1 The few sources are summarized in Donald Burrows, Handel (Oxford, 1994), 75–82, and idem, ‘Bringing Europe to Britain: Handel's First Decade in London’, Händel-Jahrbuch, 56 (2010), 65–77. John Mainwaring, in Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel (London, 1760), refers to Handel at Burlington's for the first three years of the period 1715–20 (p. 92); Burrows puts the initial year at 1713. ‘Mr Andrews’ was identified as Henry Andrews by John Greenacombe, in The Cambridge Handel Encyclopedia, ed. Annette Landgraf and David Vickers (Cambridge, 2009), 36–7; see also David Hunter, ‘Bridging the Gap: The Patrons-in-Common of Purcell and Handel’, Early Music, 37 (2009), 621–32 (p. 626). New information about the Cannons years is given in John H. Roberts, ‘The Composition of Handel's Esther, 1718–1720’, Händel-Jahrbuch, 55 (2009), 353–90. No documentary evidence confirms Handel's extended residence at either Burlington House or Cannons.

4 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 177.

2 Gary Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”: On Closet Questions and Cultural Politics’, Queering the Pitch: The New Gay and Lesbian Musicology, ed. Philip Brett, Elizabeth Wood and Gary C. Thomas (New York, 1994), 155–203 (p. 180). The claim about Handel's sexuality goes back further: Marion Ziegler so identified Handel in ‘The Great Gay Composers’, Gay Source: A Catalogue for Men, ed. Dennis Sanders (New York, 1977), 84. I focus on Thomas because he makes the most extended argument.

3 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 179.

5 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 178, 175, 177.

6 Ellen T. Harris, Handel as Orpheus: Voice and Desire in the Chamber Cantatas (Cambridge, MA, 2001).

7 Ellen T. Harris, Handel as Orpheus: Voice and Desire in the Chamber Cantatas (Cambridge, MA, 2001)., 209.

8 Quoting from her summary of her argument, in Ellen T. Harris, ‘Homosexual Context and Identity: Reflections on the Reception of Handel as Orpheus’, Queer People: Negotiations and Expressions of Homosexuality, 1700–1800, ed. Chris Mounsey and Caroline Gonda (Lewisburg, PA, 2007), 41–66 (p. 43).

9 I discuss these issues in ‘Handel's Acis and Galatea: A Homosexually Coded Allegory?’ (forthcoming).

10 Harris reports many of the reader reactions in ‘Homosexual Context and Identity’.

11 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 22.

12 The extensive press coverage is reported in Harris, ‘Homosexual Context and Identity’. Instances of uncritical acceptance of Harris's arguments include Philip Brett, [review of Harris, Handel as Orpheus], MLA Notes (March 2003), 642–4; Judith A. Peraino, Listening to the Sirens: Musical Technologies of Queer Identity from Homer to ‘Hedwig’ (Berkeley, CA, 2006), 209–10; and Reinhard Strohm, [review of Harris, Handel as Orpheus], Journal of the American Musicological Society, 60 (2007), 217–22, who endorses Handel as Orpheus as offering ‘a marvelous enhancement to our critical awareness of Handel's life and world’ (p. 219).

13 Harris, ‘Homosexual Context and Identity’.

14 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, i: Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York, 1990), 43. On this point, see David M. Halperin, ‘Forgetting Foucault: Acts, Identities, and the History of Sexuality’, Representations, 63 (summer 1998), 93–120, who corrects mistaken applications of Foucault's statement.

15 They are distinguished on the basis of social status, age, class, sameness of sex, active versus passive role, object choice, gender deviance and genital contact, among other features. Modern homosexuality is a conjunction of orientation, sexual object choice (desire) and behaviour (practice) that can be thought different from ‘heterosexuality’; see David M. Halperin, How to Do the History of Homosexuality (Chicago, IL, 2002), 110–36.

16 While homosexual men may associate and bond in all-male (homosocial) groups, the converse – that all-male homosocial groups consist of homosexual men – is not true. Many environments in an early eighteenth-century man's life were homosocial (boarding school, Parliament, coffee houses, clubs, the army and navy, government offices, etc.). The erotic orientations of eighteenth-century all-male groups were usually aggressively masculine and heterosexual, and were characterized by the presence of prostitutes, phallicism and the circulation of erotic verse. See Karen Harvey, Reading Sex in the Eighteenth Century: Bodies and Gender in English Erotic Culture (Cambridge, 2004), 60–77; Ian F. Moulton, Before Pornography: Erotic Writing in Early Modern England (Oxford, 2004), 39–69; Jason M. Kelly, ‘Riots, Revelries, and Rumor: Libertinism and Masculine Association in Enlightenment London’, Journal of British Studies, 45 (2006), 759–95; Bruce Redford, Dilettanti: The Antic and the Antique in Eighteenth-Century England (Los Angeles, CA, 2008), esp. pp. 113–28; and Stephen Taylor and Hannah Smith, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander: Lord Hervey, Frederick, Prince of Wales, and the Royal Favourite in England in the 1730s’, English Historical Review, 124 (2009), 283–312 (p. 297). Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick places homosocial and homosexual at opposite ends of a continuum; Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York, 1985), 1.

