1 Fernando Larraz, El monopolio de la palabra: El exilio intelectual en la España franquista (Madrid, 2009), 3. Some recent examples of the critical re-examination of the place of exile in national historiographies are Mari Paz Balibrea, ‘Rethinking Spanish Republican Exile: An Introduction’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 6 (2005), 3–24 (p. 3); Sebastiaan Faber and Cristina Martínez-Carazo, ‘Problemas y paradojas del exilio español en Estados Unidos’, Contra el olvido: El exilio español en Estados Unidos, ed. Faber and Martínez-Carazo (Alcalá de Henares, 2010), 9–26 (p. 9); and Brigid Cohen, Stefan Wolpe and the Avant-garde Diaspora (Cambridge, 2012), 14.

2 Reinhold Brinkmann, ‘Reading a Letter’, Driven into Paradise: The Musical Migration from Nazi Germany to the United States, ed. Brinkmann and Christoph Wolff (Berkeley, CA, and London, 1999), 3–20 (p. 11).

3 See, for example, Carlos Blanco Aguinaga, ‘La literatura del exilio en su historia’, Migraciones y exilios, 3 (2002), 23–42 (p. 29).

4 ‘En casi todos los casos desactivan la mera tentación de volver y prefieren, muy lógicamente, seguir en el exilio’. Jordi Gracia, A la intemperie: Exilio y cultura en España (Barcelona, 2010), 10. The English translations of Spanish texts quoted throughout this article are my own.

5 Mari Paz Balibrea, ‘De los Cultural Studies a los estudios culturales: El caso del exilio republicano’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 11 (2010), 251–62 (p. 258).

6 The other members of the Grupo de los Ocho were Salvador Bacarisse, Rosa García Ascot, Ernesto Halffter, Rodolfo Halffter, Juan José Mantecón, Gustavo Pittaluga and Fernando Remacha. Most of them will be mentioned again in this article.

7 Literally, National Committee for Music and Lyrical Theatres. The Junta was in charge of defining musical policies, focusing mostly on education and the foundation of state institutions such as a national orchestra and a national zarzuela theatre. Members of the Junta included Falla, Óscar Esplá and Amadeo Vives.

8 Jorge de Persia, Julián Bautista (1901–1961): Archivo personal: Inventario (Madrid, 2004), 160.

9 Ibid., 90–1.

10 Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario: 1912–1958, ed. Consuelo Carredano (Madrid, 2008), xxviii. The Casa de España was founded by Cárdenas in 1938 as a research and teaching institution to help the Spanish exiles integrate themselves within the cultural and intellectual life of their host country. It became the Colegio de México in 1940.

11 The correspondence between Bautista and Remacha discussed in this article is kept at the Archivo Julián Bautista in the Biblioteca Nacional de España, and spans the period between 29 March 1953 and 24 October 1959. A further letter from 9 February 1959 is reprinted in Margarita Remacha, Fernando Remacha: Una vida en armonía (Pamplona, 1996), 81–2.

12 Salazar's letters are kept at the Archivo Adolfo Salazar in Mexico and have been edited in Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, ed. Carredano. Salazar's correspondence with Ernesto Halffter spans the period 1 April 1939 (the last day of the Spanish Civil War) to October 1956, while his correspondence with García-Abrines extends from 3 November 1950 to 1 July 1952.

13 Lydia Goehr, ‘Music and Musicians in Exile: The Romantic Legacy of a Double Life’, Driven into Paradise, ed. Brinkmann and Wolff, 66–91 (p. 83).

14 Larraz, El monopolio de la palabra, 283.

15 These included Rafael Alberti, Max Aub, Américo Castro, Jorge Guillén, María Zambrano and others. Cela's correspondence is held at the Fundación PG Camilo José Cela.

16 Examples include Antonio Iglesias, Rodolfo Halffter: Su obra para piano (Madrid, 1979), 10; María Luisa Mallo del Campo, Torner: Más allá del folklore (Oviedo, 1980), 15; Julian White, ‘National Traditions in the Music of Roberto Gerhard’, Tempo, 184 (1993), 2–13 (p. 2); Christiane Heine, ‘Salvador Bacarisse (1898–1963) en el centenario de su nacimiento’, Cuadernos de música iberoamericana, 5 (1998), 43–75 (p. 43); Xavier Cester, Robert Gerhard i la importància de la seva contribució a la música (Manresa, 2000), 5; Javier Arias Bal, Jesús Bal y Gay (Lugo, 2003), 107; Jorge de Persia, Julián Bautista (Madrid, 2005), 2; Susana Asensio, Fuentes para el estudio de la música popular asturiana: A la memoria de Eduardo Martínez Torner (Madrid, 2010), 13; and eadem, ‘Eduardo Martínez Torner y la Junta para Ampliación de Estudios en España’, Arbor, 187/751 (2011), 857–74 (p. 868).

