1 For two recent thoughtful explorations of this subject, see Andrew Kirkman, The Cultural Life of the Early Polyphonic Mass: Medieval Context to Modern Revival (Cambridge, 2010), and David Fallows, ‘The Last Agnus Dei: or: The Cyclic Mass, 1450–1600, as Forme Fixe’, Polyphone Messen im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert: Funktion, Kontext, Symbol, ed. Andrea Ammendola, Daniel Glowotz and Jürgen Heidrich (Göttingen, 2011), 53–63.

2 The most comprehensive exploration of SegC s.s. will be in The Segovia Codex: A Manuscript in Transition, ed. Cristina Urchueguía and Wolfgang Fuhrmann (Turnhout, forthcoming); see especially Emilio Ros-Fábregas's article in this volume, ‘New Light on the Segovia Manuscript: Watermarks, Foliation and Ownership’, on the dating and assembly. My own article in the same volume, ‘What Was Segovia s.s. For?’, and Chapters 6 and 7 of Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge, 2004), outline my own evolving thoughts about this important source.

3 This lost manuscript was first brought to modern attention by Juan Ruiz Jiménez in his paper ‘“Los sonidos de la montaña hueca”: Innovación y tradición en las capillas musicales eclesiásticas de la corona de Castilla durante los albores del Renacimiento: El paradigma sevillano’, read at the international symposium ‘La música en tiempos de Isabel la Católica: Teoría y praxis’ (Segovia, May 2004) and later revised (and translated by Tess Knighton) as Juan Ruiz Jiménez, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain: Musical Tradition and Innovation in Seville Cathedral in the Early Renaissance’, Early Music History, 29 (2010), 189–239; the lost manuscript, copied from a book in Peñalosa's actual possession, is discussed on pp. 228–30. See also idem, La librería de canto de órgano: Creación y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical de la catedral de Sevilla (Granada, 2007), 92; the description comes from an inventory of 1588, where it was the sixth item (La librería de canto de órgano: Creación y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical de la catedral de Sevilla., 317, no. [6]): ‘Otro libro de misas, de Peñalosa, arcediano de Carmona, puntadas en pergamino, en marca mediana, viejo’. The manuscript was evidently gone by the time the next inventory was made in 1603 (La librería de canto de órgano: Creación y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical de la catedral de Sevilla., 361). Ruiz shows that it took some time to copy and was not finished until 1511, but for convenience, especially as it seems to have been copied almost entirely from a book already in existence, I shall refer to its date as 1510.

4 This is item 3327 in Columbus's Registrum B; see Catalogue of the Library of Ferdinand Columbus, ed. Archer M. Huntington (New York, 1905); the catalogue, and this facsimile, are unpaginated but the items are numbered sequentially. For further discussion, see Ruiz, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 227–8, and idem, La librería de canto de órgano, 94–5. All we know of this source is that it was a ‘libro de canto de organo’ and how many compositions of each genre it contained.

5 In writing ‘Mass music’, I mean to restrict myself to Ordinaries and Ordinary movements: my survey will not include Kyries Tenebrarum, Propers (except as included in plenary Masses), Et incarnatus settings or Requiems, of which there are only a few, and which worked and circulated under different conditions.

6 Cristina Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’: Überlieferung und Repertoirebildung in Quellen aus Spanien und Portugal (ca. 1490–1630) (Tutzing, 2003), and eadem, Mehrstimmige Messen in Quellen aus Spanien, Portugal und Lateinamerika, ca. 1490–1630: Drucke, Handschriften und verlorene Quellen, Répertoire Internationale des Sources Musicales, B XV (Munich, 2005), cover this material, and much else, from somewhat different directions and have been most useful in organizing my own thoughts.

7 Stanley Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci: A Catalogue raisonné (Oxford, 2006), no. 24, pp. 602–8.

8 Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, Chapter 2; see especially pp. 13–14, note ⁷, for a bibliography of Gómez's work on the Catalan Ars subtilior, which is succinctly drawn together in Chapter 5 of Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, La música medieval en España (Kassel, 2001). Most of this repertory can be found in French Sacred Music, ed. Giulio Cattin and Francesco Facchin, with Maria del Carmen Gómez, 2 vols., Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century, 23a–b (Monaco, 1989–91); but see Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 14, note ⁹, for details and alternatives.

9 The Barcelona Mass has been published and discussed in a number of places, including María Carmen Gómez Muntané, ‘El manuscrito M 971 de la Biblioteca de Catalunya (Misa de Barcelona)’, Butlletí de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, 10 (1982–4), 159–290. See also Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 15–16. A similar, if less well-known, case is to be found in Barcelona, Biblioteca del Orfeó Català, MS 2: see Polifonía de la Corona de Aragón: Siglos XIV y XV, Ars nova de la Corona de Aragón, ed. María Carmen Gómez Muntané, Polifonía Aragonesa, 8 (Saragossa, 1993).

10 María Carmen Gómez, ‘A propósito de un Credo polifónico del “Cantorale S. Jeronimi” (E-Bd 251)’, Revista de musicología, 4 (1981), 309–15; Màrius Bernadó i Tarragona, ‘El repertori himnòdic del Cantorale Sancti Ieronimi (Barcelona: Biblioteca de Catalunya, M 251)’ (licenciado thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1992); Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 283–6; Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 30–2.

11 They have been published, after TarazC 2/3, by Higinio Anglés in La música en la Corte de los reyes católicos, 4 vols., Monumentos de la música española, 1, 5, 10 and 14 (Madrid, 1941–65), i: Polifonía religiosa, (repr. Barcelona, 1960; hereafter MME 1), 47–54 and 38–46, and also, after TarazC 2/3, by Samuel Rubio in Juan de Anchieta: Opera omnia (Guipuzcoa, 1980), 65–77 and 50–65. I use the numbering system of Anglés's inventory of SegC s.s. throughout this article.