17 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, i, trans. Hurley, 43. For a survey of the origins of the concepts of homosexual and heterosexual, see David M. Halperin, One Hundred Years of Homosexuality and Other Essays on Greek Love (New York, 1990), 15–18. A most crucial point is that at its origins in the nineteenth century, the concept of homosexuality was seen as an ‘inversion’ or deviance from normative male sexuality; in the pre-modern systems based on regulation of sex by the gender system, certain forms of male–male sexual activity (as in classical Greece) were normative or acceptable.

18 As Tim Hitchcock observes, ‘the vast majority of eighteenth-century men who committed sodomy did not think of themselves other than as ordinary, everyday members of their society. They did not belong to a subculture, nor did they have a distinctive self-identity. They would have seen sex with another man simply as an extension of the forms of sexual behaviour common in courting and marriage’; English Sexualities, 1700–1800 (New York, 1997), 63–4. See also David F. Greenberg, The Construction of Homosexuality (Chicago, IL, 1988), 329–30.

20 David Halperin, ‘More or Less Gay-Specific’, London Review of Books (23 May 1996), 24–7 (p. 24).

19 Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley, CA, 1990), 45, 85.

21 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 14–16.

22 MLA Notes (March 2003), 643.

23 Halperin, How to Do the History of Homosexuality, 135.

24 In addition to sources in notes 135–6 below, see importantly Alan Bray, Homosexuality in Renaissance England (2nd edn, London, 1982); Greenberg, The Construction of Homosexuality, 326–46; Rictor Norton, Mother Clap's Molly House: The Gay Subculture in England, 1700–1830 (London, 1992); and Hitchcock, English Sexualities, 60–75. On the rake/libertine tradition, see James G. Turner, ‘The Properties of Libertinism’, 'Tis Nature's Fault: Unauthorized Sexuality during the Enlightenment, ed. Robert P. Maccubbin (Cambridge, 1987), 75–87, originally published as a special issue of Eighteenth-Century Life, 9 (1985); Harold Weber, The Restoration Rake-Hero: Transformations in Sexual Understanding in Seventeenth-Century England (Madison, WI, 1986); idem, ‘“Drudging in Fair Aurelia's Womb”: Constructing Homosexual Economies in Rochester's Poetry’, The Eighteenth Century: Theory and Interpretation, 33 (1992), 99–118; and George E. Haggerty, Men in Love: Masculinity and Sexuality in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1999), 7–9.

25 Pederasty of youth at schools was thought common; Dudley Ryder recorded in his diary (1715) that ‘among the chief men in some of the colleges sodomy is very usual and […] it is dangerous sending a young man that is beautiful to Oxford’; quoted in Hitchcock, English Sexualities, 64.

26 The arguments of Thomas and Harris might be reconceptualized and re-argued by attempting to do without the term or concept ‘homosexuality’ and thus be historicized by referring to the types of sexual behaviour, categories and norms prevailing at the time.

28 John Gay, ‘Trivia: or, the Art of Walking the Streets of London’, Poetry and Prose, ed. Vinton A. Dearing with Charles E. Beckwith, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1974), i, 134–81 (p. 157, lines 497–9).

27 Mainwaring, Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel, 93.

29 On the Burlington circle, see Jacques Carré, Lord Burlington (1694–1753): Le connaisseur, le mécène, l'architecte, 2 vols. (Clermont-Ferrand, 1993), i, 177–94.

32 John Gay, ‘An Epistle to the Right Honourable the Earl of Burlington (A Journey to Exeter)’, Poetry and Prose, ed. Dearing with Beckwith, i, 203–4 (p. 203, lines 1–4). Thomas states that the friend is William Kent, but this is impossible because Kent was in Italy from 1709 until 1719; see A Dictionary of British and Irish Travellers in Italy, 1701–1800, comp. John Ingamells (New Haven, CT, 1997), 569.

30 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 177–8.

31 Pope, letter to Martha Blount, [March 1716?]; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. George Sherburn, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1956), i, 338.

33 Oxford English Dictionary (2nd edn, 1989), s.v. ‘lie’, 5.a.

34 In Virgil, Eclogue II, Corydon desires Alexis; in Theocritus, Idyll II, the spurned lover is indifferent whether her unfaithful love shares his bed with a man or woman. In general, the sexuality of males in pastorals is not made explicit. Even the major example, Corydon in Eclogue II, is ambiguous: after being spurned by Alexis, he returns to his love, Amaryllis. Thomas's discussion of Arcadia focuses primarily on its ‘history of homosexual appropriation’ and use as a ‘symbolic sign system’ (p. 177) rather than recovering its literary and artistic representations.

35 The principal works include Theocritus, Idylls; Virgil, Eclogues; Ovid, Metamorphoses, Fasti; Boccaccio, Bucolicum carmen (1340–1), Ameto (1341–2), Ninfale fiesolano (1346–9 or 1344–6); Petrarch, Bucolicum carmen (1346); Angelo Poliziano, Favola di Orfeo (1480); Jacopo Sannazaro, Libro pastorale nominato Arcadia (1485–6, 1501, 1504); Edmund Spenser, Shepheardes Calender (1579); Torquato Tasso, L'Aminta (1580, 1590); Battista Guarini, Il pastor fido (1590, 1602); Sir Philip Sidney, Arcadia (1593); and Guidobaldo Bonarelli, Filli di Sciro (1607).

