1 Intabulations and arrangements of music by such Franco-Flemish composers as Josquin, Gombert, Févin and Willaert, among others, are found especially in Luys de Narváez, Los seys libros del delphín (Valladolid, 1538), ed. Emilio Pujol, Monumentos de la música española (hereafter MME), 3 (Barcelona, 1971); Alonso Mudarra, Tres libros de música en cifras para vihuela (Seville, 1546), ed. Emilio Pujol, MME, 7 (Barcelona, 1984); Enriquez de Valderrábano, Libro de música de vihuela, intitulado Silva de serenas (Valladolid, 1547), ed. Emilio Pujol, MME, 22–3 (Barcelona, 1965); Luys Venegas de Henestrosa, Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, harpa y vihuela (Alcalá de Henares, 1557), ed. Higinio Anglés, MME, 2/ii (Barcelona, 1944; repr. 1984); Antonio de Cabezón, Obras de música (Madrid, 1578), ed. Felipe Pedrell and Higinio Anglés, MME, 27–9 (Barcelona, 1966; repr. 1982); and Maria Ester Sala, Glosados (Madrid, 1974). This in itself is evidence of the wide circulation of both secular and sacred music in Spain, though there are now relatively few exemplars of repertories in their original form extant in the Iberian peninsula (see also below, note 2).Google Scholar

2 Evidence for these repertories also survives in inventories of collections once forming part of the holdings of court chapels, cathedrals and other institutions. Some of the most famous of these include those compiled for the courts of Mary of Hungary and Philip II, and those surviving in the archives of such cathedrals as Tarazona and Avila. Some, however, appear to date only from the second half of the sixteenth century. Inventories are reproduced in, for example, Edmond Vander Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le XIXe siècle, ii (Brussels, 1885), and viii (Brussels, 1888; both vols. repr. New York, 1969, with introduction by Edward E. Lowinsky), 365–81, and Pedro Calahorra, ‘Los fondos musicales en el siglo XVI de la Catedral de Tarazona, I: Inventarios’, Nassarre, 8 (1992), 9–56. Probably the most important surviving collection of manuscripts containing northern repertories in Spain is that copied for Toledo cathedral in the mid sixteenth century: see the entries for the Toledo cathedral archive in the Census-Catalogue and Robert Stevenson, ‘The Toledo Manuscript Polyphonic Choirbooks and Some Other Lost or Little Known Flemish Sources’, Fontes artis musicae, 20 (1973), 87–107. For references to literature concerning the reception of Franco-Flemish polyphony in Spain and Portugal, and a further manuscript source of chansons, see Juan Ruiz-Jiménez, ‘The Mid-Sixteenth Century Franco-Flemish Chanson in Spain: The Evidence of Ms 975 of the Manuel de Falla Library’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 51/1 (2001), 25–41.Google Scholar

3 A number of publications have touched on this area, including Robert Stevenson, ‘Josquin in the Music of Spain and Portugal’, Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival Conference, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky in collaboration with Bonnie J. Blackburn (Oxford, 1976), 217–46, and Bernadette Nelson, ‘Ritual and Ceremony in the Spanish Royal Chapel, c.1559-c.1561‘, Early Music History, 19 (2000), 105–200.Google Scholar

4 This source is not currently listed in the Census-Catalogue as it was only comparatively recently transferred to the Biblioteca de Catalunya. An inventory and description first appeared in José Llorens Cisteró, ‘El Cançoner de Gandìa’, Revista de musicologia, 1 (1981), 79–84, where the discovery that BarcBC 1166 once formed part of the same choirbook was announced. Both manuscripts (BarcBC 1166/1967) are thus included in all subsequent inventories – among them Maricarmen Gómez Muntané's edition Bartomeu Càrceres: Opera omnia (Barcelona, 1995). For an edition of music from this choirbook, see Barber, Josep Climent, ed., Cançoner de Gandìa (Valencia, 1995). See also below, note 10.Google Scholar

