner, “The History of Race Relations in Latin America: Some Comments on the State of Research,” published in LARR, 1: 17-44 (1966), and in his Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston, 1967). See also Miguel Acosta Saignes, “Introducción al estudio de los repositorios documentales sobre los africanos y sus descendientes en América,” América Indígena, XXIX, 727-786 (1969). In view of Mörner's 1966 bibliographical survey, the present writer has chosen in this article to concentrate on problems, and methods for their solution.

3. This assumption flaws the brilliant and influential essay by Frank Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen: The Negro in the Americas (N.Y., 1947).

4. Contrast, for example, the treatment of slavery in the following works: Herbert S. Klein, Slavery in the Americas: A Comparative Study of Virginia and Cuba (Chicago, 1967); Robert C. West, Colonial Placer Mining in Colombia (Baton Rouge, 1952); and Jaime Jaramillo Uribe, “Esclavos y señores en la sociedad colombiana del siglo XVIII,” Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura, I, 3-62 (1963).

5. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, La población negra de México, 1519-1810 (México, 1946). Even in the sugar-growing areas of Mexico, which had long placed heavy reliance on slave labor, there is some evidence that by the middle of the eighteenth century little effort was made to apprehend runaway blacks. See Ward Barrett, The Sugar Hacienda of the Marqueses del Valle, 80 (Minneapolis, 1970). For accounts of the interaction of economic and demographic trends in Mexico, see Woodrow Borah, New Spain's Century of Depression (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1951); J. H. Parry, The Spanish Seaborne Empire, 213-228 (N.Y., (1966); and the appropriate sections of Charles Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule: A History of the Indians of the Valley of Mexico, 1519-1810 (Stanford, 1964).

6. See Franklin W. Knight, Slave Society in Cuba During the Nineteenth Century (Madison, 1970), and the same author's “Slavery and Race Relations in Nineteenth-Century Cuba,” in Frederick P. Bowser and Robert Brent Toplin, eds., Latin America and the African: New Historical Perspectives (to be published in 1971; the title is tentative). Knight's picture of slavery may be contrasted with that of Klein, Slavery in the Americas.

7. Alfredo Castillero C., La sociedad panameña: Historia de su formación e integración, 90-106 (Panamá, 1970).

8. Jaramillo Uribe, “Esclavos y señores,” 50-55.

9. However, Paul B. Ganster, a graduate student at UCLA, is currently engaged in research on the social history of Lima for that period, and his work may go a long way to fill this gap.

10. Historia de la esclavitud de la raza africana en el Nuevo Mundo y en especial en los países américo-hispanos (first printed in 1879, and reissued in four vols., Havana, 1938). Saco's work is enormously learned and can still be read with profit, but it is legalistic, based upon what today is considered an insufficient amount of archival research, and concentrates upon the Caribbean islands.

11. Among various editions: Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio cotejadas con varios códices antiguos por la Real Academia de la Historia, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1807); Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias: Edición facsimilar de la cuarta impresión hecha en Madrid el año 1791, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1943). The 1789 slave code is printed in Richard Konetzke, ed., Colección de documentos para la historia de la formación social de Hispanoamérica, 1493-1810, 3 vols. in 5, III: 643-652 (Madrid, 1953-62). The latter work contains much of the legislation framed by the Spanish crown for the American slave population.

12. Davis, Problem of Slavery, 103. The Spanish American servile institution may be usefully contrasted with its peninsular counterpart, both before and after the discovery of the New World, in the following works: Vicenta Cortés, La esclavitud en Valencia durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos (Valencia, 1964); Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, “La esclavitud en Castilla durante la edad moderna,” In: Estudios de historia social de España, Carmelo Viñas y Mey, ed. II, 367-428 (Madrid, 1949-52); Ruth Pike, “Sevillian Society in the Sixteenth Century: Slaves and Freedmen,” Hispanic American Historical Review, XLVII, 344-359 (1957); Charles Verlinden, L'esclavage dans l'Europe médiévale, I (Brussels, 1955).