36 On the mythic-pastoral Arcadia in literature and painting, see W. Leonard Grant, Neo-Latin Literature and the Pastoral (Chapel Hill, NC, 1965); Bruno Snell, ‘Arkadien: Die Entdeckung einer geistigen Landschaft’, Die Entdeckung des Geistes: Studien zur Entstehung des europäischen Denkens bei den Griechen (4th edn, Göttingen, 1975), 257–74; Luba Freedman, The Classical Pastoral in the Visual Arts (New York, 1989), 103–52; Maria Grazia Accorsi, Pastori e teatro: Poesia e critica in Arcadia (Modena, 1990); Paul Alpers, What is Pastoral? (Chicago, IL, 1996); and Il mito d'Arcadia: Pastori e amori nelle arti del Rinascimento: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Turin, 14–15 March 2005, ed. Danielle Boillet and Alessandro Pontremoli (Florence, 2007). See also Bruno Snell, ‘Arcadia: The Discovery of a Spiritual Landscape’, The Discovery of the Mind: The Greek Origins of European Thought, trans. Thomas Gustav Rosenmeyer (New York, 1960), 281–309. Contending interpretations of the significance of Arcadia are surveyed in Ernst A. Schmidt, ‘Arkadien: Abendland und Antike’, Antike und Abendland, 21 (1975), 36–57. On painting specifically, see Erwin Panofsky, ‘Et in Arcadia ego: Poussin and the Elegiac Tradition’, Meaning in the Visual Arts (Garden City, NY, 1955), 295–320; Margaretha R. Lagerlöf, Ideal Landscape: Annibale Carracci, Nicolas Poussin and Claude Lorrain (New Haven, CT, 1990), 7–11; Humphrey Wine, Claude: The Poetic Landscape (London, 1994), 29–37; Gianni Carlo Sciolla, ‘Pastori in Arcadia: Pittori tra Orlanda e Italia nel primo Seicento’, Il mito d'Arcadia, ed. Boillet and Pontremoli, 191–221; Poussin and Nature: Arcadian Visions, ed. Pierre Rosenberg and Keith Christiansen (New Haven, CT, 2008), 76–81.

37 On Old Chiswick House and Burlington's new villa, see John Harris, The Palladian Revival: Lord Burlington, his Villa and Garden at Chiswick (New Haven, CT, 1994). The house and gardens remained essentially unchanged from their views in Britannia illustrata until 1716.

38 On the Accademia degli Arcadi and aspects of its literature and art, see Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie d'Italia, 5 vols. (Bologna, 1926–30), i, 232–81; Tre secoli di storia dell'Arcadia, ed. Maria Teresa Acquaro Graziosi and Barbara Tellini Santoni (Rome, 1991); Maria Teresa Acquaro Graziosi, L'Arcadia: Trecento anni di storia (Rome, 1991); Anna Laura Bellina and Carlo Caruso, ‘Oltre il Barocco: La fondazione dell'Arcadia’, Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. Enrico Malato, vi: Il Settecento (Rome, 1998), 246–65 (and, for further bibliography, pp. 305–8); Liliana Barroero and Stefano Susinno, ‘Arcadian Rome, Universal Capital of the Arts’, Art in Rome in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Edgar P. Bowron and Joseph J. Rishel (Philadelphia, PA, 2000), 47–75; and Susan M. Dixon, Between the Real and the Ideal: The Accademia degli Arcadi and its Garden in Eighteenth-Century Rome (Newark, DE, 2006).

39 The Bosco Parrasio is discussed and illustrated in great detail in Daniella Predieri, Bosco Parrasio: Un giardino per l'Arcadia (Modena, 1990), and Dixon, Between the Real and the Ideal.

40 On women among the Arcadi, see Anna Teresa Romano Cervone, ‘Presenze femminili nella prima Arcadia romana: Per una teoria dei modelli’, Tre secoli di storia dell'Arcadia, ed. Graziosi and Santoni, 47–57; Elisabetta Graziosi, ‘Arcadia femminile: Presenze e modelli’, and Anna T. Romano Cervone, ‘Faustina Maratti Zappi e Petronilla Paolini Massini: L’“universo debole” della prima Arcadia romana’, Accademia letteraria italiana: Atti e memorie, 3rd ser., 9/2–4: Convegno di studi, 15–18 May 1991, III Centenario dell'Arcadia (Rome, 1991–4), 249–73 and 169–76 resp.; Luisa Ricaldone, La scrittura nascosta: Donne di lettere e lore immagini tra Arcadia e Restaurazione (Paris, 1996); Susan M. Dixon, ‘Women and the Academy’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 32 (1999), 371–90; and A History of Women's Writing in Italy, ed. Letizia Panizza and Sharon Wood (Cambridge, 2000), 103–4, 144, 313, 322.

41 Carré, Lord Burlington, i, 165–73.

42 John Harris, The Palladians (London, 1981), 18 (my italics). Quoted by Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 180, and by Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 188.

43 Rudolph Wittkower, The Earl of Burlington and William Kent, York Georgian Society Occasional Papers, 5 (York, 1948), 10, states that Burlington brought Kent back from Italy ‘to stay with him until his death in 1748’. Cf. Marjorie Isabel Webb, Michael Rysbrack, Sculptor (London, 1954): ‘Kent lived with the Earl in Burlington House until his death in 1748’ (p. 45). Wittkower is referring to their joint return from Italy in 1719.