12 Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 54–60; see also, on the manuscript, David Fallows, ‘I fogli parigini del Cancionero Musical e del manoscritto teorico della Biblioteca Colombina’, Rivista italiana di musicologia, 17 (1992), 25–40 (I use the numbering system of his inventory); on the composer's possible identities, Tess Knighton, Música y músicos en la corte de Fernando el Católico, 1474–1516, trans. Luis Gago (Saragossa, 2001), 334; and, for an early and still valuable discussion of this piece and a partial edition, Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), 177–9.

13 Inventory numbers are from MME 1, 115. On the dating of this source, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. dissertation, City University of New York, 1992), i, 179–85; some of his arguments are expanded and corrected in idem, ‘Script and Print: The Transmission of Non-Iberian Polyphony in Renaissance Barcelona’, Early Music Printing and Publishing in the Iberian World, ed. Tess Knighton and Iain Fenlon (Kassel, 2006), 299–358, esp. pp. 305–11. The Peñalosa Kyrie is edited in James G. Lamar, ‘Peñalosa Dubia and Spuria’ (M.Mu. thesis, University of Memphis, 2000), 54–7; the others are unpublished, and I am grateful for the transcriptions prepared by my students Mary Carter (Kyrie Gloria), Carolyn Ponce (Sanctus) and Sarah Dietsche (Gloria). Ros-Fábregas tentatively identifies Cots with Bartomeu Cots, chapelmaster of Girona Cathedral from 1472 to 1480 – which seems too early for this piece.

14 Inventory numbers from MME 1, 125, where it is called Tarazona 4. Urchueguía, in Mehrstimmige Messen, 169–71, assigns these layers to 1517–21, probably because those years correspond to the time of Juan García de Basurto, their most prominent composer, at Tarazona Cathedral: see Robert Stevenson, ‘García de Basurto, Juan’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com>, accessed 31 January 2014). While not exactly conclusive proof, this seems a reasonable estimate.

15 See Pedro Calahorra, ‘Los fondos musicales en el siglo XVI de la catedral de Tarazona, i: Inventarios’, Nassarre, 8 (1992), 9–56; the Kyries are nos. 302 and 303. Lamar, in ‘Peñalosa Dubia and Spuria,’ 50–1, edited the ‘Montes’ Kyrie; the ‘Peñalosa’ is obscured by bleed-through in my copy, but is clearly the same type of music.

16 Inventory numbers from Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Franco-Flemish Elements in Tarazona 2 and 3’, Revista de musicología, 16 (1993), 2567–86. TarazC 2/3 is a potentially confusing source: from the late sixteenth century to the early twenty-first, it was separated into an outer and an inner portion, each with its own pagination, and with several compositions split between the two. My inventory was of an imaginary reconstruction, which has since been performed in fact – but only after the completion of the Census-Catalogue, so it still has two sigla there.

17 MME 1, 35–61.

18 Francesc Villanueva Serrano, ‘La identificación de Pedro de Escobar con Pedro de Porto: Una revisión a la luz de nuevos datos’, Revista de musicología, 34 (2011), 37–58.

19 Mary C. Carter, ‘The Missa de Nuestra Señora of Escobar, Peñalosa, Hernandes, and Alba: The Evolution of the Composite Mass in Spain c.1500’ (M.Mu. thesis, University of Memphis, 2007), 24, suggests that the two movements by Escobar may actually have been a pair.

20 For my previous essay on these Masses, see Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 108–14; on CoimU 12, see especially Owen Rees, Polyphony in Portugal, c.1530–c.1620: Sources from the Monastery of Santa Cruz, Coimbra (New York, 1995), 185–94, and, on this Mass, 413–14; also Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 118–20, 234–48 and 313–40.

21 On the dating of this layer (which he calls BarcBC 454/B), see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 100–2. He discusses this Mass at i, 299–301, and edits it at ii, 98–138. All my inventory numbers for BarcBC 454 are taken from his inventory of the entire source (i, 128–74).

22 On the dating of this layer (which he calls BarcBC 454/B), see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 300–1, note ¹⁰¹; see also Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 109–10.

23 Ruiz, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 230–2.

24 Ruiz, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 230–2. Note, however, that Pérez de Alba died in 1504 and Escobar, so far as we know, did not arrive until 1507.

25 See Carter, ‘The Missa de Nuestra Señora’, for a discussion of this Mass and an edition of as much as could be deciphered before the restoration of the manuscript.

26 See below, note ¹¹³.

27 It has been published in three editions: by Anglés in MME 1, 62–98; in Francisco de Peñalosa, Missa Ave Maria, ed. Martyn Imrie (Marvig, 1993); and in Francisco de Peñalosa, Opera omnia, ed. Dionisio Preciado, 4 vols. (Madrid, 1986–2000), iv: Tres misas (2000), 41–111. Imrie's and Preciado's notes are also extremely useful. For my own previous thoughts on this Mass, see Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Peñalosa on Record’, Early Music, 22 (1994), 309–18 (pp. 314–16). The word ‘peregrina’ in the title is from the tabla of TarazC 2/3, and its meaning is not clear; it may signify the ‘wandering’ quality of the Marian material.

28 It was edited after CoimU 12 in Francisco de Peñalosa, Missa El ojo, ed. Martyn Imrie (London, 1978), and after TarazC 2/3 by Preciado in Peñalosa, Opera omnia, iv, 113–84. Preciado calls it the Misa ‘Delojo’, for reasons he explains in his notes, p. 27. Imrie's edition includes an alleluia found in CoimU 12 but not in TarazC 2/3, which he suspects (and I agree) is inauthentic, and omits the two Agnus sections that are in TarazC 2/3 only.

29 Liber usualis, 42–3.

30 See Preciado's notes in Peñalosa, Opera omnia, iv, 31.

31 There can be little doubt, however, that at least the last section is genuine Peñalosa: the use of the superius in Ｃ metre against lower voices in Ｃ2, resulting in very long notes in the cantus firmus, is his clearest stylistic fingerprint.

