The present article underwent various redactions, first as a contribution to a volume of proceedings for a conference on 1,000 years of music in Austria (Ottawa, 1996), from which the scheduled publisher had at the last minute to withdraw his support, then in a new, revised version for this journal. I thank the various readers, among them Profs. Peter Allsop (University of Exeter), Andrew Dell'Antonio (University of Texas, Austin) and Harry White (University College, Dublin), who, along the way, shaped my thoughts with their helpful suggestions.Google Scholar

1 ‘The empress and the lady duchess performed a charming dance […] that met with the highest favour of the emperor, unaccustomed to seeing similar dances.‘ Gabriele Bertazzolo, Breve relatione dello sposalitio fatto della Serenissima Principessa Eleonora Gonzaga con la Sacra Cesarea maestà di Ferdinando II (Mantua, 1622); see below and, at length, last section.Google Scholar

2 Vienna was the official residence of the Habsburg family from 1278, as the seat of the Holy Roman Emperors and after 1805 the emperors of Austria. Reorganized under Maximilian I (1493–1519), the imperial Hofkapelle was centred in Vienna, except for its displacement to Prague in the years 1576–1612 under Rudolf II. For general studies, see Ludwig Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 (Vienna, 1869; repr. Hildesheim, 1976), and Alfred Smijers, ‘Die kaiserliche Hofmusik-Kapelle von 1543 bis 1619‘, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, 6 (1919), 139–86; 7 (1920), 102–42; 8 (1921), 166; and 9 (1922), 43–81. Related courts were Graz, for the Styrian line of the Habsburg family; Innsbruck, for its Tyrolean line; and Prague, for the kings of Bohemia, among them Charles, who became emperor in 1356 (Charles IV), and Ferdinand, who became emperor in 1556 (Ferdinand I). For Graz, see Federhofer, Hellmut, Musikpflege und Musiker am Grazer Habsburgerhof der Erzherzöge Karl und Ferdinand von Innerösterreich (1564–1619) (Mainz, 1967): with the election of Archduke Ferdinand as emperor in 1619 the court moved to Vienna. For Innsbruck, see Senn, Walter, Musik und Theater am Hof zu Innsbruck: Geschichte der Hofkapelle vom 15. Jahrhundert bis zu deren Auflösung im Jahre 1748 (Innsbruck, 1954): its court chapel flourished under Archduke Ferdinand II (1567–95) and his successors Maximilian (1602–18) and Leopold V (1618–32). For Prague, particularly under Rudolf II, see, from a socio-cultural point of view, Robert John Weston Evans, Rudolf II and his World: A Study in Intellectual History, 1576–1612 (Oxford, 1973). For a similarly broad study on Vienna under Ferdinand II (1619–37), see Birely, Robert, Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, William Lamormaini, S. J., and the Formation of Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill, 1981).Google Scholar

3 Among the minstrels at the court of Duke Friedrich der Schöne (1308–30) one finds four, named Frefre, Feoli, Lorenço and Ibarri; see Theophil Antonicek et al., ‘Vienna’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 29 vols. (2nd edn, London, 2001), xxvi, 548–82 (p. 548).Google Scholar

4 Of these, Orologio became assistant chapelmaster (Vize-Kapellmeister) during 1603–13. For details, see Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle, 52–5.Google Scholar

5 For Italians in the various court chapels, see Einstein, Alfred, ‘Italienische Musik und italienische Musiker am Kaiserhof und an den erzherzoglichen Höfen in Innsbruck und Graz’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, 21 (1934), 3–52. For their representation among other musicians during the period 1564–76 under Emperor Maximilian II, see Pass, Walter, ‘Musik und Musiker am Hof Maximilians II’ (dissertation, University of Vienna, 1973).Google Scholar

6 During 1619–37 11 of the 18 singers in the cappella were Italians, as were ten of its 23 instrumentalists (including court trumpeters). The number of Italian musicians decreased thereafter (during 1637–57, for example, 16 figured among the 41 instrumentalists), yet, as said, was counterbalanced by Italians occupying the post of chapelmaster: Priuli, from 1619 to 1622, under Ferdinand II (though he came to the court in 1614–15); Valentini, from 1622 to 1649, under Ferdinand II and III; Bertali, from 1649 to 1669, under Ferdinand III (though he came to the court in 1624); and Sances, from 1669 to 1679, under Leopold I (though appointed, under Ferdinand III, as singer in 1636 and assistant chapelmaster in 1649). For sacred music under Ferdinand II, see Saunders, Steven, Cross, Sword and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (1619–1637) (Oxford, 1995); and for a listing of chapelmasters, organists, singers and instrumentalists, pp. 225–30. The composer Pietro Verdina was, before 1630, in the service of Ferdinand II, then, after 1637, as assistant chapelmaster, in that of Ferdinand III: for the cappella under Ferdinand III, see Nettl, Paul, ‘Zur Geschichte der kaiserlichen Hofmusikkapelle von 1636–1660‘, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, 16 (1929), 70–85; 17 (1930), 95–104; and 18 (1931), 23–35.Google Scholar

7 On the two empresses Eleonora (wives respectively of Ferdinand II and III) and their ‘musicians’, see Seifert, Herbert, ‘Die Musiker der beiden Kaiserinnen Eleonora Gonzaga’, Festschrift Othmar Wessely zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Manfred Angerer et al. (Tutzing, 1982), 527–54 (the first Eleonora died in 1655, the second in 1687).Google Scholar