44 Michael I. Wilson, William Kent: Architect, Designer, Painter, Gardener, 1685–1748 (London, 1984), 37.

45 George Vertue, Vertue Notebooks, 6 vols., Walpole Society, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 30 (Oxford, 1930–55), iii (1934), 140.

46 Kent, letter to Burrell Massingberd, 30 January 1720, quoted in Timothy Mowl, William Kent: Architect, Designer, Opportunist (London, 2006), 84.

47 Margaret Jourdain, The Work of William Kent, Artist, Painter, Designer and Landscape Gardener (London, 1948), 41–2; Wilson, William Kent, 87.

48 Quoting Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting in England, 4 vols. (London, 1785), iv, 246, and Vertue, Vertue Notebooks, iii, 140.

49 Quoting here from Wilson, William Kent, 37.

50 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 188. Halperin points out that male friendships between social equals as recorded in the past (and as might be assumed between Burlington and Kent) are likely to be perceived as homosexual by moderns; he shows that historically such was the stigma about the passive (pathic) role in sodomy that ‘sexual penetration [was] not the sort of thing you would do to someone you really love’ (How to Do the History of Homosexuality, 121).

51 Anthony Hicks, ‘Fantasia on a Theme’, The Times Literary Supplement (31 May 2002), 5–6 (p. 6). Hicks refers to Lindsay Boynton, ‘Lord Burlington at Home’, Belov'd by Ev'ry Muse: Richard Boyle, 3rd Earl of Burlington and 4th Earl of Cork (1694–1753), ed. Dana Arnold (London, 1994), 21–8, 52–4. The passage reads (citations omitted): ‘As to the supposed homosexual ménage at Burlington House, the insinuation is based on no evidence, direct or indirect, but on the presumption (not always correct) that males deeply concerned with the creative/visual arts are almost invariably “so”. It does not bear examination: (1) the impression that Kent “lived with” Burlington is wide of the mark – Kent had a room at Burlington House, as did numerous other protégés, where he lived his own social life; (2) Kent apparently had at least one mistress by whom he probably fathered children and he left the bulk of his estate to them; (3) the alleged relationship could not have existed without comment, whereas Burlington's reputation is, to the best of my knowledge, not only entirely clear of scandal but positively that of any upright and – in the best sense – virtuous man; (4) his marriage was far closer than has been generally allowed – his wife was almost cloyingly in love with him, notwithstanding her affair with the Duke of Grafton, and, if he was less effusive, that was self-evidently part of his character’ (p. 52, note 7).

52 Harris, ‘Homosexual Context and Identity’, 53–5 (‘scare quotes’ added by Harris).

53 I am probably included in the charge, since I presented much of the same evidence as Boynton in my paper, at which Harris was present: ‘The Sexual Milieux of Burlington House and Cannons’, at the American Handel Society Meeting, University of Iowa, Iowa City, 27–28 February 2003, and in my review, ‘A Gay Studies Handel’, Early Music, 30 (2002), 608–12.

54 Harris, ‘Homosexual Context and Identity’, 53–5. There is no doubt that ‘a conventionally masculine man’ can perform such same-sex acts; but as long as he is in the active role, such activity can even be seen as acting out a male/masculine role and not reflecting a sexual orientation; see Halperin, How to Do the History of Homosexuality, 114–15.

55 Michel Foucault, Dits et écrits, 4 vols. (Paris, 1994), iv, 315–16, trans. in Halperin, ‘Forgetting Foucault’, 114, note 8; see also Halperin, How to Do the History of Homosexuality, 113–17.

56 On the principles of verification and falsification, see such classic discussions as Alfred Jules Ayer, Language, Truth and Logic (2nd edn, London, 1950), Chapter 1 and pp. 114–20; Karl R. Popper, Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge (New York, 1962), esp. pp. 33–41, 193–200, 253–79; Carl G. Hempel, ‘Studies in the Logic of Confirmation’, Aspects of Scientific Explanation and Other Essays in the Philosophy of Science (New York, 1965), 3–51; and those by Hempel, Marhenke, Waismann, Ayer and Flew in Meaning and Knowledge: Systematic Readings in Epistemology, ed. Ernest Nagel and Richard B. Brandt (New York, 1965), 17–52.

57 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 188, 240, 241.

58 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 188. Of Pope and Gay, George S. Rousseau had stated: ‘These men were probably not homosexual (certainly there is no evidence of genital activity), but they were homosocial and homoerotic by any definition’ (p. 134); ‘The Pursuit of Homosexuality in the Eighteenth Century: “Utterly Confused Category” and/or Rich Repository’, 'Tis Nature's Fault, ed. Maccubbin, 132–68.

59 David Nokes, John Gay: A Profession of Friendship (Oxford, 1995), 44–50, 203–4. Nokes cites John Harris on p. 44 and quotes from private correspondence from Harris.

60 David Womersley is sceptical of Nokes's sexual speculations, noting how Nokes's ‘scholarly scruple’ of using qualifying words ‘acts as the fig-leaf for recklessness’; ‘Did He Defer?’, The Times Literary Supplement (24 March 1995), 12.

61 The examples are Aaron Hill, The Progress of Wit: A Caveat. For the Use of an Eminent Writer (1730), and Pope, ‘Summer’, from Pastorals (1709).

62 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 244–5. I discuss this line of argument in detail in ‘Handel's Acis and Galatea’.