32 The name, apparently a toponymic, is ambiguous and could refer to either Alonso Hernández de Tordesillas or his brother Pedro Hernández de Tordesillas, both of whom were singers in the royal chapels; see Tess Knighton, ‘Tordesillas’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com>, accessed 31 January 2014), and eadem, Música y músicos, 344–5.

33 The two most accessible inventories of CoimU 12, by Anglés (MME 1, 120–1) and Rees (Polyphony in Portugal, 185–94; see also pp. 413–16), use different numbering systems; Rees's numbers are the ones I use here. The first of the Masses in question (Anglés no. 18, Rees nos. 18–21) is all anonymous in CoimU 12; it consists of an otherwise unknown Kyrie and Gloria, two otherwise unknown Et incarnatus settings, and the Credo, Sanctus and Agnus that TarazC 2/3 attributes to Tordesillas. The second (Anglés no. 20, Rees nos. 23–4) is attributed to ‘Ribeira’. Its Kyrie, however, is the one from the same Tordesillas Mass in TarazC 2/3; its Gloria does concord with the Gloria of the Ribera Mass in TarazC 2/3; and this is followed by the first page (fol. 93^v) of the Tordesillas Credo and on the facing page (fol. 94^r), ruled but not notated, the inscription ‘Este Credo e os Sanctus ficam atras a folhas 81 não tem Agnus’ (‘This Credo and the Sanctus are located above at folio 81; there is no Agnus’) in a sixteenth- or seventeenth-century hand (but not the hand of the surrounding pages). Whoever wrote this, then, must have had some inkling that the Tordesillas movements belonged together; why he did not see (or have?) the Agnus in the first Mass is unclear. I am most grateful to Owen Rees for helping me to understand this. See also Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 116–18.

34 There are a number of editions of SevC 7-1-28, notably Robert Clement Lawes, Jr, ‘The Seville Cancionero: Transcription and Commentary’ (Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State College, 1960), and Gertraut Haberkamp, Die weltliche Vokalmusik in Spanien um 1500 (Tutzing, 1968); the most familiar is Cancionero musical de la Colombina, ed. Miguel Querol Gavaldá, Monumentos de la música española, 33 (Barcelona, 1971), where the Kyrie, marked ‘Sin texto’, is no. 45 (though he speculates that it is a Kyrie in his notes, p. 28), the Agnus no. 46 and the Sanctus no. 47 (I use the numbering system of his inventory throughout this article). On the copying and layers of the manuscript, see Kenneth Kreitner, ‘The Dates (?) of the Cancionero de la Colombina’, Fuentes musicales en la península ibérica (ca. 1250–ca. 1500), ed. Maricarmen Gómez and Màrius Bernadó (Lleida, 2001), 121–40; Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Origins of the Cancioneros Colombina, Segovia, and Palacio: The Codicological Evidence in the Context of the Compilation Process in Late Fifteenth-Century Spain’, paper read at the 75th Annual Meeting of the American Musicological Society (Philadelphia, November 2009; publication forthcoming); and Ruiz, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 222–6.

35 See, for example, Andrew H. Weaver, ‘Aspects of Musical Borrowing in the Polyphonic Missa de feria in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, Early Musical Borrowing, ed. Honey Meconi (New York, 2003), 125–48; and Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford, 2003), 108, 130–1 and passim.

36 Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 48–9; on the chant, and later Spanish ferial Masses based on it, see esp. note ²⁵. Robert J. Snow, in A New-World Collection of Polyphony for Holy Week and the Salve Service: Guatemala City, Cathedral Archive, Music MS 4, Monuments of Renaissance Music, 9 (Chicago, IL, 1996), 29–34, gives an excellent yet succinct account of this tradition in Renaissance Spain and the colonies. All editions are my own, with halved note values. That of the Colombina Mass ignores a number of stems added at some point to the manuscript, making breves into longs (nonsensically) and in several cases semibreves into minims; in each case my solution proves identical to Querol's.

37 Calahorra, ‘Los fondos musicales en el siglo XVI de la catedral de Tarazona, i’; the Kyries are nos. 302–3 and the KSA Mass is no. 320.

38 I am grateful to Tess Knighton for this thought, as intriguing as it is difficult to prove. On these improvised traditions, see especially Giuseppe Fiorentino, ‘La música de “hombres y mugeres que no saben de música”: Polifonía de tradición oral en el Renacimiento español’, Revista de musicología, 31 (2008), 9–39, and idem, Folia: El origen de los esquemas armónicas entre tradición oral y transmisión escrita (Kassel, 2013). For more Spanish ferial Masses, from later in the century, see Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 265–8.

39 Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 179–85; Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 99–105, 256–62; Ros-Fábregas, ‘Script and Print’, 305–11.

40 This is the somewhat mysterious but well-distributed Mass normally attributed to the very mysterious ‘Aulen’, attributed, apparently in error, to Agricola in SegC s.s. See Stanley Boorman and Eric Jas, ‘Aulen’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (<http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com>, accessed 31 January 2014). The attribution in BarcBC 454 to ‘Cuvenor’, mentioned in The New Grove Dictionary and elsewhere, has been shown by Ros-Fábregas in ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 141–2, 269–70 to be a phantom (the word is really ‘Superior’, a voice designation and not a composer's name). The Mass has been edited twice: by Herbert Birtner in Aulen: Missa zu drei Stimmen, Das Chorwerk, 31 (Wolfenbüttel, 1934), and by Rudolf Gerber in Der Mensuralkodex des Nikolaus Apel (MS 1494 der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig), 3 vols., ed. Gerber, Ludwig Finscher and Wolfgang Dömling, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, 32–4 (Kassel, 1956–75), ii (1960), 197–204.