17 María Victoria García Martínez, El regreso de Óscar Esplá a Alicante en 1950 (Alicante, 2010).

18 Federico Sopeña, Historia de la música española contemporánea (Madrid, 1958), 3. Salazar was named a corresponding member of the Instituto Español de Musicología as early as 1949, but his contribution to this institution was limited to one article published in its periodical, Anuario musical. Before 1958, Sopeña had been the author of one of the very first reviews after 1939 of a Salazar book in a Spanish arts and humanities periodical: ‘Adolfo Salazar: Juan Sebastián Bach (Un ensayo)’, Música: Revista trimestral de los conservatorios españoles, 1 (1952), 150. Música was published by the Madrid Conservatoire, which Sopeña directed from 1951 to 1956.

19 Obituaries of Salazar included ‘Noticiarios breves’, Revista literaria musical, 105 (1958), 14; Ramón Barce, ‘Adolfo Salazar: La obra y el hombre’, Índice, 120 (1958), 24; Federico Sopeña, ‘Adolfo Salazar’, Ínsula, 145 (1958), 2; Luis Cernuda, ‘Adolfo Salazar’, Papeles de Son Armadans, 31 (October 1958), 99–101; Antonio Fernández-Cid, ‘Ha muerto Adolfo Salazar’, ABC, 5 October 1958, 55; Enrique Franco, ‘Crítica creadora’, Arriba, 7 October 1958, 7; Cristóbal Halffter, ‘Guía de la música española’, Arriba, 7 October 1958, 7; Joaquín Rodrigo, ‘Lo que fue para nosotros’, Arriba, 7 October 1958, 7; Julio Gómez, ‘Comentarios del presente y del pasado’, Harmonía, January–March 1959, 1–6; and Jesús Bal y Gay, ‘Adolfo Salazar’, Papeles de Son Armadans, 36 (March 1959), 295–302.

20 Recognitions include official condolences of the Town Council of Oviedo on the occasion of his death in 1955; the director of the Oviedo Conservatoire, Ángel Muñiz Toca, choosing Martínez Torner's life and works as the subject of his inaugural lecture as a member of the Instituto de Estudios Asturianos; and a series of music contests named after Martínez Torner and organized by the Diputación Provincial de Oviedo, the Asturias office of Radio Nacional de España and the Ateneo de Oviedo.

21 Confirmation that Gerhard cannot be considered to have been totally neglected or forgotten under Francoism may be found in Marta Cureses, ‘La creació musical: Escoles i tendències’, Història de la música catalana, valenciana i balear, ed. Xosé Aviñoa et al., 12 vols. (Barcelona, 1999–), v: De la postguerra als nostres dies (2002), 160–207 (p. 185).

22 Indeed, Rodolfo Halffter himself acknowledged that the group, although sharing some common values, ‘was not able to fully crystallise’ and stated that Salazar could not provide the cohesion which the group needed; see Halffter, ‘Julián Bautista’, Música, 1 (1938), 9–23 (p. 9). María Palacios, who fully accepts the notion of ‘Grupo de los Ocho’ and has studied these eight composers as a true group, acknowledges that most of their shared activities took place in the years 1923–30; she has also pointed out that the lineup of the Grupo was inconsistent, including as it did Rosa García Ascot (who wrote very little music and was primarily known as a pianist) but excluding Gustavo Durán (who was very active as a composer at the time in the Grupo de los Ocho's environment). See María Palacios, La renovación musical en Madrid durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera: El Grupo de los Ocho (1923–1931) (Madrid, 2008), 7–11.