63 But even if such examples do exist, accusations by a contemporary, who probably would have been defaming Pope maliciously, would not be reliable testimony of Pope's actual sexuality.

67 ‘A Farewell to London. In the Year 1715’; The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London, 1963), 245–6.

64 Valerie Rumbold, Women's Place in Pope's World (Cambridge, 1989), 48.

65 Pope, letter to John Caryll, 18 January 1718; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, i, 461–2. On Pope's youth, see George Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope (Oxford, 1934), and Maynard Mack, Alexander Pope: A Life (New York, 1986).

66 Mack, Alexander Pope, 292.

70 The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. Butt, 305–7.

68 On the Maids of Honour, see Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 198–9; Mack, Alexander Pope, 289–91; and Nokes, John Gay, 240, 250–1.

69 Nokes, John Gay, 251.

71 On Pope's physical condition and its psychological effects on him and his poetry, see Marjorie Nicolson and George S. Rousseau, ‘A Medical Case History of Alexander Pope’, ‘This Long Disease, my Life’: Alexander Pope and the Sciences (Princeton, NJ, 1968), 7–82; and Maynard Mack, ‘“The Least Thing Like a Man in England”: Some Effects of Pope's Physical Disability on his Life and Literary Career’, revised version printed in Collected in Himself: Essays Critical, Biographical, and Bibliographical on Pope and Some of his Contemporaries (Newark, DE, 1982), 372–92.

72 Rumbold, Women's Place in Pope's World, 52. James A. Winn sees the extravagance and artifice of Pope's letters as veiling genuine admissions of romantic attraction; ‘Pope Plays the Rake: His Letters to Ladies and the Making of the Eloisa’, The Art of Alexander Pope, ed. Howard Erskine-Hill and Anne Smith (New York, 1979), 89–118.

73 Pope, letter to Teresa and Martha Blount, 8 October [1718]; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, i, 515.

74 Pope, letter to Henry Cromwell, 21 December 1711; Pope, letter to Teresa and Martha Blount, 8 October [1718]; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, i, 137.

75 Rumbold, Women's Place in Pope's World, 125.

76 The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. Butt, 310.

77 The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. Butt, 128; Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 291–7.

78 Pope, letter to William Broome, 18 September 1722; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, ii, 134–5; see also Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 292.

79 Pope, letter to John Caryll, 25 December 1725; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, ii, 352–4; see also Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 292.

80 Letters of Mary Lepel [sic], Lady Hervey (London, 1821), 68; quoted in Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 292.

83 Pope, letter to Mary Wortley Montagu, 10 November 1716; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, i, 369.

86 Pope, letter to Mary Wortley Montagu, autumn 1717; The Correspondence of Alexander Pope, ed. Sherburn, i, 439–40.

81 Rumbold, Women's Place in Pope's World, 131. On Pope and Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, see Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 168–9, 203–8; Robert Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Oxford, 1956), 62–3, 75–6, 86–7; Mack, Alexander Pope, 301–6; Rumbold, Women's Place in Pope's World, esp. pp. 136, 140; and Isobel Grundy, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (Oxford, 1999), xviii, 90–4, 125–6, 164–5, 181, 201–2, 270, 348.

82 Rumbold, Women's Place in Pope's World, 136.

84 Grundy, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, 163–4.

85 Nokes, John Gay, 251.

87 Joseph Spence, Observations, Anecdotes, and Characters of Books and Men Collected from Conversation, ed. James M. Osborn, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1966), i, 110–11 (no. 252).

88 Oxford English Dictionary (2nd edn, 1989), s.v. ‘gay’, 2.a (citing usages dating from 1637, 1700, 1703).

89 Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 292; Mack, Alexander Pope, 308.

90 The attacks are catalogued and excerpted in Joseph Vincent Guerinot, Pamphlet Attacks on Alexander Pope, 1711–1744: A Descriptive Bibliography (London, 1969); see also Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 149–85.

91 John Dennis, Reflections Critical and Satyrical upon a Late Rhapsody, Call'd, an Essay upon Criticism (London, 1711), 26; see also Mack, ‘“The Least Thing Like a Man”’, 373–4.

92 Cibber, A Letter from Mr. Cibber, to Mr. Pope (London, 1742), 47–8.

93 The episode and prints are described and reproduced in Norman Ault, New Light on Pope, with Some Additions to his Poetry Hitherto Unknown (London, 1949), 298–307; Eric V. Chandler, ‘Pope's “Girl of the Game”: The Prostitution of the Author and the Business of Culture’, ‘More Solid Learning’: New Perspectives on Alexander Pope's ‘Dunciad’, ed. Catherine Ingrassia and Claudia N. Thomas (Lewisburg, PA, 2000), 106–28; and Mack, Alexander Pope, 292–3, 778–81; prints are reproduced in Guerinot, Pamphlet Attacks, opposite p. 288.

94 Spence, Observations, Anecdotes, and Characters of Books and Men, i, 111 (no. 251).

95 A Full and True Account of a Horrid and Barbarous Revenge by Poison on the Body of Mr. Edmund Curll (London, 1716). The episode and various publications relating to it are described in Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 167–72, 204.

96 John Oldmixon, The Catholick Poet (London, 1716), 1.

97 The Life of the Late Celebrated Mrs. Elizabeth Wisebourn, Vulgarly Call'd Mother Wybourn (London, 1721). See Sherburn, The Early Career of Alexander Pope, 294–5, and Guerinot, Pamphlet Attacks, 80–2.