5 The identification of the thematic inspiration of the Mass was given in the author's paper delivered at the Lérida conference in 1996 and at the International Musicological Society Conference held in London in August 1997. A performing edition of Missa Inviolata, transposed up one tone, is published by Mapa Mundi editions, series B, no. 26 (Lochs, Isle of Lewis, 2001).Google Scholar

6 The motet by Bauldeweyn in this manuscript (BarcBC 1967, ff. 31^v–38), Sancta Maria virgo virginum, is also an unicum. For a context and discussion of this piece see Nelson, Bernadette, ‘Pie memorie’, Musical Times, 136 (1995), 338–44.Google Scholar

7 These are Festa's setting of Surge amica mea (BarcBC 1967, ff. 27^v–31), Verdelot's Gabriel archangelus (ibid., ff. 168^v–169) and the set of Lamentations for Maundy Thursday, Coph. Vocavi amicos meos (ibid., ff. 184^v–189) by Morales. (Concordances for the last named are included in VatG XII 3, BarcBC 708, BarcOC 7 and MadM 6832.) For details of concordance search see Nelson, Bernadette, ‘A Choirbook for the Chapel of Fernando de Aragón, Duke of Calabria: The Sacred Repertories in Barcelona 1166/1967‘, Fuentes musicales en la península ibérica (ca. 1250–ca. 1550)/Fonts musicals a la peninsula iberica: Actas del coloquio internacional…/Actes del col·loqui internacional, Lleida, 1–3 abril, 1996 (Lleida, 2001), 219–52.Google Scholar

8 See Maricarmen Gómez, ‘Pastrana, Pedro de’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2nd edn, London, 2001) (hereafter NG2), xix, 227–8, and Higini Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, i (Barcelona, 1944; repr. 1984), 98f.Google Scholar

9 This opinion was first expressed by Llorens Cisteró, in ‘El Cançoner de Gandìa’, 71. For a brief account of the life of the duke of Calabria and his court in Valencia, see Luis Gásser, Luis Milán on Sixteenth-Century Performance Practice (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1996), 6–9.Google Scholar

10 It is probably the villancico repertory in this source that has prompted some scholars to refer to the source as the Cançoner de Gandia (it was originally recovered from the collegiate church in Gandia south of Valencia). This is clearly a misnomer as it is neither a cançoner nor a cancionero in the manner of the Cancionero de Palacio or the Cancionero de Uppsala. The bulk and most important part of the collection is the repertory of sacred music that also includes plainchant.Google Scholar

11 Missa de desponsatione Beatae Mariae, BarcBC 1967, ff. 125^v–126^v. Documentary evidence would suggest that chants for the Proper of this Mass were first written only in the early 1540s in Venice. For further details, and a connection with Willaert, see Blackburn, Bonnie, Edward E. Lowinsky and Clement A. Miller, eds., A Correspondence of Renaissance Musicians (Oxford, 1991), 895.Google Scholar

12 According to Fray José de Sigüenza's account of the foundation of the monastery, the duke started to have a collection of ‘large books’ of music copied for his music library containing ‘music of his time’ (canto de su tiempo). See Sigüenza, Historia de la Orden de San Jerónimo (Segunda parte, 1600), Nueva biblioteca de autores españoles, 12 (Madrid, 1969), 134. The establishment of the monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes c.1545 arose from the joint wish of Fernando and his consort Queen Germana de Foix (some time in the 1530s) to found a Hieronymite monastery which would eventually serve as a mausoleum for themselves and for their families. It was only after Germana's death in October 1536 that moves were made to fulfil this wish, and the duke had first to seek the emperor's and papal approval as the site chosen was a Cistercian monastery of which Pastrana was abbot. The Pope issued a bull on 1 November 1545 dismissing the Cistercians and granting permission to install a new Order of Hieronymites. From this date the name of the monastery was changed to San Miguel de los Reyes, a name chosen principally because of the special devotion of Fernando and Germana to St Michael the Archangel and the feast of the Epiphany, both of which were honoured with great fervour at the Valencian court. The name ‘de los Reyes’ may also have been chosen because of the monastery's intended function as a royal mausoleum. See Luis Querol y Roso, La última reina de Aragón, virreina de Valencia (Valencia, 1931), 182 and passim, V. Castañeda, ‘Don Fernando de Aragón, Duque de Calabria’, Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos, 15 (1911), 268–86 (p. 278), and Sigüenza, Historia, 130.Google Scholar