23 Adolfo Salazar, La música orquestal en el siglo XX (Mexico City and Buenos Aires, 1956), 98.

24 Antonio Iglesias, Rodolfo Halffter: Tema, nueve décadas y final (Madrid, 1991), 71; María Palacios, ‘El Grupo de los Ocho bajo el prisma de Adolfo Salazar’, Música y cultura en la Edad de Plata (1915–1939), ed. María Nagore, Elena Torres Clemente and Leticia Sánchez de Andrés (Madrid, 2009), 287–95 (p. 292). Iglesias's source for this claim was allegedly Rodolfo Halffter himself, whereas Palacios does not name any specific source. Salazar himself, in an article for the Mexican newspaper El Universal on 25 June 1939, alluded to ‘animosity’ towards him in Spain; quoted in Consuelo Carredano, ‘Danzas de conquista: Herencia y celebración de Adolfo Salazar’, Música y cultura en la Edad de Plata, ed. Nagore, Torres Clemente and Sánchez de Andrés, 175–97 (p. 175).

25 Bautista referred to his friendship with Bacarisse and Remacha in the following terms: ‘Time and distance cannot reduce the affection I have for you both, nor make me forget that we have been brothers (rather than friends) for no less than 43 years. Together we discovered the beauty of music and some of its mysterious secrets. We discovered the beauty of music and other kinds of beauty as well. Not one day passes by that I do not think of you and Salva; the two of you have been my best friends and we have been of the same mind in so many things, if not in everything’ (‘Pero, desde luego, no es por falta de cariño, pues el tiempo y la distancia no pueden mermar el afecto que os tengo ni hacerme olvidar que somos hermanos (más que amigos) desde hace la friolera de cuarenta y tres años. Y que juntos hemos descubierto las bellezas de la música y algunos de sus misteriosos secretos. Las bellezas de la música y de las otras. No puede pasar un día que no me acuerde de ti y de Salva, que habéis sido mis mejores amigos y que en tantas cosas y casos hemos estado de acuerdo, si no en todo’). Letter from Bautista to Remacha, 9 February 1959, ed. in Margarita Remacha, Fernando Remacha, 81–2 (p. 81).

26 Criticism of this elitist approach includes Juan Rodríguez, ‘Contra la canonización en la historia de la literatura’, Migraciones y exilios, 3 (2002), 59–67 (p. 64), and Milagrosa Romero Samper, El exilio republicano, La oposición durante el franquismo, 3 (Madrid, 2005), 14.

27 Examples include Thomas Wheatland, The Frankfurt School in Exile (Minneapolis, MI, 2009); Iker González-Allende, ‘Women's Exile and Transatlantic Epistolary Ties in the Work of Pilar de Zubiaurre’, Hispania, 95 (2012), 211–26; Brigid Cohen, ‘Diasporic Dialogues in Mid-Century New York: Stefan Wolpe, George Russell, Hannah Arendt, and the Historiography of Displacement’, Journal of the Society for American Music, 6 (2012), 143–73; and eadem, Stefan Wolpe.

28 ‘Música’, Destino, 678 (1950), 20. Other works performed included El amor brujo, Soneto a Córdoba, Psyché, the harpsichord concerto and El retablo de maese Pedro. The inclusion of Psyché and the concerto is especially noteworthy, as they were hardly performed in Spain during the 1940s; preference was usually given to Falla's andalucista works.

29 ‘Una entrada menos que mediana y un ambiente indiferente que no pudieron caldear los ardientes aplausos de una minoría, constituyeron el fenómeno que, paradójicamente, dio vida a Sansueña. Porque los organizadores […], corregidos y aumentados por aquella minoría expectadora, renunciaron a ser otra cosa que sansoñiegos y al igual que un día se dio el grito presurrealista de ¡Dadá!, exclamaron con absoluta voluntad de despertar: ¡Sansueña!’ Programme notes to the first concert organized by Sansueña, reprinted in ‘Música’, Destino, 678 (1950), 20.

30 Óscar Esplá, ‘Principales tendencias de la música’, Escritos de Óscar Esplá: Recopilación, comentarios y traducciones, ed. Antonio Iglesias, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1977–8), i, 53–68. See also unpublished letters from García-Abrines to Esplá, 16 January 1951 (signature 17-64) and 7 March 1951 (signature 17-64a), held at the Legado Óscar Esplá – Fundación Caja de Ahorros del Mediterráneo.

31 For example, the Escolanía de Tiples of Vitoria performed his Canciones españolas in 1942; the Agrupación Coral de Cámara de Pamplona performed the same work in Madrid in December 1949, whereas the Capella Clássica from Palma de Majorca sang his Del rosal vengo mi madre in Madrid in October 1948.