13. See the comments of Mörner, Race Mixture, 35-36. C. H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America, 110-114 (N.Y., 1947), traces the efforts to bring the Recopilación into print, and the frustrated attempts at revision.

14. Howard Prince, “The Spanish Slave Code of 1789,” In: Columbia Essays in International Affairs, II: The Dean's Papers, 1966, Andrew W. Cordier, ed. (N.Y., 1967).

15. “El contenido laboral en los códigos negros americanos,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología, V, 473-510 passim (1943).

16. For the year 1647, in Archivo Nacional del Perú, Procedimientos Civiles 121 (1647-48); but such libros may be more numerous for the later colonial period, particularly in countries such as Mexico, where documentation is more complete.

17. “The Implementation of Slave Legislation in Eighteenth-Century New Granada,” in Bowser and Toplin, eds., Latin America and the African.

18. As Eugene Genovese observes, Tannenbaum had precursors, but Slave and Citizen was particularly useful in leading United States historians away from a preoccupation with Southern slavery studied in isolation. The employment of Tannenbaum's conclusions by Stanley M. Elkins in his provocative Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (Chicago & London, 1959), was influential in this connection; cf. Genovese, “Materialism and Idealism in the History of Negro Slavery in the Americas,” In: Slavery in the New World: A Reader in Comparative History, Laura Foner and Eugene Genovese, eds. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1969), 238-239.

19. Genovese, A Reader, 238-255.

20. Davis, Problem of Slavery, 224, n. 1.

21. See n. 18.

22. Genovese, “Materialism and Idealism,” passim, offers a critique of Harris, and an attempt to relate his own ideas to those of Tannenbaum and Gilberto Freyre. See also his The World the Slaveholders Made (New York, 1969). Two articles by Arnold A. Sio are also useful concerning the debate over American slave systems: “Interpretations of Slavery: The Slave Status in the Americas,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 7: 289-308 (1964-65), and “Society, Slavery, and the Slave,” Social and Economic Studies, 16: 330-344 (1967).

23. The term “black” is used loosely in this essay to refer not only to the “pure” African, but to all persons recognized by society to be of African descent. During the colonial period, racial terminology based upon distinctions of color and physical features became so ludicrously complex as to lose most of its meaning. See the discussion in Mörner, Race Mixture, 56-60, 68-70, and Ángel Rosenblat, La población indígena y el mestizaje en América, 2: 133-178 (Buenos Aires, 1954).

24. Perhaps Gilberto Freyre has been the most sensitive in his recognition of the individual's capacity, even under slavery, to influence his own destiny. See especially The Masters and the Slaves [Casa grande & senzala]: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization, Samuel Putnam, trans. (2nd ed., N.Y., 1956). (The same awareness is often explicit in Mörner, Race Mixture.)

25. For example, Sandoval, De instauranda, 64-97, sets forth his opinions of the merits of the various African tribes, gained through his own experience and doubtless also through many conversations with slave traders and buyers, at great length and with much precision. Fernando Ortiz Fernández, Hampa afro-cubana: Los negros esclavos (Havana, 1916), 57-62, also details the alleged characteristics and traits associated with African ethnic groups.

26. See, for example, Aguirre Beltrán, La población negra de México, passim; Barrett, Sugar Hacienda, 133; James Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: A Colonial Society, 173 (Madison, 1968); Robert C. West, The Pacific Lowlands of Colombia: A Negroid Area of the American Tropics, 102-103 (Baton Rouge, 1957).

27. Roger Bastide, Les amériques noires, 15-18 (Paris, 1967); Fernando Ortiz Fernández, “Los cabildos afro-cubanos,” Revista Bimestre Cubana, 16: 5-39 (1921); Emilio Harth-terré and Alberto Márquez Abanto, “El artesano negro en la arquitectura virreinal limeña,” Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú, 25: 32-36 (1961); Klein, Slavery in the Americas, 100-103.