41 Petrucci's first book of Josquin Masses (1502) contains the L'homme armé sexti toni and Fortuna desperata, the Obrecht book (1503) contains his Fortuna desperata and Salve diva, and the Isaac book (1506) contains Quant j'ay and La Spagna; see Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci, nos. 4 (pp. 477–84), 6 (pp. 491–6) and 31 (pp. 634–40).

42 Ros-Fábregas, in ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 181–2, and ‘Script and Print’, esp. pp. 308–9, argues gently in favour of Rome on the basis of the manuscript's watermarks, which are similar to those in various Vatican documents, and the presence of Josquin's Roman Domine non secundum.

43 See, for example, Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 1978); Honey Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431: New Light on Fortuna desperata’, Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music, ed. Paula Higgins (Oxford, 1999), 465–503; Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music., 505–71; Meconi, Pierre de la Rue, 80–2; and The Segovia Codex, ed. Urchueguía and Fuhrmann, esp. the articles by Bonnie J. Blackburn (‘The Segovia Manuscript: Speculative Notes on the Flemish Connection’), Wolfgang Fuhrmann (‘Conflicting Attributions in the Segovia Manuscript’), Honey Meconi (‘The Segovia Manuscript as Chansonnier’) and Rob C. Wegman (‘Segovia: The “Flemish Hypothesis” Reconsidered’).

44 I owe this thought largely to Rob C. Wegman, ‘Publication before Printing: How Did Flemish Polyphony Travel in Manuscript Culture?’, Books in Transition at the Time of Philip the Fair: Manuscripts and Printed Books in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Century Low Countries, ed. Hanno Wijsman, with Ann Kelders and Susie Speakman Sutch (Turnhout, 2010), 165–80, and its salutary caution about overthinking the motivations for the transmission of music before the age of music printing.

45 Kreitner, ‘What Was Segovia s.s. For?’ The Missa Rose plaisant is edited by Thomas Noblitt in the New Obrecht Edition (Utrecht, 1983–), 7 (1989), 47–91, with a very helpful explanation of the canons in the introduction, pp. xxvii–xxviii; see also Rob C. Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford, 1994), 234–9.

46 The Mass is edited by Edward R. Lerner in Henrici Isaac (ca. 1450–1517): Opera omnia, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 65 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1974–; hereafter IOO), viii (1998), 1–51. For recent commentary on this Kyrie, see Adam Knight Gilbert, ‘Argentum et aurum: Henricus Isaac and the Divine Alchemy’, paper read at the 75th Annual Meeting of the American Musicological Society (Philadelphia, November 2009), and William Peter Mahrt, ‘Polymetric Constructions in the Masses of Heinrich Isaac’, paper read at the conference ‘Heinrich Isaac and his World’, Bloomington, Indiana, May 2010.

47 The Mass is edited by Barton Hudson in the New Josquin Edition (Utrecht, 1989–; hereafter NJE), 8 (1995), 32–69; its canons are well explained by M. Jennifer Bloxam in ‘Masses Based on Polyphonic Songs and Canonic Masses’, The Josquin Companion, ed. Richard Sherr (Oxford, 2000), 151–209 (pp. 166–7).

48 The Mass is edited by Edward Lerner in IOO, 7 (1984), 1–42. See also Christiane Wiesenfeldt, ‘Spanish Traces? Heinrich Isaac's “Missa La Spagna” in Context’, paper read at the conference ‘Heinrich Isaac and his World’ (Bloomington, May 2010), and Panja Mücke and Christiane Wiesenfeldt, ‘Dynastische Kommunikation und Kulturtransfer: Heinrich Isaacs Missa La Spagna’, Polyphone Messen im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, ed Ammendola, Glowotz and Heidrich, 83–100.

49 Briefly: all five Masses in BarcOC 5 have an untexted voice in at least one wordy section, and most either have incipits only or are texted only in the superius; in Fortuna desperata, however, the untexted parts are slowly moving lines that may never have been intended for words (see Hudson's introduction to NJE, 8, pp. xii–xiii). Of the nine in Segovia, none has a completely intact text, but the L'homme armé sexti toni, Libenter gloriabor, Pipelare and Aulen have manageably small bits missing, often including the Sanctus and Agnus, which would not be hard to supply.

50 Plus the tenor to the entire Credo and minus the tenor to the Kyrie: see Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Ave festiva ferculis and Josquin's Spanish Reputation’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 128 (2003), 1–29 (pp. 11–12). By study score I do not, of course, mean to imply that any of these sources is in score format; I note with interest, however, the parallel to the incomplete Masses, most with Kyrie and a few miscellaneous other sections, in the Herdringen scores (real scores, definitely for study): see David Fallows, ‘The Contents of the Herdringen Scores’, Uno gentile et subtile ingenio: Studies in Renaissance Music in Honour of Bonnie J. Blackburn, ed. M. Jennifer Bloxam, Gioia Filocamo and Leofranc Holford-Strevens (Turnhout, 2009), 217–32.

51 On the transmission of this music, with several stemmata, see Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 186–229.

52 Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, esp. i, 18–28 and 97–100 (quotation p. 97). On its northern contents, see idem, ‘Script and Print’, esp. pp. 300–5.

53 Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 21.

54 It is well explained by Ros-Fábregas, Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 258–63 (and see also i, 26, 142–4); this is expanded and refined in idem, ‘Phantom Attributions or New Works by Antoine Brumel in an Iberian Manuscript’, Encomium musicae: Essays in Honor of Robert J. Snow, ed. David Crawford and G. Grayson Wagstaff (Hillsdale, NY, 2002), 259–67. Essentially, the argument hinges on a group of five Magnificats (inventory nos. 29–33) in 454/A, all copied by one of the northern hands and attributed, respectively, to ‘Frai benito/de riaça’ (or ‘de [F]rança’), nobody, ‘Fr. benito’, ‘Brumel’ and ‘Fr. benios’. The third of these is attributed to Brumel in VatS 44, leading Ros-Fábregas to wonder if all references to the otherwise unknown composer Benito, including the ascription of this Mass, might actually refer to Brumel. The hand that copied this one page is otherwise unknown in the manuscript.