32 ‘Una actitud como la de Sansueña supone una valentía y una altura intelectual incalculable para nuestros tiempos. He recibido sus programas; he distribuido los duplicados y he enseñado los otros a los amigos que me preguntan indefectiblemente; ¿pero qué pasa en España?’ Letter from Salazar to García-Abrines, 12 May 1951, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 773–7 (p. 773).

33 ‘Una actitud como la de Sansueña supone una valentía y una altura intelectual incalculable para nuestros tiempos. He recibido sus programas; he distribuido los duplicados y he enseñado los otros a los amigos que me preguntan indefectiblemente; ¿pero qué pasa en España?’ Letter from Salazar to García-Abrines, 12 May 1951, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 773–7 (p. 773).

34 The above-mentioned review in Música of Salazar's Juan Sebastián Bach (see note 18) is an example, as are the following brief mentions of Gerhard's Don Quixote at Sadler's Wells in 1950: Federico Mompou, ‘Acerca del “Don Quijote” de Roberto Gerhard’, Clavileño, 1/5 (1950), 54–6, and Alonso Castillo, ‘Crónica musical’, Arbor, 16/54 (1950), 339.

35 ‘¡Satanás mío!, que en España no haya una revista musical y que ustedes publiquen ahí en México una de semejante categoría.’ Letter from García-Abrines to Salazar, 3 November 1950, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 809–12 (p. 809).

36 ‘Desde el estallido del Paracutín’. Letter from García-Abrines to Salazar, 17 January 1952, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 773–7 (p. 775).

37 ‘Supongo que el negocio editorial en Madrid no debe ser famoso, pero si algún editor quisiera encargarse de segundas ediciones […] le facilitaría el modo de hacerlas con mucho gusto. Lo dejo a su cargo, si no tiene inconveniente en ocuparse de ello.’ Letter from García-Abrines to Salazar, 3 November 1950, ibid., 762–4 (p. 763).

38 Some of Salazar's works were indeed reprinted in Spain during the following years: Conceptos fundamentales de la historia de la música by Revista de Occidente in 1954, Los grandes compositores de la época romántica by Aguilar in 1955 and again in 1958, and La música en Cervantes y otros ensayos by Ínsula in 1961. Aguilar was renowned for its anti-Francoist stance, whereas Revista de Occidente and Ínsula (which were in fact journals with an associated monograph collection) represented a liberal stance within the Franco regime and welcomed the contributions of the exiles.

39 Letter from García-Abrines to Salazar, 17 January 1952.

40 Isabel Carabantes de las Heras, ‘Manuel Derqui, un escritor de calado’, Todos los cuentos, ed. Manuel Derqui (Saragossa, 2008), ix–xcvi (p. xxvi).

41 Sanz's Instrucción was first published in 1674 in Saragossa; Sanz himself – a native of Calanda – was also from the region of Aragon. The renewed interest in the guitar among Spanish composers in the twentieth century led some of them to revisit Sanz's work; a prominent example is Falla, who used some of the Instrucción's tunes in El retablo de maese Pedro; see Susana Zapke, ‘Presencia de la música antigua en la obra de Falla: La búsqueda de los orígenes’, Falla y Lorca: Entre la tradición y la vanguardia, ed. Zapke (Kassel, 1999), 39–64.

42 The Institución Fernando el Católico was founded in 1943 as part of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, founded in 1939 by the Franco regime to promote and control academic research. The Institución's main aims were to investigate and promote Aragonese culture.

43 His research publications include ‘Música, instrumentos y danzas en las obras de Cervantes’, Nueva revista de filología hispánica, 2 (1948), 21–56, and ‘Música, instrumentos y danzas en las obras de Cervantes (II)’, ibid., 3 (1949), 118–73.

44 Letters from Salazar to García-Abrines, 15 May 1952, 16 May 1952 and 1 July 1952, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 814–16, 816–20 and 825–6 respectively.

45 ‘Pudrirme en Zaragoza’. Letter from García-Abrines to Esplá, 17 January 1952 (signature 17-64b), Legado Óscar Esplá, Fundación Caja de Ahorros del Mediterráneo.