28. Aguirre Beltrán, Medicina y magia: El proceso de aculturación en la estructura colonial (México, 1963); Tejado Fernández, Aspectos de la vida social en Cartagena de Indias durante el seiscientos (Sevilla, 1954).

29. Mörner, Race Mixture, passim.

30. I demonstrate this assertion in my forthcoming book concerning the African slave in Peru during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

31. See James F. King, “Descriptive Data on Negro Slaves in Spanish Importation Records and Bills of Sale,” Journal of Negro History, 28: 204-230 (1943); and Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969), passim. In general, African slaves in Spanish America were given a Christian first name (Juan, Pablo, etc.) and assigned their ethnic origin as a surname (Bran, Biafara, Casanga). American-born blacks more often than not were given Criollo (Creole) as a surname in acknowledgement of the fact, while others of similar status, along with African-born slaves of long residence in America, and ex-slaves, frequently used their masters' (or former masters') surnames.

An extended discussion of the slave trade is beyond the scope of this paper, but it should be mentioned that Curtin's careful estimates of the volume of the African slave trade to Spanish America supersede those of the authors discussed by Mörner, “History of Race Relations,” 20-21.

32. This problem will be discussed below in connection with other issues.

33. H. Hoetink, The Two Variants in Caribbean Race Relations: A Contribution to the Sociology of Segmented Societies, trans. Eva M. Hooykaas (London, 1967), 167-190, provides indirect affirmation concerning this point, although he does not discuss the physical characteristics of the various African groups. The present writer is also inclined to answer this question in the affirmative. See my essay in Jack P. Greene, ed., The Role of the Black and Free Mulatto in Societies of the New World (to be published by the Johns Hopkins Press in 1971), but at this stage any attempt to relate ethnicity, physical attractiveness, race mixture, and resultant manumission of the offspring is premature. With regard to the Hoetink thesis, see also the critique by Peter Dodge, “Comparative Racial Systems in the Greater Caribbean,” Social and Economic Studies, 16: 249-261 (1967).

34. This point will be discussed below.

35. For example, Aguirre Beltrán, La problación negra de México, 244-245, lists 26 ethnic groups and shipping points used as surnames.

36. Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 182. The most detailed study of the black artisan is that of Harth-terré and Márquez Abanto, “El artesano negro,” based almost entirely upon notary records. For affirmations of the better lot of the urban slave, among others, see Ortiz Fernández, Hampa afro-cubana: Los negros esclavos, 307-320; Klein, Slavery in the Americas, 145-147, 158-162, 197-199; Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, “The Integration of the Negro into the National Society of Mexico,” In: Race and Class in Latin America, Magnus Mörner, ed., 15 (New York & London, 1970).

37. West, Colonial Placer Mining, 88-89; Federico Brito Figueroa, “La investigación sobre historia de la formación de la propiedad territorial agraria en Venezuela” (and supporting documents), In: La obra pía de Chuao, 1568-1825, Eduardo Arcila Farias, et al., eds., 125, 152-153, 159-161, 342-343, 369-401 (Caracas, 1968). In this paper I do not employ the strict definitions of “hacienda” and “plantation” suggested by Eric R. Wolf and Sidney W. Mintz, “Haciendas and Plantations in Middle America and the Antilles,” Social and Economic Studies, 6: 380-412 (1957). Useful though these definitions are, they are based on evidence for the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and are difficult to apply to colonial-period Spanish America. I agree with the observation of Marvin Harris, Patterns of Race, 45, that “plantations and haciendas should probably be thought of as the polar extremes of a taxonomic continuum;” even the colonial sugar plantation does not quite fit the definition of Wolf and Mintz. For further discussion see Harris, Patterns, esp. 44 ff.