55 The Mass is edited by Ros-Fábregas in ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, ii, 73–97. Interestingly, as he observes (p. 97), it has an Agnus that does not match the other movements (which are united by a head-motif), which suggests another possible instance of mixing and matching as discussed above.

56 The Mass is edited by Ros-Fábregas in ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, i, 29–38, 100–2.

57 Ros-Fábregas, The Mass is edited by Ros-Fábregas in ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, i, 36, no. 11, calls this item ‘Two lines of an incomplete cantus’; the music was identified by David Fallows later and its identity first published by Tess Knighton in ‘Transmisión, difusión y recepción de la polifonia franco-neerlandesa en el reino de Aragón a principios del siglo XVI’, Artigrama, 12 (1996–7), 19–38 (p. 26, note ²⁶). See also Kreitner, ‘Ave festiva’, 12, note ³⁶.

58 On the date and contents of BarcBC 454/C, see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 39–51, 88–97 and passim; on the collation of this reading with other sources, see passim., 397–401. On the presence of this Mass in BarcBC 454/C, see also Ros-Fábregas, ‘Script and Print’, 305. The Mass is edited by Edward Clinkscale in Collected Works of Antoine de Févin, 4 vols. (Ottawa, 1980–96), ii (1993), 139–78. Its earliest source appears to be VienNB Mus. 15495, an Alamire-workshop manuscript copied between 1508 and 1511: see The Treasury of Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts 1500–1535, ed. Herbert Kellman (Ghent, 1999), 152–3 (Févin himself died in 1511 or 1512).

59 This persuasive suggestion was made, on the basis of the hymn cycle that opens the manuscript, in Juan Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Infunde amorem cordibus: An Early 16th-Century Polyphonic Hymn Cycle from Seville’, Early Music, 33 (2005), 619–38.

60 For a representative sample of discussions of this source and its possible origins, see Jane Morlet Hardie, ‘The Motets of Francisco de Peñalosa and their Manuscript Sources’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1983), esp. i, 42–52; Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, esp. i, 237–44; Autores hispanos de los siglos XV–XVI de los MS. 2 y 5 de la catedral de Tarazona, ed. Pedro Calahorra, Polifonía Aragonesa, 9 (Saragossa, 1995); idem, ‘Compositores hispanos en el ms. 2/3 de la Catedral de Tarazona: Copias y variantes’, Fuentes musicales en la península ibérica, ed. Gómez and Bernadó, 177–201; Knighton, Música y músicos, esp. pp. 117–21, 246–62; Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’, 109–15; Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, Chapter 9; Eva Esteve Roldán, ‘Manuscrito musical 2/3 de la Catedral de Tarazona: Estudio historiográfico’, Nassarre, 22 (2006), 131–72; Ruiz, La librería de canto de órgano, 34–8 and passim; and idem, ‘Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 226–36. I write ‘no confirmed work’ in recognition that in Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Two Early Morales Magnificat Settings’, Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception, ed. Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson (Woodbridge, 2007), 21–61, I suggested that a Magnificat in TarazC 2/3 attributed to ‘R° Morales’ might in fact have been the work of the young Cristóbal de Morales. Juan Ruiz, in La librería de canto de órgano, 139–40, has since fleshed out the life of the organist Rodrigo de Morales and made him a considerably more vivid possibility; see also idem, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 231.

61 Kreitner, ‘Franco-Flemish Elements’, 2571; but see also, on this piece and on Thérache's style, Richard Freedman, ‘Music, Musicians, and the House of Lorraine during the First Half of the Sixteenth Century’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1987), 155–64.

62 See, for example, David Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 1415–1480 (Oxford, 1999), 518–20; Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431’; and Fortuna desperata: Thirty-six Settings of an Italian Song, ed. Honey Meconi, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, 37 (Middleton, WI, 2001).

63 The Kyrie is edited in Freedman, ‘Music, Musicians, and the House of Lorraine’, 158–64; for the rest of the Mass I am indebted to a transcription kindly sent to me by Peter Urquhart.

64 The indexes in Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’ and Mehrstimmige Messen, give an exceptionally vivid view of how many Masses by foreigners are and were preserved in Iberian sources and libraries as the century went on.

65 These are Ave verum corpus (inventory no. 82), anonymous on the page but attributed in the tabla to Peñalosa, which attribution was later crossed out (see Kreitner, ‘Peñalosa on Record’, 312); O decus virgineum (no. 83), which Tess Knighton, in ‘Francisco de Peñalosa: New Works Lost and Found’, Encomium musicae, ed. Crawford and Wagstaff, 231–57 (pp. 243–7), has suggested may be by Peñalosa; and the short Deo gratias (no. 118) at the very end of the manuscript.

66 See Kreitner, ‘Ave festiva’. Strictly speaking, Juan de Urrede's famous Pange lingua (no. 9) is also by a composer of northern birth, but Urrede and especially this piece were quite thoroughly naturalized.

67 Ruiz, La librería de canto de órgano, 153, note 360; on the Magnificat attributed to ‘Quexada’, see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, ii, 341–50.

68 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 164–7; Knighton, Música y músicos, 322–3; Ruiz, La librería de canto de órgano, 82–4; idem, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 221–2. Recall also that the Agnus of one of the composite Masses in TarazC 2/3 is attributed to ‘A° Perez Dalua’, so Pérez is definitely the composer of at least that movement.

69 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 164; José López-Calo, Documentario musical de la catedral de Segovia (Santiago de Compostela, 1990), 34–5, docs. 404–6 and passim; Knighton, Música y músicos, 322; Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 153.

70 See Kirkman, The Three-Voice Mass, esp. pp. 15 (Alba and Almorox) and 19–20 (Quixada).

71 For comparison, of the group of nine three-voice motets, one has a G2 clef for the top voice, two C1, one C2, three C3 and two C4.

