The archival research for this article was supported by a 1997 Baylor University Research Grant. I am especially grateful to PierGiorgio Figini for his kind assistance in locating uncatalogued registers from San Celso in the Archivio Storico Diocesano, Milan.Google Scholar

1 See, for example, Kendrick, Robert, Celestial Sirens: Nuns and their Music in Early Modern Milan (Oxford, 1996), and Getz, Christine, ‘The Sforza Restoration and the Founding of the Ducal Chapels at Santa Maria della Scala in Milan and Sant'Ambrogio in Vigevano’, Early Music History, 17 (1998), 109–59.Google Scholar

2 See Lora Matthews and Paul A. Merkley, Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court (Amsterdam and Cremona, 1999), 321–57.Google Scholar

3 Extensive research is available on these two projects. See, for example, Gian Alberto dell'Acqua, Santa Maria delle Grazie in Milano (Milan, 1983); Carlo Pedretti, ‘Il progetto originario per Santa Maria delle Grazie e altri aspetti inediti del rapporto Leonardo-Bramante’, Studi bramanteschi: Atti del Congresso Internazionale Milano-Urbino-Roma 1970 (Rome, 1974), 197–203; Richard Schofield, ‘Bramante and Amadeo at Santa Maria delle Grazie in Milan’, Arte lombarda, 78 (1986), 41–58; Museo della Certosa di Pavia: Catalogo generale, ed. Barbara Fabjan (Florence, 1992); and Roberta Battaglia, ‘Le “memorie” della Certosa di Pavia’, Annali della Scuola normale superiore di Pisa: Classe di lettere e filosofia 1992, 22/i, 85–198.Google Scholar

4 For a brief history of the Schools of Christian Doctrine in Milan, see Paul F. Grendler, ‘Borromeo and the Schools of Christian Doctrine’, San Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century, ed. John M. Headley and John B. Tomaro (London and Toronto, 1988), 158–71.Google Scholar

5 In a letter of 10 May 1566, Borromeo spoke to the ecclesiastic Carlo Bonomi of his desire to attract the nobility of the city to services using lessons on the psalms. See Lockwood, Lewis, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo (Venice, 1967), 109.Google Scholar

6 Reggiori, Ferdinando, Il santuario di Santa Maria presso San Celso e i suoi tesori (Milan, 1968), 13–15.Google Scholar

7 Morigia, Paolo, Origine miraculosa della celebre Madonna appresso S. Celso in Milano riconosciuta ed illustrata da Giuseppe Girolamo Semenzi (Milan, 1700), 1–11; idem, Historia dove si narra l'origine della famosa divotione della Chiesa della Madonna, posta vicina à quella di S. Celso di Milano (Milan 1594), 1–14; and Reggiori, Il santuario di Santa Maria presso San Celso, 13–36. For transcriptions of the relevant documents supporting the accounts of Morigia and Reggiori, see Riegel, Nicole, Santa Maria presso San Celso in Mailand: Der Kirchenbau und seine Innendekoration 1430–1563 (Worms am Rhein, 1998), 325–36.Google Scholar

8 The chaplaincies were confirmed in a papal bull signed by Alexander VI in 1502. Morigia, Origine, 10–14; idem, Historia, 13–17; Archivio Storico Diocesano, Milan (hereafter ASDM), Sant'Eufemia VI-125 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti: S. Maria presso S. Celso), Q. 14–15, and Sant'Eufemia VIII-127 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti: S. Maria presso S. Celso), Q. 2.Google Scholar

9 Morigia, , Origine, 11–12; idem, Historia, 15–16; and Archivio di Stato, Milan (hereafter ASM), Culto p. a. 1093 (Chiese, Communi Milano: Santa Maria presso San Celso, Providenza Generale), Storico-Giuridica de Regio-Ducali Cappellani (1771). Also see Reggiori, Il santuario di Santa Maria presso San Celso, 23–8.Google Scholar

10 ASDM, Sant'Eufemia VIII-127 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti: S. Maria presso S. Celso), Q. 2.Google Scholar

11 ASDM, Sant'Eufemia XII-131 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti: S. Maria presso S. Celso), Q. 7, f. 26.Google Scholar

12 Morigia, , Historia, 17, and idem, Origine, 13.Google Scholar

13 ‘Ogni Sabbato la sera all'hora della Compieta s'habbi da Cantare la Salve Regina, con certi versetti e risponsori, con alquante oratione per venerar il Sabbato giorno dedicato da Santa Chiesa alla gloriosa madre di Dio: ilche all'hora deputata quivi si trova la Musica, e l'Organista, ed i Sacerdoti … la Musica comincia, e l'Organo risponde, e hora l'Organo e la Musica unite, con tanto dolcezza, e bellissima harmonia, che genera nei cuori de gli uditori una santa divotione verso la Madre di Dio, e compontione di cuore, perche sembrano un choro angelico.‘ Morigia, Historia, 17. A nearly identical description is found in idem, Origine, 13.Google Scholar