13 Following the expulsion of the duke's family from Naples, his mother, Queen Isabella, spent the last 25 years of her life in the duchy of Ferrara (1508–33) with her daughters Isabel and Julia, and her son Cesare who died prematurely in 1520 (see also below, note 17). This period coincided with the reign of Alfonso I d'Este (1505–34). Isabel and Julia arrived in Valencia from Ferrara in 1533. It is reported that Isabel in particular helped her brother Fernando in the choice of music for the court as well as other tasks. See Sigüenza, Historia, 134, and George Nugent, ‘Jacquet's Tributes to the Neapolitan Aragonese’, Journal of Music Theory, 6 (1988), 198–226 (p. 201 and note 10). It is also reported that in 1527 Don Fernando received from Ferrara part of the library inherited from Alfonso el Magnánimo of Naples. See Gásser, Luis Milán, 7.Google Scholar

14 Willaert had a long association with the d'Este family prior to his appointment as maestro de capilla at St Mark's, Venice, in 1527. See Lewis Lockwood/Giulio Ongaro and others, ‘Willaert, Adrian’, NG2, xxvii, 389–400.Google Scholar

15 Maistre Jhan was a member of the ducal chapel from 1512 (under Alfonso I d'Este) and still recorded as being there in 1543. See George Nugent and James Haar, ‘Maistre Jhan’, NG2, xv, 644–5.Google Scholar

16 A copy of Nasco's St Matthew Passion, then considered a ‘rare’ work, was given to Valencia cathedral by the duke. A number of copies of this work survive in sources in Spain, notably El Escorial. (One source, NYorkH 288, has the inscription: ‘Este passio(n) entrego el duq(ue) de Calabria a la iglesia Cathedral de Valençia por cosa rara’.) The identification of the authorship of the passion was made by Greta Olson in her paper ‘Some Clues to the Transmission of an Unusual Passion Setting’, delivered at the Sixth Biennial Conference on Baroque Music, University of Edinburgh, July 1994. For further details of the Escorial manuscripts, see Michael J. Noone, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs (Rochester, NY, 1998), 194, 224 and 227, though Nasco's passion music in NYorkH 278 and EscSL 1 is misattributed to Juan Baptista Comes. See also George Nugent, ‘Nasco, Jan’, NG2, xvii, 646–7.Google Scholar

17 The Mass was published in 1540 (RISM 1540³); see Nugent, George, ‘Jacquet of Mantua’, NG2, xv, 744–6. Jacquet also wrote a lament (Ploremus omnes) in honour of the duke's younger brother, Cesare, who had died in 1520. See Nugent, ‘Jacquet's Tributes’, 203–10, and William M. McMurtry, ‘Ferdinand, Duke of Calabria, and the Estensi: A Relationship Honoured in Music’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 8/3 (1977), 17–30.Google Scholar

18 See above, note 11.Google Scholar

19 Normally in Spanish manuscripts of this period the term cantus, or occasionally tiple, is used to identify the top voice in a polyphonic composition; supranus is only very rarely found. The consistent use of the term supranus in BarcBC 1967 is certainly an indication of Italian influence. The earliest use I have found of it occurs in Guilielmus Monachus's treatise De praeceptis musicae of c.1480 (see Trumble, Ernest, Fauxbourdon: An Historical Survey (Brooklyn, 1959), Example 18) and, in sources of polyphony, in the Chansons a troys published by Antico and Giunta in Venice in 1520 (RISM 1520⁶). It is also found sporadically in a handful of later sources including an isolated instance in VatG XII 3 (f. 32^v), a manuscript dating from 1589.Google Scholar