72 See the table in Kirkman, The Three-Voice Mass, 296–303.

73 In Quixada's case, not even that; the piece moves from D to G (both with a flat) during the course of the Credo.

74 The Alba Mass was edited by Anglés in MME 1, 156–82. The other two have been edited by Pedro Calahorra Martínez in Obras a tres voces del ms. 2–3 (ss. XV–XVI) de la catedral de Tarazona, Polifonía Aragonesa, 15 (Saragossa, 2007), 73–101 (Quixada) and 103–128 (Almorox).

75 I made a similar suggestion for an earlier low-clef repertory in Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 40–1. The music-reading practices of Spanish nuns at this time are not at all clear; but earlier, for what it is worth, the music of the Las Huelgas codex, of the early fourteenth century, is dominated by music written in C3 clef and below, so clearly some sort of transposition was being practised then as a matter of routine: see, for example, the facsimile in El còdex musical de las Huelgas, ed. Higinio Anglés, 3 vols. (Barcelona, 1931). By the time of the Sor Luisa manuscript of 1633, however, it was common to adapt men's music to women's voices in writing. Its version of Urrede's Pange lingua, for example, leaves Urrede's bass and soprano (C1 and F3 clefs in TarazC 2/3) mostly alone, but transposes the alto and tenor (both C3 clef) up an octave to become Tiple 2 and Tiple 1 respectively; see Un manuscrito para un convento: El libro de música dedicado a Sor Luisa en 1633: Estudio y edición crítica: Convento de Santa Clara de Carrión de los Condes, ed. Soterraña Aguirre Rincón (Valladolid, 1998), 279–85. The anonymous Gloria in BarcOC 5, with clefs C1, C1, C1, may reflect such a tradition. For an excellent introduction to some of the issues, though aimed a little later than our period, see Soterraña Aguirre Rincón, ‘Sonidos en el silencio: Monjas y músicas en la España de 1550 a 1660’, Políticas y prácticas musicales en el mundo de Felipe II: Estudios sobre la música en España, sus instituciones y sus territorios en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, ed. John Griffiths and Javier Suárez-Pajares (Madrid, 2004), 285–317.

76 The Anchieta and Escobar Masses were edited by Anglés in MME 1, 1–34 and 125–55 respectively, and the Anchieta also by Rubio in Juan de Anchieta: Opera omnia, 1–45. For the Ribera I have relied on my own transcriptions, and for the Tordesillas on those of my student Sarah Dietsche.

77 That is to say, all the movements of the Tordesillas Mass are firmly in F, but only the Sanctus has a flat in the key signature. The other movements, however, require so many editorial B♭s that there is no real discontinuity of sound.

78 For example, a cadence that inescapably conjures up, for modern listeners at least, the end of the A section of Urrede's Nunca fue pena mayor recurs several times in Anchieta's Mass (from bar 160 of the Gloria (see also Example 3 below) and from bars 104 and 308 of the Credo, for instance); however, this is probably best seen not as a quotation but as one of the stock ways of ending a section in the Phrygian mode.

79 See Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 137–8. This E (dotted)–F (short)–G motif can be seen in Example 3, too.

80 Capilla Peñaflorida and Ministriles de Marsias, dir. Josep Cabré, Juan de Anchieta: Missa sine nomine, Salve Regina, Naxos 8.555772 (2003); Ensemble Cantus Figuratus, dir. Dominique Vellard, Pedro de Escobar (1465/70–1535/54): Missa in Granada c.1520, Christophorus CHR 77263 (2003).

81 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 137; Kreitner, ‘Franco-Flemish Elements’, 2575; idem, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 123–4.

82 Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, Chapter 7.

83 The Mass has been published in three editions: by Anglés in MME 1, 99–124; by Martyn Imrie in Francisco de Peñalosa: Missa Nunca fué pena mayor (Marvig, 1993); and by Preciado in Peñalosa, Opera omnia, iv, 185–232. On Urrede and the original song, see, for example, Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, Chapter 5; idem, ‘The Musical Warhorses of Juan de Urrede’, Fontes artis musicae, 51 (2004), 1–18; and Tess Knighton, ‘Gaffurius, Urrede and Studying Music at Salamanca University around 1500’, Revista de musicología, 34 (2011), 11–36.

84 Francisco de Peñalosa, Missa Adieu mes amours, ed. Tess Knighton (Marvig, 2010). On the song, see, for example, Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 73–5, and Louise Litterick, ‘Chansons for Three and Four Voices’, The Josquin Companion, ed. Sherr, 335–91 (pp. 355–6). Fallows, in Josquin (Turnhout, 2009), 41–3, dates Josquin's song to the mid-1470s.

85 Edited (but transposed down a step) in Francisco de Peñalosa, Missa L'homme armé, ed. Martyn Imrie (Marvig, 2000).

86 Francisco de Peñalosa, Missa Por la mar, ed. Martyn Imrie (Marvig, 1994); on the Missa El ojo, see above, at note ²⁸.

87 It is, however, noticeably similar to the tune, also unidentified, underlying Guillaume Faugues's similarly titled Missa Je suis en la mer (see Collected Works of Faugues, ed. George C. Schuetze, Jr (Brooklyn, NY, 1960), 147–78), so this may be a song that was circulating internationally in various forms. The Mass has been dated tentatively to the 1470s; see Rob C. Wegman, ‘Guillaume Faugues and the Anonymous Masses Au chant de l'alouete and Vinnus vina’, Tijdschrift van de Vereiniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 41 (1991), 27–64 (p. 34). I am grateful to Wojciech Odoj for drawing my attention to this striking parallel.

88 The nomenclature here is problematic: the voice labelled ‘quinta vox’ is given at the end of the bassus, in the same clef. The voice with the L'homme armé tune is the first of these.