14 Morigia, , Historia, 17, 29–45.Google Scholar

15 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Chiesa 10 (Musica e musicisti 1606–1800), busta 1, f. 5.Google Scholar

16 Giuseppe Riccucci, ‘L'attività della cappella musicale di S. Maria presso S. Celso e la condizione dei musici a Milano tra il XVI el il XVII secolo’, Intorno a Monteverdi, ed. Maria Caraci Vela and Rodobaldo Tibaldi (Lucca, 1999), 289–312 (pp. 295–6). In this article, Riccucci attempts to reconstruct Santa Maria presso San Celso's early seventeenth-century cappella and discusses the socio-economic conditions that affected its musicians. However, two pertinent documents regarding performance activity are discussed in the process.Google Scholar

17 ‘Laudo ancora grandemente la divotione de molti secolari, e di molte nobile Gentildonne Milanese, le quali hanno per buona consuetudine di recitare ogni giorno l'hore canoniche dell'Officio della gloriosa Vergine Maria … Divotione anco gratissima alla santissima Maria è il recitare il Santissimo Rosario, oltre che sono molti che per riverenza della madre di Dio digiunano il Sabato, altri le quattro principali vigilie della feste della Madonna, altri per amor della nostra Signora hanno ogni Sabbato fatto una limosina ad una poveretta di pane, di vino, ò de danari.‘ Morigia, Historia, 40–1.Google Scholar

18 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Chiesa 10 (Musica e musicisti 1606–1800), busta 1, f. 5. The earliest mention of Boyleau occurs in this document noting the payment of distributions to singers for Mass and Vespers services on the first Sunday of the month and special feasts, as well as for daily Masses. Although no year is given, I was able to assign this document to 1563 by comparing the dates of service noted with the perpetual calendar. The first payment to Boyleau recorded in the registers occurs on 12 February 1564, at which time the composer, identified as the ‘maestro della musica’, was reimbursed 2 lire 11 soldi 3 denariand 1 lire 15 soldi for the binding of music books he had donated. ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Libri giornalieri della cassa 1563–1569, non numerati (hereafter n.n.). In addition, the dedication of Simon Boyleau, Madrigali a IIII, V, VI, VII, et VIII voci (Milan 1564), identifies him as an ‘excellent musician and maestro di cappella of S. Maria appresso S. Celso in Milano’. The partbooks of this collection are preserved as London, British Library, Music K3b3.Google Scholar

19 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Libri giornalieri della cassa 1563–1569, n.n., further records that on 5 October 1566 Boyleau donated a book of vocal music to the chapter, and five documents pertaining to Boyleau's tenure are preserved in ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Chiesa 10 (Musica e musicisti 1606–1800), ff. 1–5. These documents are dated between 6 April 1566 and 7 November 1568, and several of them appear to be autographs.Google Scholar

20 On 5 September 1565 Petro di Italis, maestro di cappella, received a reimbursement of 21 lire 7 soldi 6 denari for the cost of two books of vocal music. ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Libri giornalieri della cassa 1563–1569, n.n.Google Scholar

21 Federico Mompellio, ‘La cappella del duomo da Matthias Hermann di Verecore a Vincenzo Ruffo’, Storia di Milano (Milan, 1961), ix, 762–8. Giovanni D'Alessi, ‘Una stampa musicale del 1566 dedicata a S. Carlo Borromeo’, Note d'archivio, 9 (1932), 255–9 (p. 256), erroneously states that Boyleau served as maestro di cappella at the duomo of Milan from 1558 to 1563. Mompellio's biographical data for Boyleau are borne out by the extant Vacchette and Ordinazioni for the years 1551 to 1557 found in the Archivio della Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano (hereafter AVFDM).Google Scholar

22 Mompellio, ‘La cappella del duomo’, 762, identifies the typographical mark as that of the Moscheni of Milan. However, Jane A. Bernstein, ‘The Burning Salamander: Assigning a Printer to Some Sixteenth-Century Music Prints’, Music Library Association Notes, 42 (1986), 483–501 (p. 500), associates it with Fabriano and Bindoni of Padua. James Haar and Lucia Marchi, ‘Boyleau, Simon’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2nd edn, London, 2001), iv, 167–8 (p. 167), concur with the latter view.Google Scholar