38. I follow here the three very useful definitions of “treatment” proposed by Eugene D. Genovese, “The Treatment of Slaves in Different Countries: Problems in the Applications of the Comparative Method,” In: Foner and Genovese, eds., 203, Slavery in the New World. Genovese finds three basic meanings: (1) day-to-day living conditions; (2) conditions of life, including family security, opportunities for some form of social and religious life, and the presence or absence of numbing and virulent prejudice against the slave, and (3) access to freedom and citizenship.

39. Haring, Spanish Empire, 138-148; Parry, Spanish Seaborne Empire, 190, 278-279, 322-324, 336.

40. For example, my sample of 6,884 blacks identifiable by sex sold in the Lima slave market between 1560-1650 yields a total of 2,726 women (39.5 per cent). Among the bozales imported fresh from Africa, 34.5 per cent were women. An examination of various Peruvian plantation inventories reveals that the proportion of women was frequently even lower. However, by the eighteenth century, there is some evidence that the ratio between the sexes in the rural areas became more nearly equal. See the various plantation inventories in Arcila Farias, et al., eds., La obra pía de Chuao, and Ceferino Garzón Maceda and José Walter Dorflinger, “Esclavos y mulatos en un dominio rural del siglo XVIII en Córdoba: Contribución a la demografía histórica,” Revista de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, 2: 627-40 (1961). It should be noted that both of these estates were in ecclesiastical hands, and may therefore be atypical with regard to the proportion of women to men.

41. Bastide, Les amériques noires, 15-18.

42. In addition to Barrett, Sugar Hacienda, see: Horacio Aranguiz Donoso, “Notas para el estudio de la hacienda de Calera de Tango, 1685-1783,” Historia, 6: 221-262 (Santiago de Chile, 1967); Arcila Farias, et al., eds., La obra pia de Chuao; Germán Colmenares, Haciendas de los jesuítas en el Nuevo Reino de Granada, siglo XVIII (Bogotá, 1969); Colmenares, “El trabajo en las haciendas jesuítas en el siglo XVIII,” UN: Revista de la Dirección de Divulgación Cultural, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 1: 175-190 (1968); Pablo Macera, ed., Instrucciones para el manejo de las haciendas jesuítas del Perú (XVII-XVIII) (Lima, 1966); Magnus Mörner, “Los jesuítas y la esclavitud de los negros,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía, 135: 92-109 (1967); Manuel Montt, “La hacienda de San Jerónimo,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía, 114 (1949). Barrett's work does not, in a strict sense, concern holdings owned by an institution, but after the death of the famed conqueror-founder in 1547, the Cortés family became first absentee landlords and then lessors of the estate. The arrangements with regard to the latter, as Barrett indicates, quickly became quasi-institutional. Students of plantation slavery in Spanish America would de well to read the remarks of Stanley J. Stein, “Latin American Historiography: Status and Research Opportunities,” In: Social Science Research on Latin America, Charles Wagley, ed., p. 100 (New York & London, 1964).

43. Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves; Stein, Vassouras: A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850-1900 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957).

44. I base these assertions on my own research in Peruvian archives, and upon a general lack of evidence to the contrary in the literature. According to West, Colonial Placer Mining, 86, a similar pattern of absenteeism prevailed among the rich miners of Colombia.

45. See Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development, and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica, passim (London, 1967).

46. This pattern of life is implicit in the description provided by Klein, Slavery in the Americas, 148, of tobacco cultivation in Cuba.

47. See, for example, the savage 1791 satire of the conduct of sugar plantation overseers reprinted in Ortiz Fernández, Hampa afro-cubana: Los negros esclavos, 221-226. According to Barrett, Sugar Hacienda, 85, majordomos on the Cortés estate “never praised any of the workers, Negro, Indian, mulatto, or Spanish, for the quality or amount of work done.”