20 Pompeyo de Russi (Rusy) is listed as puntador in archival documents dating from between 1546 and 1550–2. See Roqueta, Jaime Moll, ‘Notas para la historia musical de la corte del Duque de Calabria’, Anuario musical, 18 (1963), 123–35 (pp. 123–8), Miguel Lasso de Vega, Doña Mencía de Mendoza, Marquesa del Cenete, 1508–1554 (Madrid, 1942), 47–8, and José Ruiz de Lihory, La música en Valencia (Valencia, 1903), pp. xxv–vi. According to royal chapel documents published by Edmond Vander Straeten, Russi was later (1562) employed in Philip II's capilla (see Straeten, Vander, La musique aux Pays Bas, viii, 41 and passim.Google Scholar

21 An account of the dedication Mass, which featured much polyphonic music sung by both the court chapel musicians and the Hieronymite monks, is provided in Sigüenza, Historia, 132. No specific mention is made of a polyphonic Mass setting, however. In the context of this particular feast, it may be significant that the text of the motet by Festa (Surge amica mea), taken from the Song of Songs, is precisely that allocated for the Gospel of that day.Google Scholar

22 This occurred in 1533. In her will, Germana had requested that three Masses be celebrated on these occasions: the first, a sung Mass, in honour of the purity of the Virgin; the second in honour of the Holy Name of Jesus; and the third in honour of the Passion. See Nelson, ‘A Choirbook’, 250. For a transcript of Germana's will, see Querol y Roso, La última reina, 184.Google Scholar

23 For surviving sources of Josquin's Inviolata, see Sydney R. Charles, Josquin Des Prez: A Guide to Research (New York and London, 1983), 37.Google Scholar

24 This motet is included in the composer's work-list in H. Colin Slim/Stefano La Via, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, NG2, xxvi, 427–34 (p. 432). It survives in four sources: the earliest of these, VerA 218 (c.1536), has an attribution to Gombert (‘Gunbert‘), with Mouton's name entered in the bass partbook, while three late sources of German provenance, MunBS 1536, RegB 786–837, and Montanus and Neuber's Thesaurus musicum (Nuremberg, 1564 [RISM 1564¹]), ascribe the work to Verdelot. For further information see Norbert Böker-Heil, Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot (Cologne and Wiesbaden, 1967), 59, 86–7, 98–9.Google Scholar

25 This is implied by Böker-Heil, ibid.Google Scholar

26 See Sala, ed., Glosados.Google Scholar

27 For an edition of La Rue's Missa Inviolata, see Pierre de La Rue: Opera omnia, ed. Nigel St John Davison, J. Evan Kreider and T. Herman Keahey, Corpus mensurabilis musicae (hereafter CMM), 97/iv (Neuhausen, 1996), no. 17. On Bauldeweyn's Mass, see Sparks, Edgar, The Music of Noel Bauldeweyn (New York, 1972), 8, 133 and passim. A collected edition of the music of Noel Bauldeweyn is currently in preparation by the present author.Google Scholar

28 I know of no other sources of Masses by this generation of composers in which these particular sections are so clearly deliberately excluded. Unfortunately, the provenance of BolC Q 25 has not yet been established with any certainty though it was probably copied in northern Italy c.1525–50 (see Census-Catalogue, i, 77). It is interesting also that one of the scribal hands of Q 25 is remarkably similar to that of several portions of BarcBC 1967, including the folios containing the Inviolata Mass: notable among similarities are the tapered ovoid note-heads. This notational style also characterizes other Italian manuscripts of the period, including BolSP 24, a manuscript copied at San Petronio, Bologna, around the mid sixteenth century.Google Scholar

29 Extracts from BarcBC 1967 here and in Examples 3b, 4b, 5, 6, 10a–b, 12, 14, 16a and 17b are cited after the edition published by Mapa Mundi, with permission. (For details see note 5.)Google Scholar