23 Mompellio, ‘La cappella del duomo’, 763, and AVFDM, Ordinazioni XI (1552–1561), ff. 229–230^v. For updated information on the biography of Hoste da Reggio, see Getz, Christine Suzanne, ‘New Light on the Milanese Career of Hoste da Reggio’, Studi musicali, 27 (1998), 287–304.Google Scholar

24 AVFDM, Ordinazioni XI (1552–1561), ff. 229–230^v, and ASDM, Metropolitana XXXIII–146 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti), fasc. 9. Also see Mompellio, ‘La cappella del duomo’, 763.Google Scholar

25 Boyleau, Simon, Il secondo libro de i Madrigali et Canzoni a quattro voci (Milan, 1558). Only the tenor partbook of this collection has survived, but the collection has been catalogued in Emil Vogel, Alfred Einstein, François Lesure and Claudio Sartori, Bibliografia della musica italiana profana pubblicata dal 1500 al 1700 (Pomezia, 1977–), i, 265.Google Scholar

26 ASM, Cancelleria dello Stato 67 (1547 febbraio), 59. The document itself is undated, but accompanies a list of items heard in the chancery on 9 February 1547. It notes that ‘maestro di cappella Matthias [Werrecore] and contrabasso Ottaviano [Bosisio] request that they be released from the extraordinary duties, as was done by the Marchese del Vasto’.Google Scholar

27 This pompa was the second of two staged during the penultimate week of carnevale in Lombardy during February 1553. The text of the madrigal and a description of its performance within the context of the pompa is found in Antonfrancesco Raineri, Pompe di Messer Antonfrancesco Raineri (Milan, 1553), n.p. According to Raineri, the madrigal was performed by Moscatello, a virtuoso cornettist and the director of the court musicians, and his company, who were dressed as the nine muses.Google Scholar

28 See the listing in Vogel, Einstein, Lesure and Sartori, Bibliografia, i, 265.Google Scholar

29 An entry in Biblioteca Trivulziana ed Archivio Storico, Milan (hereafter BTASM), Registri di Lettere Ducali 1553–1562, f. 188^v, notes that the ordination services were held in the cathedral of Milan on 15 May 1560. However, Borromeo was attending meetings of the Council of Trent and participating in the ecclesiastical reform of the papal chapel in Rome during much of the first five years of his appointment. See Lewis Lockwood and Noel O'Reagan, ‘Borromeo, Carlo’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2nd edn), iv, 4, and Lockwood, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, 74–100. For a brief summary of the general reforms initiated by Borromeo, see Sella, Domenica, Lo stato di Milano in età spagnola (Turin, 1987), 86–97, and Hubert Jedin, Carlo Borromeo (Rome, 1971), 13–60.Google Scholar

30 Lockwood, , The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, 74–135. Also see Kendrick, Celestial Sirens, 1–122.Google Scholar

31 'Al Vescovo di Bergamo à di 27 Giugno 1567. Molto Reverendo et caetera.. Con tutto che la mia chiesa habbia in molti luoghi di preti et cantori, et io difficilmente in induchi à privarmi de quelli che sono della diocese, non dimeno il desiderio che vostro signor ha di veder compiaciuto per mezzo mio alcuni di quei suoi gentilhuomini, che hanno condotto l'Hoste da Reggio à ufficiare una chiesa, che essi hanno in governo, ha potuto tanto appresso me, che mi son contento di compiacernela, et dar licenza al detto hoste che se ne venga à quel servitio, come la intendera da lui medesimo. Ne havendo da dire altro in risposta di quello, che mi scrive sopra ciò, me Le'offero et raccomando di buon cuore et cetera.. Carlo Borromeo.’ ASDM, Archivio spirituale: Carteggio ufficiale 2/6 (Epistolem S. Caroli ad Reverendos Episcopos Bergomensum 1566–1568), ff. 9^v–10. This letter is also discussed and transcribed in Getz, ‘New Light on the Milanese Career of Hoste da Reggio’, 299–300.Google Scholar

32 Oscar Mischiati, ‘Recensione di Sei secoli di musica nel duomo di Milano a cura di Graziella de Florentiis [e] Gian Nicola Vessia, L'organo, 27 (1991–2), 178–84 (p. 180). In addition, see Scotti, Cristoforo, Il Pio Istituto Musicale Donizetti di Bergamo (Bergamo, 1901), 191–3, and Barbara Torre, ‘Alcune note su un sconosciuto ritratto di musicista del XVI secolo’, Rivista italiana di musicologia, 19 (1994), 7–26 (p. 17).Google Scholar