98 On Hervey's relationship with Stephen Fox, see Robert Halsband, Lord Hervey: Eighteenth-Century Courtier (New York, 1974), 68–70, 88–91, 100–1, 102–3; Norton, Mother Clap's Molly House, 146–58; and Taylor and Smith, ‘Hephaestion and Alexander’.

99 Charles Henry Collins Baker, The Life and Circumstances of James Brydges, First Duke of Chandos, Patron of the Liberal Arts (Oxford, 1949).

100 Susan Jenkins, Portrait of a Patron: The Patronage and Collecting of James Brydges, 1st Duke of Chandos (1674–1744) (Aldershot, 2007), 78–86.

101 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 188.

102 On the authorship of Acis and Galatea, see Brian Trowell, ‘Acis, Galatea and Polyphemus: A “Serenata a tre voci”?’, Music and Theatre: Essays in Honour of Winton Dean, ed. Nigel Fortune (Cambridge, 1987), 31–93. The authorship of Esther is very uncertain; Winton Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques (London, 1959), 197–8, suggests it is most plausible that Arbuthnot planned the scheme, with Pope helping with versification.

103 Graydon Beeks, ‘Handel and Music for the Earl of Carnarvon’, Bach, Handel, Scarlatti, ed. Peter Williams (Cambridge, 1985), 1–20; idem, ‘“A Club of Composers”: Handel, Pepusch and Arbuthnot at Cannons’, Handel Tercentenary Collection, ed. Stanley Sadie and Anthony Hicks (Ann Arbor, MI, 1987), 209–21; and idem, ‘The Chandos Anthems of Haym, Handel and Pepusch’, Göttinger Händel-Beitrâge, 5 (1993), 161–93.

104 Nokes, John Gay, 277.

105 The Letters of John Gay, ed. Chester Francis Burgess (Oxford, 1966).

106 Nokes, John Gay, 308. William H. Irving, John Gay: Favorite of the Wits (Durham, NC, 1940), 184, thinks Gay was ‘doing his bit’ for the production of Esther (which argument Otto Erich Deutsch questions in Handel: A Documentary Biography (New York, 1955), 113).

107 Collins Baker, The Life and Circumstances of James Brydges.

108 Nokes, John Gay, 289–90.

109 Whether Cannons was the model for Timon's Villa is in dispute; for the classic statement of the problem, see George Sherburn, ‘“Timon's Villa” and Cannons’, Huntington Library Bulletin, 8 (1935), 131–52; Maynard Mack, Alexander Pope, 498–501; and James McLaverty, Pope, Print and Meaning (Oxford, 2001), 144–7. The controversy is reviewed in Jenkins, Portrait of a Patron.

110 Sherburn, ‘“Timon's Villa” and Cannons’, 143, 138, 142.

111 Footnote to line 357 of the first edition of the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot (quoted in Sherburn, ‘“Timon's Villa” and Cannons’, 142).

112 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 180.

113 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 163–7.

114 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 163. George S. Rousseau set the pattern for Thomas's approach by suggesting that Handel's biographers’ overlooking his sexuality ‘for reasons they never explicitly state’ is cause to suspect his homosexuality; ‘The Pursuit of Homosexuality in the Eighteenth Century’, 135.

115 As transcribed in Donald Burrows, ‘Handel and Hanover’, Bach, Handel, Scarlatti, ed. Williams, 35–59 (p. 39). See also Anthony Hicks, ‘Handel's Early Musical Development’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 103 (1976–7), 80–9 (p. 83).

116 On Vittoria, see Carlo Vitali and Antonello Furnari, ‘Händels Italienreise: Neue Dokumente, Hypothesen und Interpretationen’, Göttinge Händel-Beiträge, 4 (1991), 41–66 (p. 61); Ursula Kirkendale, ‘Handel with Ruspoli: New Documents from the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, December 1706 to December 1708’, Warren and Ursula Kirkendale, Music and Meaning: Studies in Music History and the Neighbouring Disciplines (Florence, 2007), 361–415; and Carlo Vitali, ‘Vittoria Tarquini’, The Cambridge Handel Encyclopedia, ed. Landgraf and Vickers, 630–1.

117 Mainwaring, Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel, 53–4. Mainwaring reported previously how Vittoria had ‘conceived a design of transferring her affections’ to Handel at Florence (pp. 50–1).

118 Mainwaring, Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel, 53–4. Mainwaring reported previously how Vittoria had ‘conceived a design of transferring her affections’ to Handel at Florence (pp. 50–1), 28–9.

119 John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music, 2 vols. (London, 1853), ii, 911–12.

120 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 160.

121 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 161.

122 William C. Smith, ‘George III, Handel, and Mainwaring’, Musical Times, 65 (1924), 789–95 (p. 793).

123 [William Coxe], Anecdotes of George Frederick Handel, and John Christopher Smith (London, 1799), 28–9; repeated in C. F. Abdy Williams, Handel (London, 1901), 191.

124 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 46.

125 Thomas, ‘“Was George Frideric Handel Gay?”’, 161.

126 Charles Burney, ‘Sketch of the Life of Handel’, An Account of the Musical Performances in Westminster-Abbey (London, 1785), 1–38 (first pagination) (pp. 34, 37).