30 The appearance of this phrase at ‘Et homo factus est’ in the Credo in particular is discussed below.Google Scholar

31 It is also intriguing that this parallel with the Mass should occur within the nine-bar period preceding the first canonic entries in the manner of Josquin's motet. Curiously, the soprano (supranus) in the Mass returns to the f′ at the end of the first phrase, calling to mind the first phrase of the chant's presentation in Josquin's Benedicta es caelorum regina.Google Scholar

32 For Gombert's Inviolata setting, see Nicolai Gombert opera omnia, ed. Joseph Schmidt-Görg ([Rome:] American Institute of Musicology, 1968), no. 7.Google Scholar

33 See in particular the opening Kyrie where the characteristic rise of a fourth in the lowest voice can be seen as an anticipation of the L'homme armé tune itself which is then paraphrased in the top voice. Morales's Mass is edited by Higinio Anglés in Cristóbal de Morales: Opera omnia, i, MME, 11 (Barcelona, 1952).Google Scholar

34 The apparently widespread association in music from this period of the melodic progression f–g–a with an accompaniment emphasizing the plagal (degree) point of the Lydian mode is striking: besides a number of other Inviolata settings (such as Gombert's), it also occurs in settings of the antiphon Regina caeli, some of which appear to have close thematic connections with motets in the Inviolata tradition. See for example the anonymous six-voice setting in VatS 46, ed. Nors S. Josephson, Early Sixteenth-Century Sacred Music from the Papal Chapel, CMM, 95 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1982), ii, 245.Google Scholar

35 See Pierre de La Rue, ed. Davison, Kreider and Keahey, 58.Google Scholar

36 For other similarities between Josquin's Inviolata and Italia mia, see below, note 50. Italia mia is published in H. Colin Slim, A Gift of Madrigals and Motets (Chicago and London, 1972), ii, 58–63.Google Scholar

37 This feature in Bauldeweyn's music is discussed by Bernadette Nelson, ‘The Missa Du bon du cuer: An Unknown Mass by Noel Bauldeweyn?‘, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 51/2 (2001), 103–30 (pp. 119–20).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38 For example, the conclusion of the six-voice Nunc dimittis, the tertia pars of Responsum acceperat originally attributed to Josquin. See Werken van Josquin Des Prez, ed. Albert Smijers, Motetten, 5/xlix (Amsterdam, 1923), no. 85 (p. 142).Google Scholar

39 The conclusion of his Credo Sub tuum praesidium. See Early Sixteenth-Century Sacred Music, ed. Josephson, CMM, 95/i, 143.Google Scholar

40 These include a five-part Regina caeli setting, and also his Missa Quaeramus cum pastoribus where a variant occurs; both works are scored for five voices.Google Scholar

41 See Robert Stevenson/Alejandro Planchart, ‘Morales, Cristóbal de’, NG2, xvii, 85–91 (p. 86), and Alison Sanders McFarland, ‘Within the Circle of Charles V: New Light on the Biography of Cristóbal de Morales’, Early Music, 30 (2002), 324–38. The first record of Morales's arrival dates from February 1534.Google Scholar

42 Missa L'homme armé, for example, first appeared in print in 1540 in Scotto's Quinque missae Moralis hispani, ac Jachet musici eccellentissimi liber primus (RISM 1540³), and his Missa Quaeramus cum pastoribus is now thought to date only from 1541. For the latter, see Pietschmann, Klaus, ‘A Renaissance Composer Writes to his Patrons: Newly Discovered Letters from Cristóbal de Morales to Cosimo de’ Medici and Cardinal Alessandro Farnese’, Early Music, 28 (2000), 383–400 (p. 387). We are unable at present to establish a more precise appraisal of the formation of Morales's contrapuntal style. However, the fact that we can find certain of his characteristics already in the music of his Franco-Flemish forebears is indicative of some of his sources of inspiration and influence.Google Scholar