33 Scotti, , Il Pio Istituto Musicale Donizetti, 193.Google Scholar

34 ASM, Notarile 13010 (Camillo Rho q. Giovanni Antonio 20/11/1553–9/10/1556), 4 septembris 1555, and ASDM, Santo Calimero 1–93 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti 1567–1604), fasc. 1. For further discussion, see Getz, ‘New Light on the Milanese Career of Hoste da Reggio’, 296–7.Google Scholar

35 ASM, Notarile 10689 (Gabrieli Agliardi q. Cristoforo 04/03/1552–31/03/1572), 28 agosto 1568.Google Scholar

36 ASDM, Santo Calimero 1–93 (Visite pastorali e documenti aggiunti 1567–1604), fasc. 22.Google Scholar

37 See Getz, ‘New Light on the Milanese Career of Hoste da Reggio’, 301.Google Scholar

38 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Libri giornalieri della cassa 1563–1569, n.n. (12 febbraio 1564).Google Scholar

39 Ibid. (24 maggio 1566).Google Scholar

40 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Chiesa 10 (Musica e musicisti 1606–1800), busta 1, f. 2.Google Scholar

41 Ibid., f. 3.Google Scholar

42 Paolo Fabbri, ‘La normativa istituzionale’, La cappella musicale nell'Italia della Controriforma: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi nel IV Centenario di Fondazione della Cappella Musicale di S. Biago di Cento, ed. Oscar Mischiati and Paolo Russo (Florence, 1993), 17–38 (p. 20), provides a copy of the decree issued in Milan following the meetings. Also see Ruffo, Vincenzo, Seven Masses, i; Three Early Masses, ed. Lewis Lockwood, Recent Researches in Music of the Renaissance, 32 (Madison, 1979), x–xi, and Lockwood, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, 110–11.Google Scholar

43 Jedin, , Carlo Borromeo, 5, notes that the cardinal had studied at the University of Pavia, a sixteenth-century centre that attracted countless luminaries in the fields of classical studies, theology and medicine. Borromeo's scholarly pursuits also extended to music. Lockwood, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, 114, recounts an often repeated anecdote in which a would-be assassin interrupted a typical evening gathering of literati in the cardinal's apartments during the singing of a motet.Google Scholar

44 Boyleau, Simon, Modulationes in Magnificat ad omnes tropos … quatuor, quinque, ac sex vocibus distinctae (Milan, 1566), dedication.Google Scholar

45 According to Crook, David, Orlando di Lasso's Imitation Magnificats for Counter-Reformation Munich (Princeton, 1994), 11–12, the modally ordered Magnificat cycle was an invention of the sixteenth century, and printed collections of them began appearing in the 1530s. Some of the earliest were those of Carpentras (1532–5), Dietrich (1535) and Senfl (1537). Perhaps the most popular and influential of the sixteenth-century Magnificat cycles, however, was the modally ordered collection of Morales issued by Scotto of Venice in 1542. The Morales cycle was reissued at least 16 times between 1542 and 1619. A fairly complete catalogue of the extant Magnificat settings from the period is found in Winfried Kirsch, Die Quellen der mehrstimmigen Magnificat- und Te Deum-Vertonungen bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1966).Google Scholar

46 Reese, Gustave, ‘The Polyphonic Magnificat of the Renaissance as a Design in Tonal Centers’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 13 (1960), 68–78 (p. 69). Also see Crook, Orlando di Lasso's Imitation Magnificats, 13.Google Scholar

47 Crook, , Orlando di Lasso's Imitation Magnificats, 10–11.Google Scholar

48 Bradshaw, Murray C., The Falsobordone: A Study in Renaissance and Baroque Music, Musicological Studies and Documents, 34 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1978), 43–58.Google Scholar

49 Ibid., 47. Bradshaw further notes (p. 56) that Boyleau was, in fact, the first composer to use the term falsobordone on the title-page of a collection with the publication of the Magnificats in 1566.Google Scholar

50 Ibid., 67.Google Scholar

51 See ibid., 43–56.Google Scholar

52 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Chiesa 10 (Musica e musicisti 1606–1800), busta 1, f. 5.Google Scholar

53 The Magnificats are in modes 5 and 6. Giovanni Paolo Cima, Concerti ecclesiastici à una, due, tre, quattro voci. Con doi a cinque et uno a otto, Messa, et doi Magnificat, et Falsebordoni à quattro, et sei sonate, per istrumente à due, tre, e quattro (Milan, 1610). A brief description of the contents can be found in Claudio Sartori, Bibliografia della musica strumentale italiana (stampata in Italia fina al 1700) (Florence, 1952), 174–6. A list of books purchased by Cima in 1607 for use at Santa Maria presso San Celso shows a similar disposition, and also includes Orfeo Vecchi's Hymni totius anni … e Completorium (Milan, 1600) for four and five voices. See Riccucci, ‘La cappella musicale di S. Maria’, 309.Google Scholar