46 Letter from García-Abrines to Bayona, 14 October 1959, Archivo Pilar Bayona, Saragossa.

47 Even more confusingly, ‘segundo exilio’ has also been used to refer – for example, throughout the edited collection El exilio republicano de 1939 y la segunda generación, ed. Manuel Aznar Soler and José Ramón (Seville, 2011) – to the children who accompanied their parents into exile in 1939 and grew up outside Spain, and to those who were born outside Spain to exiled parents. Here, however, I will not be referring to these groups, which I think are better described by the terms ‘second-generation exiles’ or, as coined by Carlos Blanco Aguinaga, ‘generación nepantla’. Blanco Aguinaga, ‘Introducción’, in Manuel Durán, Diario de un aprendiz de filósofo (Seville, 2007), 9–12 (p. 9).

48 This was the case with Salazar, although, interestingly, in his first letter to Halffter he suggested that he had enemies on both the Francoist and the Republican sides: he wrote that he did not plan to return soon because: ‘Everything will depend on what happens in Madrid, after the passing of time allows me to distinguish decent individuals from those who intend to take advantage of the confusion. My return will also be conditional upon my hidden enemies not wanting revenge, although I believe that I have more friends in the new regime than in the old one, and one of the reasons why I agreed to leave Spain was to escape from the traps of the scoundrels who would have annihilated me if I had not fled’ (‘Todo depende de lo que se haga en Madrid, desde que pase algún tiempo que permita distinguir a las personas decentes de los pescadores en río revuelto, y de lo que los enemigos ocultos no salgan buscando venganzas, aunque la verdad es que tengo más amigos, creo, en el nuevo régimen que en el antiguo, y que una de las razones por las cuales acepté el salir de allí fue para escapar a las asechanzas de los miserables que hubieran dado buena cuenta de mí si no me hubiese puesto a salvo’). Letter from Adolfo Salazar to Ernesto Halffter, 1 April 1939, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 400–5 (p. 401).

49 For example, in Nicolás Sánchez-Albornoz, ‘Los dos exilios’, Cincuenta años de exilio español en Puerto Rico y el Caribe, 1939–1989: Memorias del Congreso Conmemorativo celebrado en San Juan de Puerto Rico (Corunna, 1991), 163–8.

50 It could be argued that a third group within this larger diasporic community consisted of the dance and zarzuela companies that spent extended periods of time on tour in Latin America, such as the Rosario and Antonio dance company and Federico Moreno Torroba's zarzuela company. Exploring the interaction of these companies with the exiles – for example, Rosario and Antonio choreographed some of the exiles’ music – could help achieve a broader understanding of music and displacement under the Franco regime.

51 See Margarita Remacha, ‘Datos para una biografía sentida’, Jornadas en torno a Remacha y la Generación del 27 (Pamplona, 2000), 117–29, and eadem, Fernando Remacha.

52 See, for example, Marcos Andrés Vierge, Fernando Remacha: El compositor y su obra (Madrid, 1998), 11; De Persia, Julián Bautista, 94; and Palacios, La renovación musical en Madrid, 489.

53 Paul Ilie, Literature and Inner Exile: Authoritarian Spain, 1939–1975 (Baltimore, MD, 1980), 135.

54 See, for example, Ángel González, ‘El exilio en España y desde España’, El exilio de las Españas de 1939 en las Américas: ¿Adónde fue la canción?, ed. José María Naharro-Calderón (Madrid, 1991), 105–209. González (who might be defined as an inner exile himself) writes that in order to be an ‘inner exile’ not only should a person reject the official and public life of his country, but also his country should reject him. Manuel Aznar Soler (‘La historia de las literaturas del exilio republicano español de 1939: Problemas teóricos y metodológicos’, Migraciones y exilios, 3 (2002), 9-22 (p. 21)) has pointed out that the concept of ‘inner exile’ is contradictory in itself, and suggests using the term ‘insilio’ (insile) instead, referring to those writers (emphasis mine) who were imprisoned during the first years of Francoism and then had to build or rebuild their careers under the limitations of censorship (making it a necessary condition to have directly suffered the Francoist repression and to have continued with their creative endeavours under Francoism; neither of these applies to Remacha). Another example of scepticism towards the concept of ‘inner exile’ is Sebastiaan Faber, ‘The Privilege of Pain: The Exile as Ethical Model in Max Aub, Francisco Ayala, and Edward Said’, Journal of Interdisciplinary Crossroads, 3 (2006), 11–32. Faber writes: ‘What use is defining exile if you don't even have to leave your home, let alone your country, to become one?’ (p. 17).