43 For sources of this motet see above, note 24. The provenance of the earliest surviving source of this motet, VerA 218, is still uncertain, though a Paduan connection has been proposed. See Norbert Böker-Heil, ‘Zu einem frühvenezianischen Motettenrepertoire’, Helmuth Osthoff zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag, ed. Wilhelm Stauder, Ursula Aarburg and Peter Cahn (Tutzing, 1969). See also Census-Catalogue, iv, 74–5. It is notable that the Verona source is made up entirely of music richly scored for between six and ten voices, including motets by Gombert and Mouton as well as Verdelot. In view of the attribution to Verdelot in the three later German sources, that to Gombert (and Mouton) in this particular source is intriguing.Google Scholar

44 Philippe Verdelot: Opera omnia, ed. Anne-Marie Bragard, CMM, 28 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1966–79), ii, p. xiii. The motet is thought to date from Verdelot's ‘late’ period (c.1520-7). See H. Colin Slim, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, The New Grove Dictionary (1980 edn), xix, 631–5 (p. 633); the dating of works in Slim's article is taken from Norbert Böker-Heil, Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot (Cologne, 1967). For an edition, see Philippe Verdelot, ed. Bragard, CMM, 28/ii, 18–23.Google Scholar

45 See Edward E. Lowinsky, ‘A Newly Discovered Sixteenth-Century Motet Manuscript at the Biblioteca Vallicelliana in Rome’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 3 (1950), 173–232 (p. 195).Google Scholar

46 For an edition of the motet, see Philippe Verdelot, ed. Bragard, CMM, 28/iii, 55–63.Google Scholar

47 A further example of a fugal episode based on this theme, and again initiated by the lowest voice starting on C, occurs in Verdelot's six-voice setting of the Salve regina at the words ‘et spes nostra’ (bar 42 onwards). See Philippe Verdelot, ed. Bragard, CMM, 28/ii, 61.Google Scholar

48 A similar cadential formula can be identified in another piece by Verdelot: his setting of the canticle Benedictus dominus deus Israel in the sixth tone. See Philippe Verdelot, ed. Bragard, CMM, 28/ii, 124 (bars 10–11).Google Scholar

49 For an edition, see Early Sixteenth-Century Sacred Music, ed. Josephson, CMM, 95/i, 107–12.Google Scholar

50 There is a number of coincidental likenesses between phrases in Italia mia, Josquin's Inviolata (the prima pars especially) and hence the Sanctus in the Inviolata Mass in particular. Besides the opening (see Example 9) and the ‘praeconia’ cadence, one can trace the theme ‘integra’ at the phrase ‘Rettor del ciel’ (bars 35ff.) which, somewhat unusually in the context of Verdelot's madrigals, is used imitatively, and thus resembles the striking repetitive use in the Sanctus (see above). There are other comparable themes and episodes, including the oblique reference to ‘Nostra ut pura’ immediately after the ‘praeconia’ cadence, thus corresponding to the thematic ideas at that juncture in the motet (prima pars leading to secunda pars).Google Scholar

51 See Slim/La Via, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, 427. It is theoretically possible that parts of the Mass were already written before he came to Florence. For Verdelot's association with Venice, see in particular Slim, A Gift of Madrigals, 45–9, and Anne-Marie Bragard, ‘Verdelot en Italie’, Revue belge de musicologie, 11 (1957), 109–24 (pp. 109–11). Unfortunately we have little idea of polyphonic Mass repertories from the Veneto at this time.Google Scholar

52 Various studies have brought forward documentary evidence and dating for Verdelot's employment in Florence. The most recent theory is that he was employed as maestro di cappella at the Baptistry of Santa Maria del Fiore at the latest from March 1522 (see Slim/La Via, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, 427). It is also thought that he was in Florence from at least May 1521. See also Richard Sherr, ‘Verdelot in Florence, Coppini in Rome, and the Singer “La Fiore”’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 37 (1984), 402–11. See also Bragard, ‘Verdelot en Italie’, and Frank D'Accone, ‘The Musical Chapels at the Florentine Cathedral and Baptistry during the First Half of the 16th Century’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 24 (1971), 1–50 (p. 18 note 40). For the probable dating of Verdelot's works, see Böker-Heil, Die Motetten von Philippe Verdelot; see also Slim, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, 633–5.Google Scholar