54 Riccucci, , ‘La cappella musicale di S. Maria’, 295–6.Google Scholar

55 ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Libri giornalieri della cassa 1563–1569, n.n. (18 agosto 1566). The cost of the book was recorded as 3 lire.Google Scholar

56 Animuccia, Giovanni, Jesu, Maria Canto: Il primo libro delle laudi (Rome, 1562). These were composed for the use of the oratory of San Filippo Neri in Rome.Google Scholar

57 The collection is indexed as RISM 1563⁶.Google Scholar

58 See Rostirolla, Giancarlo, ‘Laudi e canti spirituali nelle edizioni della prima “controriforma” milanese’, Carlo Borromeo e l'opera della ‘grande riforma’: Cultura, religione e arti del governo nella Milano del pieno Cinquecento, ed. Franco Buzzi e Danilo Zardin (Milan, 1997), 159–76.Google Scholar

59 Morigia, , Historia, 17.Google Scholar

60 Lockwood, , The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, 117–18.Google Scholar

61 Bettley, John, ‘“L'ultima hora canonica del giorno”: Music for the Office of Compline in Northern Italy in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century’, Music and Letters, 74 (1993), 163–214 (p. 174).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

62 Ibid., 170.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., 174.Google Scholar

64 Dobbins, Frank, ‘Boyleau, Simon’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London, 1980), iii, 146.Google Scholar

65 ‘A di 7 novembrio 1568. Molto illustre signor mio osservatissimo quella sia contenta farmi dar di presente sopra del mio salario delli mesi novembrio decembrio et genaro prossimi che vengono lire trenta over scuti 5 et per uno mio bisogno qual hora mi occore che voglio far poner alla stampa una mia opera.‘ ASDM, Santa Maria presso San Celso: Chiesa 10 (Musica e musicisti 1606–1800), busta 1, f. 3.Google Scholar

66 Boyleau, Simon, Madrigali a IIII, V, VI, VII, et VIII voci (Milan, 1564).Google Scholar

67 See Getz, , ‘New Light on the Milanese Career of Hoste da Reggio’, 294–6.Google Scholar

68 Riegel, , Santa Maria presso San Celso, 308, 419.Google Scholar

69 The Moscheni were concluding a ten-year monopoly on music printing in Milan granted them by the Milanese senate. ASM, Studi p. a. 97 (Stampatori), 7 and 8.Google Scholar

70 ASM, Famiglie 19, Busta Bevilacqua, Araldica.Google Scholar

71 Boyleau, , Madrigali, Sonetto.Google Scholar

72 On ordered collections in the late Renaissance, see Harold S. Powers, ‘Tonal Types and Modal Categories in Renaissance Polyphony’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 34 (1981), 428–70.Google Scholar

73 Prima che torni à voi.Google Scholar

74 ASM, Potenze sovrane 1, n.n. Also see Riegel, Santa Maria presso San Celso, 308.Google Scholar

75 Riegel, , Santa Maria presso San Celso, 307–8, 420.Google Scholar

76 Ibid., 308, 420–2. Also see Morigia, Paolo, La nobiltà di Milano (Milan, 1619), 352, which is the source of much of Riegel's information regarding Trivulzio's activities.Google Scholar

77 Dobbins, ‘Boyleau’, 146, notes that an autograph manuscript of seven madrigals associated with the Savoyard court contained a preface that identified Boyleau as an organist at Santa Maria presso San Celso in Milan. This manuscript, which was housed in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin, was destroyed in a fire of 1904. A second manuscript in the same library containing several four-voice madrigals dedicated to Margherite of Savoy by Boyleau identifies him in the same manner. S. Cordero di Pamparato, ‘Emanuele Filiberto di Savoia protettore dei musici’, Rivista musicale italiana, 35 (1928), 29–49 (pp. 29–30), has dated the manuscript after 14 September 1574, primarily on the basis of other facts regarding Boyleau's career, but these facts are themselves sketchy. Haar and Marchi, ‘Boyleau’, 167, date the manuscript to the years 1559–74.Google Scholar

78 Pamparato, ‘Emanuele Filiberto’, 29–30. Also see Haar and Marchi, ‘Boyleau’, 167.Google Scholar

79 BTASM, Codices 1581–1586 (Della Torre, Francesco: Lettere autografe).Google Scholar

80 Morigia, Historia, 18.Google Scholar

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