48. I base this assertion on my own research in Peruvian archives and upon the fragmentary evidence assembled in my article in Greene, ed., The Free Black and Mulatto. In their study of the hacienda called Estancia de Caroya in Córdoba, owned first by the Jesuits and then by the Franciscans in the eighteenth century, Garzón Maceda and Dorflinger find that it was worked by a fairly evenly matched group of slaves and free laborers, the latter presumably mulattoes. The authors provide no information, however, concerning the provenance of the free group nor of the means by which this freedom was obtained. Indeed, even the fact that they were mulattoes can only be inferred by the title of the monograph: “Esclavos y mulatos en un dominio rural del siglo XVIII en Córdoba,” 627-640.

49. It may well be that inheritance laws, which tended to fragment the founder's estate among the immediate family, were instrumental in furthering absenteeism. In such situations, it was no doubt frequently more efficient for the heirs to agree upon an administrator for the property and content themselves with a share of the profits. For an analysis of the legal concepts, see José María Ots Capedequí, Instituciones, 311 ff. (Barcelona, 1959). For a demonstration of these precepts in practice, see David A. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810 (Cambridge, 1971).

50. Nearly all major works concerning colonial-period Spanish American slavery discuss the problems of slave insurrections and runaways. In addition, consult: Miguel Acosta Saignes, “Los negros cimarrones de Venezuela,” III, El movimiento emancipador de Hispanoamérica: Actas y ponencias (Caracas, 1961); Pedro M. Arcaya, Insurrección de los negros de la serranía de Coro (Caracas, 1949); Federico Brito Figueroa, Las insurrecciones de los esclavos negros en la sociedad colonial venezolano (Caracas, 1961); Octaviano Corro, Los cimarrones en Veracruz y la fundación de Amapa (México, 1951); D. M. Davidson, “Negro Slave Control and Resistance in Colonial Mexico, 1519-1650,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 46: 235-253 (1966); Aquiles Escalante, “Notes sobre el palenque de San Basilio: Una comunidad negra en Colombia,” Instituto de Investigación Etnológica (Barranquilla), III, Divulgaciones Etnológicas (1954); Carlos Felice Cardot, La rebelión de Andresote (2nd ed., Bogotá, 1957); Felice Cardot, Rebeliones, motines y movimientos de masas en el siglo XVIII venezolano, 1730-1781 (Madrid, 1961); Armando Fortune, “Estudio sobre la insurrección de los negros esclavos, los cimarrones de Panamá,” Lotería (Panama), I (1956), nos. 5, 6, 9; Carlos Federico Guillot, Negros rebeldes y negros cimarrones: Perfil afroamericano en la historia del Nuevo Mundo durante el siglo XVI (Buenos Aires, 1961); Héctor García Chuecos, “Una insurrección de negros en los días de la colonia,” Revista de Historia de América, XXIX (1950); Manuel Lucena Salmoral, “Levantamiento de esclavos en Remedios,” Boletín Cultural Bibliográfico, 5: 9 (Bogotá, 1962); Francisco Pérez de la Riva, “El negro y la tierra: El conuco y el palenque,” Revista Bimestre Cubana, 58: 97-139 (1946); Luis Querol y Roso, “Negros y mulatos de Nueva España: Historia de su alzamiento en México en 1612,” Anales de la Universidad de Valencia, Año XII, cuaderno 90 (1935), 18-20; William B. Taylor, “The Foundation of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de los Morenos de Amapa,” The Americas, 26: 439-446 (1970).

51. Slavery in the Americas, 69-73, 155-157, 160-162.

52. For one example, consult the work of Arcaya cited in n. 50.

53. See, for example, Chester L. Guthrie, “Riots in Seventeenth-Century Mexico City: A Study of Social and Economic Conditions,” In: Greater America: Essays in Honor of Herbert Eugene Bolton (Berkeley, 1945). Clearly, as Guthrie indicates, racial distinctions were at the bottom of much of the social inequality against which the masses protested, but the grievances themselves were not specifically racial, and it is doubtful if the participants thought of themselves as victims of race prejudice.