127 Hawkins, A General History of Music, ii, 912; and Jacob Simon, Handel: A Celebration of his Life and Times, 1685–1759 (London, 1985), 289–90.

128 Ellen Harris, ‘Handel the Investor’, Music and Letters, 85 (2004), 521–75.

129 The anecdotes about Handel and Prince Frederick are presented in Thomas McGeary, ‘Handel and the Feuding Royals’, Handel Institute Newsletter, 17 (autumn 2006), 5–8.

130 David Hunter, ‘Just the Facts?’ (review of Winton Dean, Handel's Operas, 1726–1741), Early Music, 35 (2007), 460–2 (p. 461).

131 Handel's relations with Goupy are presented at length in Ellen T. Harris, ‘Joseph Goupy and George Frideric Handel: From Professional Triumphs to Personal Estrangement’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 71 (2008), 397–452.

132 The relevant extracts from the correspondence of Mary Delany (Mary Pendarves) are printed in Deutsch, Handel. The correspondence from the Harris family circle is extracted in Music and Theatre in Handel's World: The Family Papers of James Harris, 1732–1780, ed. Donald Burrows and Rosemary Dunhill (Oxford, 2002), 23, 26, 27, 29, 36, 46, 68, 70, 76, 79, 80, 86, 88, 94, 97, 98, 99, 115, 117, 119, 142, 143, 152, 163, 166, 178, 180, 182, 207, 220, 225, 226, 233, 282, 314, 326, 327, 328, 335 and 338.

133 Harris, ‘Homosexual Context and Identity’, 49–50.

134 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 188, 240, 241. This mistaken idea seems to have been taken from Foucault (‘the nearly universal reticence in talking about it [sodomy]’); The History of Sexuality, i, trans. Hurley, 101.

135 Lillian Faderman, Surpassing the Love of Men: Romantic Friendship and Love between Women from the Renaissance to the Present (New York, 1981); Sedgwick, Between Men; Jonathan Goldberg, Sodometries: Renaissance Texts, Modern Sexualities (Stanford, CA, 1992); Emma Donoghue, Passions Between Women: British Lesbian Culture, 1668–1801 (London, 1993); Cameron McFarlane, The Sodomite in Fiction and Satire (New York, 1997); Harriette Andreadis, Sappho in Early Modern England: Female Same-Sex Literary Erotics, 1550–1714 (Chicago, IL, 2001); and Valerie Traub, The Renaissance of Lesbianism in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2002). See also the following anthologies of texts: Homosexuality in Renaissance and Enlightenment England: Literary Representations in Historical Context, ed. Claude Summers (New York, 1992); Chloe Plus Olivia: An Anthology of Lesbian Literature from the Seventeenth Century to the Present, ed. Lillian Faderman (New York, 1994); Pages Passed from Hand to Hand: The Hidden Tradition of Homosexual Literature in English 1748–1914, ed. Mark Mitchell and David Leavitt (London, 1997); The Lesbian Pillow Book, ed. Alison Hennegan (London, 2000); and The Literature of Lesbianism: A Historical Anthology from Ariosto to Stonewall, ed. Terry Castle (New York, 2003).

136 On the visibility of sodomy, see Randolph Trumbach, ‘London's Sodomites’, Journal of Social History, 11 (1977), 1–33; Barry Richard Burg, Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition: English Sea Rovers in the Seventeenth-Century Caribbean (New York, 1984), 1–41; Trumbach, ‘Sodomitical Subcultures, Sodomitical Roles, and the Gender Revolution of the Eighteenth Century: The Recent Historiography’, 'Tis Nature's Fault, ed. Maccubbin, 109–21; idem, ‘Sodomitical Assaults, Gender Role, and Sexual Development in Eighteenth-Century London’, The Pursuit of Sodomy: Male Homosexuality in Renaissance and Enlightenment Europe, ed. Kent Gerard and Gert Hekma (New York, 1989), 407–29 (also published as Journal of Homosexuality, 16/1–2 (1988)); idem, ‘The Birth of the Queen: Sodomy and the Emergence of Gender Equality in Modern Culture, 1660–1750’, Hidden from History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past, ed. Martin B. Duberman, Martha Vicinus and George Chauncey, Jr (New York, 1989), 129–40; idem, ‘Gender and the Homosexual Role in Modern Western Culture: The 18th and 19th Centuries Compared’, Homosexuality, Which Homosexuality? Essays from the International Scientific Conference on Lesbian and Gay Studies (London, 1989), 149–69; and Dennis Rubini, ‘Sexuality and Augustan England: Sodomy, Politics, Elite Circles and Society’, The Pursuit of Sodomy, ed. Gerard and Hekma, 349–81. Unflinching descriptions of sodomy in printed trial reports are given in George E. Haggerty, ‘Keyhole Testimony: Witnessing Sodomy in the Eighteenth Century’, The Eighteenth Century: Theory and Interpretation, 44 (2003), 167–82; and in satire and fiction in McFarlane, The Sodomite in Fiction and Satire, 25–107.

140 The Diverting Muse, or, the Universal Medly (1707), 156–65 (p. 151).

137 4th edn (1704), 403.