55 Margarita Remacha, Fernando Remacha, 122.

56 Fernando Pérez Ollo, ‘Fernando Remacha en la vida cultural y musical de Navarra’, Jornadas en torno a Remacha y la Generación del 27 (Pamplona, 2000), 107.

57 Agrupación Coral de Cámara de Pamplona, ‘Pasado’, <http://www.coraldecamaradepamplona.com/accp/historia>, accessed 19 December 2012.

58 Letter from Remacha to Morondo, undated, ed. Vierge, Fernando Remacha, 151; letter from Morondo to Esplá (signature 17-122), 12 February 1951, Legado Óscar Esplá, Fundación Caja de Ahorros del Mediterráneo, Alicante. In the letter to Esplá, Morondo states that Remacha and Bacarisse ‘encourage us at the Coral in our attempt to revive early music and to create and spread modern choral literature’ (‘nos alientan en esta empresa de resurgimiento de la música antigua y en la creación y difusión de una literatura coral moderna’).

59 ‘I am arranging a few tonadillas for them so that they can sing some Spanish early music and, by way of payment, I will try to persuade them to take me to Paris with them, because I cannot wait to embrace Salvador [Bacarisse]’ (‘Estoy arreglándoles unas tonadillas para que puedan dar algo español antiguo y como pago voy a intentar que me conviden a ir a París con ellos, pues tengo muchas ganas de abrazar a Salvador’). Letter from Morondo to Bautista, 4 January 1952, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(10) (all the shelf marks given for Bautista's correspondence are from the Archivo Julián Bautista at the Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid).

60 ‘Espero que lo prometido para la Coral puedas haberlo comenzado ya. Si lo terminases pronto quizá pudieran incluirlo en las Semanas Internacionales de Royaumont, París, donde canta la Coral en Junio.’ Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 29 March 1953, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(14).

61 Letter from Bautista to Remacha, 12 June 1957, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(36).

62 ‘Es tan tonto que a lo mejor bastaba eso para no interesarle.’ Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 8 October 1956, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(27).

63 ‘Divo con mentalidad de aldeano’. Ibid.

64 ‘En lo referente a Morondo, ¡qué le vamos a hacer! Se ve que la obra no le gusta. Lo siento, más que nada por que un coro español debería cantar obras de esa naturaleza, no por patriotería, sino por que [sic] debiera ser para ellos un placer.’ Letter from Bautista to Remacha, 9 February 1959, ed. Margarita Remacha, Fernando Remacha, 81–2 (p. 82).

65 Referred to in a letter from Remacha to Bautista, 28 April 1957, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(33).

66 ‘Un lujo caro’. Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 16 November 1953, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(17).

67 ‘Morondo sigue sin estrenar tus Romances. Está hecho un estúpido y yo no le hago caso, aunque lo metí de profesor en el Conservatorio. Musicalmente es un aficionado y ya no piensa más que en éxitos fáciles y en su persona. ¡Lástima de esfuerzos inútiles!’ Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 26 December 1958, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(59).

68 A similar example is provided by Roberto Gerhard, who in 1953 contacted his friend Higini Anglès, head of the Instituto Español de Musicología and of the music department of the Biblioteca Central de Cataluña, to ask him whether the Biblioteca would be interested in publishing his edition of Joan Baptista Pla's trio sonatas in exchange for money. Anglès was initially willing to purchase the publishing rights, but an agreement could not be reached. See letters from Anglès to Gerhard, 4 March 1953, and from Miguel Querol to Gerhard, 17 April 1953, Roberto Gerhard Archive, Cambridge University Library, Gerhard 14.9 and 14.203 respectively.

69 See, for example, Samuel Llano, ‘Exile, Resistance and Heteroglossia in Roberto Gerhard's Ballet Flamenco (1943)’, Stages of Exile: Theatre and Performance Cultures in Hispanic Migration and Diaspora, ed. Helena Buffery (Oxford, 2010), 107–24; De Persia, Julián Bautista, 93 (on Romance del rey Rodrigo).

70 Indeed, not many of the exiled composers engaged in autobiographical writing. See, however, Jesús Bal y Gay and Rosa García Ascot, Nuestros trabajos y nuestros días (Madrid, 1990).

71 Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 8 October 1956.

72 ‘Es una cosa ramplona con unos pinitos de modernismo que no vienen a pelo.’ Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 8 October 1956.