89 Kreitner, ‘Franco-Flemish Elements’, 2573–5.

90 Westminster Cathedral Choir, dir. James O'Donnell, Francisco de Peñalosa: Missa Ave Maria, Sacris solemniis, Missa Nunc[a] fué pena mayor, Hyperion CDA 66629 (1993); Concentus Musicus Minnesota, dir. Arthur Maud, Court and Cathedral: The Two Worlds of Francisco de Peñalosa, Meridian CDE 84406 (2000); and Capella de Ministrers, dir. Carles Magraner, Borgia: Música en torno el Papa Alejandro VI, Licanus CDM 0616 (2006).

91 The notes to the various editions explain things well; for my own previous thoughts, see Kreitner, ‘Peñalosa on Record’, 316, and ‘The Musical Warhorses of Juan de Urrede’, esp. pp. 7–8.

92 In Kreitner, ‘Franco-Flemish Elements’, 2573, I hypothesized that this movement was a conscious homage to the final Agnus of Josquin's Missa L'homme armé super voces musicales, which has a similar slowly moving soprano; and so it may be, though I now notice that Peñalosa does this too often for it to be necessarily the kind of striking and deliberate gesture it seemed to me then.

93 In addition to the standard reference works, see Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 145–63; Hardie, ‘The Motets of Francisco de Peñalosa’, 1–35; Knighton, Música y músicos, 340 and passim; Ruiz, ‘Infunde amorem cordibus’, esp. pp. 619–20; idem, La librería de canto de órgano, esp. pp. 81, 90–3; and, most recently, Knighton's introduction to her edition of the Missa Adieu mes amours.

94 Rees, in Polyphony in Portugal, 185–94, dates CoimU 12 to c.1540.

95 Tess Knighton, ‘Una confluencia de capillas: El caso de Toledo, 1502’, La capilla real de los Austrias: Música y ritual de corte en la Europa moderna, ed. Juan José Carreras (Madrid, 2005), 127–49 (p. 142, note ⁵⁵). On the Order and music, see especially William F. Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), 129–33; on the Barcelona meeting, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V's 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, Early Music, 23 (1995), 374–91.

96 Tess Knighton, liner notes to the Orlando Consort, The Toledo Summit, Harmonia Mundi USA HMU 907328 (2003).

97 See Martyn Imrie's introduction to his edition of the Mass; also Stevenson's comparison of the two in Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 158–63.

98 See Meconi, Pierre de la Rue, esp. p. 105, but also pp. 129, 131, 265 and 318.

99 On this community, see Richard Sherr, ‘The “Spanish Nation” in the Papal Chapel, 1492–1521’, Early Music, 20 (1992), 601–9.

100 See above, note ³.

101 ‘Publication before Printing’, 178.

102 The most thorough biographical study of Cornago remains the introduction to Johannes Cornago: Collected Works, ed. Rebecca L. Gerber, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Renaissance, 15 (Madison, WI, 1984); the Mass is edited there on pp. 1–35 (commentary pp. vii–xi). See also Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 62–5, and Sacred Music from the Cathedral at Trent: Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte, Codex 1375 (olim 88), ed. Rebecca L. Gerber, Monuments of Renaissance Music, 12 (Chicago, IL, 2007), 17–18 (on the date of the Mass, which she argues was early 1452), 98–9 (for commentary on the edition) and 819–44 (for the edition itself).

103 The edition of this Mass in Early Sixteenth-Century Music from the Papal Chapel, ed. Nors S. Josephson, 2 vols., Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 95 (n.p., 1982), ii, 139–46, is incomplete owing apparently to a printer's error. For a complete edition, see Masses for the Sistine Chapel: Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina, Ms 14, ed. Richard Sherr, Monuments of Renaissance Music, 13 (Chicago, IL, 2009), 55–68 (commentary pp. 26–7). On Urrede's biography and other sacred music, see Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 67–79, and, with information subsequently discovered, Knighton, ‘Gaffurius, Urrede and Studying Music’.

104 Giovanni Spataro, Tractato di musica (Venice: Vitali, 1531; repr. New York, 1979), Chapters 16 (with the quotation) and 31; see also Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 225–6, note ⁶⁰. On Ramos and Urrede, see Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus., 56; Bartolomeo Ramis de Pareia, Musica practica, trans. Clement A. Miller, Musicological Studies and Documents, 44 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1993), 147; and Knighton, ‘Gaffurius, Urrede and Studying Music’.

105 Ruiz, La librería de canto de órgano, 169–71; idem, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 216–17.

106 Published in Mass Settings from the Lucca Choirbook, ed. Reinhard Strohm, Fifteenth-Century Liturgical Music, 6 (London, 2007), 5–32. In addition to LucAS 238, where it is attributed to Henricus Tik, it appears anonymously in TrentC 89 and its Sanctus, also anonymous, in TrentC 90 and PragP 47. See also Reinhard Strohm, The Rise of European Music, 1380–1500 (Cambridge, 1993), 406–8; and idem, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985; 2nd edn 2003), 120–36 (esp. p. 123 on this composer and Mass), 162–7 and 258–9.

107 It exists in only one copy, at El Escorial, with the shelf number c-III-23. Stevenson, in his summary (Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 53–5), calls it Ars mensurabilis et immensurabilis cantus. On Tich's place in the treatise, see Ruiz, La librería de canto de órgano, 169–70, and idem, ‘The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain’, 215–16. Ruiz's discovery of Tich in Seville, incidentally, postdates all the current (in 2014) reference works.