138 In Poems on Affairs of State […] to 1703, ii (2nd edn, 1716), 156–65 (p. 164).

139 In Poems on Affairs of State from 1640 to […] 1704, iii (1704), 370–1 (p. 370).

141 John H. O'Neill, ‘Sexuality, Deviance, and Moral Character in the Personal Satire of the Restoration’, Eighteenth–Century Life, 2 (1975), 16–19; Harold Weber, ‘“Drudging in Fair Aurelia's Womb”: Constructing Homosexual Economies in Rochester's Poetry’, The Eighteenth Century: Theory and Interpretation, 33 (1992), 99–117; and Paul Hammond, Figuring Sex between Men from Shakespeare to Rochester (Oxford, 2002), 155–85.

142 For Charles II's sexual behaviour, see Harold Weber, ‘Charles II, George Pines, and Mr. Dorimant: The Politics of Sexual Power in Restoration England’, Criticism, 32 (1990), 193–219; Paul Hammond, ‘The King's Two Bodies: Representations of Charles II’, Culture, Politics, and Society in Britain, 1660–1800, ed. Jeremy Black and Jeremy Gregory (Manchester, 1991), 13–48 (esp. pp. 26–30); and Rachel Weil, ‘Sometimes a Scepter is Only a Scepter: Pornography and Politics in Restoration England’, The Invention of Pornography: Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500–1800, ed. Lynn Hunt (New York, 1993), 125–53. For William III, see Rubini, ‘Sexuality and Augustan England’, and McFarlane, The Sodomite in Fiction and Satire, 79–80.

143 Edward Gregg, Queen Anne (London, 1980), 275–6, 326.

146 The Genuine Works of Mr. Daniel D'Foe (London, 1721), 85.

144 Poems on Affairs of State […] to 1703, ii (2nd edn, London, 1716), 438–41 (p. 440).

145 Poems on Affairs of State […] to 1703, ii (2nd edn, London, 1716), 438–41 (p. 440), 361.

147 The Memorial of the Church of England (London, 1705; quoting Dublin, 1711 edn), 20. The circumstances are discussed in J. A. Downie, Robert Harley and the Press: Propaganda and Public Opinion in the Age of Swift and Defoe (Cambridge, 1979), 80–100.

149 The Conspirators; or, The Case of Catiline (quoting from 9th edn, 1721), 25. A manuscript newsletter from 1717 reported: ‘There are many malicious stories talked of the Earl of Sunderland, of scandalous law actions thereupon, but with what ground time will show’; Historical Manuscripts Commission, The Manuscripts of His Grace the Duke of Portland Preserved at Welbeck Abbey, 9 vols. (London, 1891–1923), v (1899), 551.

148 On the case of Sunderland, see Norton, Mother Clap's Molly House, 41–3.

150 In The Windsor Medley (London, 1731), 3–5. The volume is a collection of prose and verse handed about while the court was at Windsor the previous summer.

151 William Pulteney, A Proper Reply to a Late Scurrilous Libel; Intitled, Sedition and Defamation Display'd (London, 1731), 5, 6 and 27; see also A Tryal of Skill between 'Squire Walsingham and Mother Oborne […] to Which are Added, Horace to Fannius (London, 1734). Hervey is similarly characterized in a description of his feud with Pope in A Tryal of Skill between a Court Lord, and a Twickenham 'Squire (London, 1734).

153 Grub-Street Journal, 26 June 1735.

152 Lines 305, 308, 309, 326, 328–9. Further poems about Hervey's sexuality are explored in Jon T. Rowland, ‘Swords in Myrtle Dress'd’: Toward a Rhetoric of Sodom: Gay Readings of Homosexual Politics and Poetics in the Eighteenth Century (Cranbury, NJ, 1998), 65–87.

154 These are discussed and reprinted in Thomas McGeary, ‘Verse Epistles on Italian Opera Singers, 1724–1736’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, 33 (2000), 29–88. See also idem, ‘Gendering Opera: Italian Opera as the Feminine “Other” in England, 1700–42’, Journal of Musicological Research, 14 (1994), 17–34; and idem, ‘Repressing Female Desire on the London Opera Stage, 1724–1727’, Women and Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture, 4 (2000), 40–58.

155 Autograph letter from Mary Delany, Newport Public Library; as quoted in Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 19.

156 ‘Little Peggy’; The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole's Correspondence, ed. Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis, 34 vols. (New Haven, CT, 1937–), xxx (1961), 309.

157 On justifying such a historicist approach and arguments against extreme scepticism about the very possibility of it, see Eric Donald Hirsch, Jr, The Aims of Interpretation (Chicago, IL, 1976), Chapters 5 and 9; Robert D. Hume, ‘Texts within Contexts: Notes toward a Historical Method’, Philological Quarterly, 71 (1992), 69–100; John R. Searle, ‘Rationality and Realism: What is at Stake?’, Daedalus, 122/4 (autumn 1993), 55–83; Hume, Reconstructing Contexts: The Aims and Principles of Archaeo-Historicism (Oxford, 1999); and idem, ‘The Aims and Limits of Historical Scholarship’, Review of English Studies, n.s. 53 (2002), 399–422. For replies to the postmodern critique of traditional history, see Gertrude Himmelfarb, ‘Telling It as You Like It’, The Times Literary Supplement (16 October 1992), 12–15; Richard J. Evans, In Defense of History (London, 1997); and Himmelfarb, ‘Beyond Method’, What's Happened to the Humanities?, ed. Alvin Kernan (Princeton, NJ, 1997), 143–61.

158 Harris, Handel as Orpheus, 14.