73 ‘Lleno de rabia creo que había escrito sendas cartas a todos y quería ocultar que se había presentado.’ Ibid.

74 ‘Te cuento todo esto para que veas que el panorama musical por aquí está tan maleado como todo lo demás.’ Ibid.

75 Letter from Bautista to Remacha, 15 March 1957, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(31).

76 ‘Ya sabemos hasta donde [sic] puede llegar.’ Ibid.

77 ‘Ese es otro que se cree genio supremo y además, presiento que debe ser un especialista de la intriga.’ Ibid.

78 ‘Y todo por las presiones e intrigas de los protectores del cieguito; que, dicho sea de paso, bastante bién ha sabido siempre explotar su ceguera, ¿no te parece?’ Ibid. This same episode is referred to in Christiane Heine, ‘Salvador Bacarisse (1898–1963) en el centenario de su nacimiento’, Cuadernos de música iberoamericana, 5 (1998), 43–78 (pp. 51–2), although her perspective is slightly different, focusing on a letter sent by Esplá to Bacarisse on 15 February 1955. Esplá told Bacarisse that the ‘Ministerio’ (possibly the Ministerio de Educación Nacional, which was then in charge of cultural policies) had forced Argenta to remove the work from the programme after ‘someone’ had drawn attention to an article published by Bacarisse in 1952, arguably with a strong political anti-Francoist content. Heine ascribes political motivations to this episode: she refers to the ‘resentment of the Francoist regime towards the composer’ (‘resentimiento del régimen franquista hacia el compositor’; p. 51). However, Esplá suggests – and this is confirmed by Bautista's letter – that political censorship was merely a cover for Rodrigo's interests. Indeed, Esplá seemed to refer to Rodrigo when he wrote: ‘I imagine that the tell-tale can only be someone who is not happy that people play works which might obscure his’ (‘Yo me figuro que el delator no puede ser más que alguien que no ve con buenos ojos que se toquen obras que hagan sombra a las suyas’). Óscar Esplá, letter to Salvador Bacarisse, 15 February 1955, ed. in Heine, ‘Salvador Bacarisse’, 50).

79 Sopeña's efforts are best exemplified by his biography of Rodrigo (Federico Sopeña, Joaquín Rodrigo (Madrid, 1946)) and his chapter on musical composition in Spain in the years 1939–49 in Gerardo Diego, Joaquín Rodrigo and Federico Sopeña, Diez años de música en España: Musicología, intérpretes, compositores (Madrid, 1949), 147–90.

80 ‘No quisiera que estas líneas pudieran parecerte inspiradas por resentimientos de “desplazado”; no, ni muchísimo menos. Creo que la vida me ha dado más de lo que merezco en el terreno artístico, y aquí, en especial, disfruto de la más alta consideración y aprecio, tanto en el terreno personal como en el musical, y también puedo decir que tengo amigos que me aprecian en el más alto grado.’ Letter from Bautista to Remacha, 15 March 1957.

81 ‘Ya antes se me había demostrado, el nombrarme profesor de composición en el Conservatorio Nacional, a pesar de no tener carta de ciudadanía, sin que por ello se haya levantado el más mínimo aire de protesta, sino al contrario, con el beneplácito de todos en general.’ Letter from Bautista to Remacha, 9 February 1959, ed. in Margarita Remacha, Fernando Remacha, 82.

82 Within the Grupo de los Ocho, Rodolfo Halffter fully adopted the term ‘transterrado’ to define himself. The term does not appear in Bautista's correspondence and there is indeed no evidence that Bautista was familiar with Gaos's work.

83 The most remarkable of these initiatives was possibly his visit in 1947, together with other Spanish exiles such as María Teresa León, Rafael Alberti and Alejandro Casona, to the Argentinian Vice-President Hortensio Quijano, whom they asked to intercede with Franco on behalf of anti-Francoists (España popular, 463 (1947), 3). During the 1940s, Bautista's name regularly appeared among the signatories of numerous anti-Franco, pro-democracy manifestos presented by the Spanish exile community in Argentina and Latin America, such as the 1947 petition to the United Nations, signed by Spanish and Argentinian intellectuals, to take measures against the Franco regime.