54. See the works by Felice Cardot cited in n. 50.

55. Vida de los esclavos negros en Venezuela (Caracas, n.d.), 336-337.

56. This notion seems to have inspired the rebellion studied by Arcaya (see n. 50).

57. Two Variants, 167-190. (The reader is again reminded that “black” is used in this essay as a shorthand reference to all persons of African descent.)

58. I have tried to pull together much of the existing information in my essay in Greene, ed., The Free Black and Mulatto. Except where noted, I rely upon that essay for what follows here.

59. For the details, see Klein, Slavery in the Americas, passim, and Hubert H. S. Aimes, “Coartación: A Spanish Institution for the Advancement of Slaves into Freedmen,” 17: 412-431, The Yale Review (1908-09).

60. For example, José L. Franco, Afroamérica, 129 (Havana, 1961), reports that of 954 cases of manumission in Havana during 1810-11, 755 were by purchase. A similar situation seems to have prevailed in Argentina during this period. See José Luis Masini, La esclavitud negra en Mendoza: Epoca independiente, 40 (Mendoza, 1962).

61. “El artesano negro,” 32-33.

62. Concerning this point, see especially Klein, Slavery in the Americas, 206-210; James F. King, “The Case of José Ponciano de Ayarza: A Document on Gracias al Sacar,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 31: 640-647 (1951); and John Tate Lanning, “Legitimacy and Limpieza de Sangre in the Practice of Medicine in the Spanish Empire,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas, 4: 39-60 (1967).

63. King, “Case of José Ponciano de Ayarza,” 644.

64. “History of Race Relations,” 26. As Mörner also indicates, the suspicion of illegitimacy clung to persons of racially-mixed backgrounds, and in the early colonial period the charge was more often than not true. By the eighteenth century, however, the incidence of stable marital unions may have become much more frequent among the so-called “castas,” another subject worthy of investigation. The available evidence concerning the utility of the cédulas de gracias al sacar is summarized by Mörner, Race Mixture, 45, 63-64, 84.

65. For a general view of Creole-Peninsular rivalry for office, see Parry, Spanish Seaborne Empire, 335-337.

66. Mörner, Race Mixture, 57, claims that socioracial prejudice increased during the eighteenth century. This is a dubious proposition since little was said during that period which had not been stated during the preceding two centuries; the remarks were merely given greater currency, in large part because published travelers' accounts increased in volume during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. See also Jaime Jaramillo Uribe, “Mestizaje y diferenciación social en el Nuevo Reino de Granada en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIIII,” Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura, 3: 21-48 (1965).

Literature is perhaps as precise a way as any other to determine the attitudes held by racial groups toward each other, but for Spanish America very little systematic investigation has been done in this regard. See, however, the following: José A. Fernández de Castro, “El aporte negro en las letras de Cuba en el siglo XIX,” Revista Bimestre Cubana, 38: 46-66 (1936); Max Henríquez Ureña, Panorama histórico de la literatura cubana, 1: 166-169, 183-185 (2 vols., San Juan, 1963); Nicolás León, El negrito poeta mexicano y sus populares versos (México, 1912); John F. Matheus, “African Footprints in Hispanic American Literature,” Journal of Negro History, 23: 265-289 (1938); Ildefonso Pereda Valdés, Antología de la poesía negra americana (Santiago de Chile, 1936); Pereda Valdés, El negro rioplatense y otros ensayos, 7-20 (Montevideo, 1937); Fernando Romero, “José Manuel Valdés, Great Peruvian Mulatto,” Phylon, 3: 297-319 (1942); Carter G. Woodson, “Attitudes of the Iberian Peninsula,” Journal of Negro History, 20: 190-243 (1935).

67. The best summary is that of Mörner, Race Mixture, 75ff. See also several of the essays in Bowser and Toplin, eds., Latin America and the African.