53 For example, RomeV 35–40, though a Roman provenance for this manuscript has also been proposed. For a description, contextual study and inventory, see Lowinsky, ‘A Newly Discovered Manuscript’, 173–232. See also Anne-Marie Bragard, Étude bio-bibliographique sur Philippe Verdelot, musicien français de la Renaissance (Brussels, 1964), 5–11, and Slim, A Gift of Madrigals, i, 57–8. For Verdelot and the Florentine connection of this set of partbooks, see Macey, Patrick, Bonfire Songs: Savonarola's Musical Legacy (Oxford, 1998), 177ff.Google Scholar

54 Two Masses based on Richafort's motet Philomena praevia; see Slim/La Via, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, 428–9 and 433. Nor, at present, do we have any theories as to the dating of these two fundamentally different works. For an edition of the parody in RISM 1544², see Philippe Verdelot, ed. Bragard, 1ff. The version in CoimU 9, of uncertain authorship, is unpublished; for details, see Rees, Owen, Polyphony in Portugal, c.1530–c.1620: Sources from the Monastery of Santa Cruz, Coimbra (New York and London, 1995), 181.Google Scholar

55 D'Accone, ‘The Musical Chapels’, 4–5 and 6–7.Google Scholar

56 Of the nine official feast days on which polyphonic Masses were to be sung, a 1502 document highlights the feasts of the Annunciation and the Assumption (ibid.).Google Scholar

57 Ibid., 17.Google Scholar

58 The surviving sources associated with the cathedral are listed in the Census-Catalogue, i. See especially FlorD 14, which contains a series of 14 cycles of Mass Propers, many of which may be attributed to Francesco Corteccia who was a member of the cherico del coro up to 1522 (see Frank D'Accone, ‘Corteccia, Francesco’, NG2, vi, 507–9). There is reason to believe, however, that a number of manuscripts that once formed part of the Duomo's collection have not survived, or have been lost; some of these included Masses by Isaac and his generation. I would like to thank Frank D'Accone for relaying this information to me in correspondence.Google Scholar

59 These are copied into VatS 19 and 55 respectively. Dor is recorded as one of Leo X's cantores secreti in 1520. Beauserron was a member of the papal chapel for a substantial period of about 28 years, from 1514 to 1542, thus overlapping with both Dor and Morales who joined the Sistine Chapel choir c.1535. See Early Sixteenth-Century Sacred Music, ed. Josephson, CMM, 95/i, pp. ix–x.Google Scholar

60 See D'Accone, ‘The Musical Chapels’, 22 (note 59); also Slim/La Via, ‘Verdelot, Philippe’, 428.Google Scholar

61 See Frank D'Accone, The Civic Muse (Chicago and London, 1997), 311.Google Scholar

62 I would like to thank Jeffrey Dean for providing me with information on the copying and dating of this manuscript which revises the dating given in his Ph.D. dissertation, ‘The Scribes of the Sistine Chapel, 1501–1527‘ (University of Chicago, 1984), 249–50.Google Scholar

63 One could also bear in mind that the copyist of BarcBC 1967 used the term supranus consistently throughout the copy of the Mass, which is suggestive of a possible Venetian connection. See above, note 19.Google Scholar

64 For example, Willaert's five-voice Regina caeli. See Adriani Willaert opera omnia, ed. Hermann Zenck and Walter Gerstenberg, CMM, 3/iii (Rome, 1953), 56. Like Josquin's Inviolata, this piece is also structured on a canon, based on the plainchant, between two inner voices.Google Scholar

65 See Philippe Verdelot, ed. Bragard, CMM, 28/ii, p. xi. Bragard indicates that this motet was probably composed for the procession of Santa Maria in Imprunetta (18 August 1527). For an edition, see ibid., 110–18.Google Scholar