84 Alicia Alted, La voz de los vencidos: El exilio republicano de 1939 (Madrid, 2005), 311.

85 Margarita Remacha, ‘Datos para una biografía sentida’, 126.

86 ‘The influence of the environment is especially perceptible on those who have never known anything different, and you cannot imagine how disorientated young people are’ (‘La influencia del ambiente se deja sentir sobre todo en los que no han conocido otra cosa y no puedes imaginarte qué cabezas tienen ahora los jóvenes’). Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 29 March 1953.

87 ‘Si no fuera por la radio, estaríamos a expensas de lo que nos quisieran decir.’ Letter from Remacha to Bautista, 8 October 1956. Remacha was probably referring to foreign radio stations, which he could tune in to. It was through these radio stations that he could listen to some of Bacarisse's works broadcast on Radio France.

88 ‘En realidad era para salir de aquella cárcel.’ Postcard from Remacha to Bautista, 24 October 1959, M.BAUTISTA/57/1(87).

89 ‘Hasta ahora no sabía lo que era una madre y lo que era vivir, aunque lejos de ella, con ella siempre en el pensamiento. Ahora siento cómo todo el viejo mundo, mi vieja vida se ha perdido para mí; cómo se han cortado las amarras con la vida de otro tiempo y cómo ando como un globo perdido, al ras del viento. Ahora sé lo que es ser un vagabundo, sin patria ni hogar ni familia. Ni ilusiones tampoco ni gana para hacer nada.’ Letter from Salazar to Ernesto Halffter, 29 March 1940, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 478–9 (p. 478).

90 Goehr, ‘Music and Musicians in Exile’, 65.

91 Letter from Ernesto Halffter to Salazar, end October 1939, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 459.

92 ‘Adolfo, que ya tiene ganas de comer cocido y dormir en su cama’. Letter from Salazar to Ernesto Halffter, 26 August 1943, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 588.

93 ‘There is not a single day or rather, a single night, in which I do not think of returning. But for the moment there is nothing to do, apart from thinking’ (‘No hay un solo día, o mejor dicho, una sola noche, que no deje de pensarlo. Pero por el momento no cabe hacer otra cosa sino pensar’). Letter from Salazar to Ernesto Halffter, 3 December 1945, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 637–40 (p. 638).

94 ‘Apenas se saca lo indispensable para ir tirando: no debo, sin embargo, quejarme.’ Ibid.

95 ‘My absence has lasted many years already: almost ten, which, in our condition, feel like 30; when you see me, you will see an old man’ (‘Ya van muchos años de ausencia: casi diez, que en nuestras condiciones son casi como treinta; de manera que cuando me veas te encontrarás con un viejo’). Ibid.

96 ‘Lo que más me interesaría encontrar no existe ya.’ Ibid.

97 ‘En estos tiempos de comercialismo, confusión y bluff que son los santos patrones del Nuevo Mundo’. Letter from Salazar to García-Abrines, 3 November 1950, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 762. By ‘Nuevo Mundo’, Salazar was referring not to America, but rather to Francoist Spain, in an ironic reference to the ‘Nuevo Estado’.

98 ‘Hace muchos años, en el primer artículo que escribí sobre Federico, que era, además, el primero que se escribía sobre él, creo haber dicho “Las provincias nos redimen.” Me parece que hoy puede decirse lo mismo.’ Letter from Salazar to García-Abrines, 12 May 1951, ed. Carredano, Adolfo Salazar: Epistolario, 773. Salazar's original statement (which I have not been able to locate) may refer to the fact that García Lorca himself was from the provinces (Granada) and had ultimately gone back to live there, actively rejecting the metropolis (both Madrid, where he had lived and later on became disenchanted, and New York, where he had lived as a guest of the University of Columbia from 1929 to 1930, a period that became the inspiration for his poetry collection Poeta en Nueva York).

99 The first orchestral work by an exile to be performed in Madrid was Bacarisse's Third Piano Concerto, performed by the Orquesta Municipal de Barcelona under César Mendoza Lassalle. Solo pieces by exiles had already been played in Madrid since the early 1950s in the context of recitals. The two histories of twentieth-century Spanish music printed after Francoism largely support the notion that the music of the exiles was practically absent from Francoist Spain and, more broadly, the assumption that the early Franco regime was a musically conservative era: Tomás Marco, Historia de la música española: Siglo XX (Madrid, 1983); La música en España en el siglo XX, ed. Alberto González Lapuente, Historia de la música en España e Hispanoamérica, 7 (Mexico City, 2012).