108 I decided after some consideration to omit one further source, BarcBC 681, as being probably too late for our purposes: Ros-Fábregas, in ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454’, i, 185–90, concluded that its main, earliest layer was copied in Vic after 1542. He admits, however, to some reservations about this estimate, and if further study justifies an earlier date, that early layer would add one imported single movement, La Rue's Credo sine nomine (no. 2 in Anglés's inventory in MME 1, 134–5); two imported Masses, the Missa Missus est Gabriel of Moulu and the Missa En doulour et tristesse of Bauldewyn (nos. 3 and 4); and the so-called Missa Caça of Morales (no. 7), which I would probably classify as sine nomine if obliged to make the call: only one of its eight sources labels it Caça (see Urchueguía, Mehrstimmige Messen, 605), and its connection with Flecha's (now fragmentary) ensalada amounts only to a somewhat tenuous head-motif. All these works are untitled and unattributed in the manuscript. A further anonymous Mass at the end (no. 40) is a later addition, and Anglés apparently failed to notice another late addition, the Agnus III of Josquin's Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae, between nos. 21 and 22 (see Urchueguía, Mehrstimmige Messen, 112–13).

109 There is one intriguing possible exception, though it does not survive. Francisco de Salinas, writing in his De musica libri VII (Salamanca: Gastius, 1577; repr. Kassel, 1958, ed. Macario Santiago Kastner), Book 6, Chapter 7, p. 312, quotes, among many examples of poetic metres set to music, a song ‘which was commonly sung when the Jews were expelled by the Spaniards’ (‘quae cum a Hispanis Iudaei fuerunt exterminati, vulgò canebatur’) on the text ‘Ea Iudios a enfardelar / Que mandan los Reyes que passeys la mar’ (‘Come, Jews, to be gathered together / for the [Catholic] Monarchs order that you go overseas’), and adds that ‘On this tune, Juan de Anchieta, who was not unfamous in his own day, composed a Mass’ (‘Ad cuius thema missam Ioannes Ancheta tunc non in celebris symphoneta composuit’). See also Arthur Michael Daniels, ‘The De musica libri VII of Francisco de Salinas’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, 1962), 455–6 and 468. If this Mass existed, and was by Anchieta, and was a conventional cantus firmus or paraphrase Mass, and was written at the time the tune and its subject were current, then we have evidence of quite an advanced Mass composed in Spain around 1492. But I find room for scepticism on every point here, from the chronology to the very existence of the composition; Salinas seems to be recounting a legend of something he himself has not seen, and he does not elsewhere hesitate to say when he knows something at first hand. At the very least, such a Mass would be a startling outlier among the music that has survived from the Spain of the 1490s.

110 This section also contains the Basurto Requiem – also, it might be added, a composite Mass.

111 On the motet repertory of SevC 5-5-20, see especially Tess Knighton, ‘“Motetes de la Salve”: Some Thoughts on the Provenance, Compilation, and Use of Seville, Biblioteca Colombina 5-5-20’, Treasures of the Golden Age: Essays on Music of the Iberian and Latin American Renaissance in Honor of Robert M. Stevenson, ed. Michael O'Connor and Walter Aaron Clark (Hillsdale, NY, 2012), 29–58.

112 Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 109.

113 See, for example, Nors Sigurd Josephson, ‘The Missa de Beata Virgine of the Sixteenth Century’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1970), and Gustave Reese, ‘The Polyphonic “Missa de Beata Virgine” as a Genre: The Background of Josquin's Lady Mass’, Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference, ed. Edward Lowinsky with Bonnie Blackburn (London, 1976), 589–98. These numbered Ordinary groups and Credos may be found in the Liber usualis, 16–73.

114 Carter, ‘The Missa de Nuestra Señora’, 35, 38, 44, 50–1, 53.

115 On such endowments, see, for example, Tess Knighton, ‘Marian Devotions in Early Sixteenth-Century Spain: The Case of the Bishop of Palencia, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca (1451–1524)’, Uno gentile et subtile ingenio, ed. Bloxam, Filocamo and Holford-Strevens, 137–46, and eadem, ‘“Motetes de la Salve”’.

116 Fallows, Josquin, 314; the suggestion was first, to my knowledge, made by Richard Sherr in ‘Notes on Two Roman Manuscripts of the Early Sixteenth Century,’ Musical Quarterly, 63 (1977), 48–73 (pp. 59 and 66).

117 It may be worth pointing out in this connection that the ‘Magnificas a tres’, the ‘Alleluias a tres bozes’ and the ‘Motetes a tres’ in TarazC 2/3 show no such consistency in low scoring: most have conventional mixed clefs.

118 The four-voice Masses in Segovia, for comparison, range from five to nine openings, averaging between seven and eight.

119 The classic discussion of this subject remains Tess Knighton, ‘Northern Influence on Cultural Developments in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 1 (1987), 221–37.

120 For my own essay, which, as its title suggests, I think of as a companion to this one, see Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Spain Discovers the Motet’, The Motet around 1500: On the Relationship of Imitation and Text Treatment?, ed. Thomas Schmidt-Beste (Turnhout, 2012), 455–71.

121 It is also copied into SegC s.s. I have written about this motet The Motet around 1500: On the Relationship of Imitation and Text Treatment?., 466–9, and in Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain, 116–17. See also Howard Mayer Brown, ‘Música para la pasión de Cristo de Anchieta y otros: Música española hacia 1500 en un concierto pan-europeo’, III semana de música española: ‘El Renacimiento’ (Madrid, 1988), 223–48.

122 On this phase of Escobar's career, see, for example, Ruiz, La librería de canto de órgano, 84–5; this, incidentally, is the one phase of the composer's life that is currently documented at all.

123 The strength of Peñalosa's Sevillian connections is just lately starting to become clear; see, for example, Knighton's introduction to her edition of the Missa Adieu mes amours. In Kreitner, ‘Two Early Morales Magnificat Settings’, 31–2, I floated the possibility of a teacher–student relationship between Peñalosa and Morales on the basis of a striking similarity between Magnificats by each (or so I thought) in TarazC 2/3; if the Morales Magnificat is by Rodrigo de Morales (see note ⁶⁰ above), this argument disappears – or rather, is transferred to another man, since Rodrigo was also from Seville.