8 Priuli: ‘Dedicate alla maestà della imperatrice Eleonora Gonzaga d'Austria’ (‘Dedicated to Her Majesty, Empress Eleonora Gonzaga d'Austria’, from title; after Il nuovo Vogel, ed. François Lesure and Claudio Sartori, 3 vols., Pomezia, 1977, no. 2279). For further evidence of Priuli's connections with Mantua, see his Musiche concertate […] libro quarto (Venice, 1622), dedicated to Duke Ferdinando (cf. Il nuovo Vogel, no. 2283). Monteverdi offered his book ‘alla Sacra Cesarea Maestà dell'Imperatrice Eleonora Gonzaga’ (‘to the Sacred Imperial Majesty of the Empress Eleonora Gonzaga’; from title), explaining further (in the dedication): ‘Havendo io cominciato a consacrare alle glorie della Serenissima Casa Gonzaga la mia riverente servitù, all'hora quando compiacquesi il Serenissimo Signor Duca Vincenzo genitore della Sacra Maestà Vostra […] di ricevere gli effetti della mia osservanza, quali nella mia verde età cercai con ogni diligenza, et co'l mio talento della Musica per lo spatio di anni vinti due continui’ (‘After starting out by consecrating my reverent service to the glories of the Most Serene House of Gonzaga, it then pleased the Most Serene Lord Duke Vincenzo, Your Sacred Majesty's father, […] to receive the results of my esteem: those works that from the time of my green youth I most diligently sought with my talent for music to produce over the course of 22 consecutive years’; after Il nuovo Vogel, no. 1955).Google Scholar

9 For an eyewitness account of the ceremonies (though with limited information on the music), see Bertazzolo, Breve relatione, on which more below. For Habsburg wedding celebrations in Munich, seat of the dukes of Upper Bavaria, see Seifert, Herbert, Der Sig-prangende Hochzeit-Gott: Hochzeitsfeste am Wiener Hof der Habsburger und ihre Allegorik 1622–1699 (Vienna, 1988).Google Scholar

10 That Buonamente accompanied Eleonora to her wedding can be supported by a document in Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Staatenabteilung, Diplomatische Akten, Rom – Korrespondenz, Karton 50, f. 48 (see Saunders, Cross, Sword and Lyre, 121). Evidence for his Mantuan tenure can be found in Mantua, Archivio Storico (Archivio Gonzaga), Libri dei mandati 98: 17 November 1605, f. 19, and 13 December 1606, f. 89 (on the latter, see Parisi, Susan Helen, ‘Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua, 1587–1627: An Archival Study’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1989, 417). Two other documents, from 24 October 1605 and 16 July 1607, refer respectively to ‘Gio.[vanni] e consorti Bonamente’ (f. 38) and ‘Bartolom.[eo] e Consorti Bonamente’ (f. 121^v); that is, for the first, ‘Giovanni [Battista?] and members of the Buonamente family’, and for the second, ‘Bartolomeo and members of the Buonamente family’ (including Giovanni Battista?).Google Scholar

11 The letters are briefly summarized in Paul Nettl, ‘Giovanni Battista Buonamente’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 9 (1926–7), 528–42 (pp. 528–9, 541–2).Google Scholar

12 ‘[…] e credo voler spiegar in carta l'obbligo ch'io professo d'aver a questa casa, in particolar a V.[ostra] A.[ltezza]’ (3 December 1627; after Nettl, ‘Giovanni Battista Buonamente’, 529). For more on Cesare, see below, in connection with Margherita [Basile].Google Scholar

13 For the appointment in 1622, see document (already mentioned in note 10 above) in Vienna, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv. In the letter just quoted, Buonamente refers to his various responsibilities as imperial musician, then adds the closure ‘Don Gio.[vanni] Batt.[ist]a Buonamente musico di S.[acra] M.[aestà] C.[esarea]’ (after Nettl, ‘Giovanni Battista Buonamente’, 529). For his affiliation with the imperial court, as it comes to the fore in the prefatory matter to Books 4 and 5 of his instrumental works, from respectively 1626 and 1629, see below. Saunders extends his duties at the court until c.1631 (Cross, Sword and Lyre, 227).Google Scholar

14 He appears among the chapel singers under Ferdinand II: see Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle, 56; and Saunders, Cross, Sword and Lyre, 226.Google Scholar

15 Parnassus musicus Ferdinandeus in quo musici nobilissimi, qua suavitate, qua arte prorsus admirabili, et divina ludunt 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. vocum a Joanne Baptista Bonometti bergomate serenissimi Ferdinandi archiducis Austriae etc. musico congestus (Venice, 1615). The collection contains 57 works by 32 composers (two of the works are unattributed).Google Scholar

16 Except, mistakenly, by Johann Gottfried Walther, who in the entry on ‘Bonometti (Gio Battista)’ for his Musicalisches Lexikon; oder, musicalische Bibliothec (Leipzig, 1732; facs. repr. Kassel, 1953), 105–6, identified him as the editor of Parnassus musicus, then wrote that ‘in a collection of three-voice works published in Vienna in 1623 and consisting of gagliarde and correnti for two violins and a violone he was called Buonamente’ (the reference is probably to Buonamente's Libro terzo, no longer extant).Google Scholar

17 For a detailed study of the collection, see Federhofer, Hellmut, ‘Graz Court Musicians and their Contributions to the Parnassus musicus Ferdinandaeus (1615)’, Musica disciplina, 9 (1955), 167–244. Bonometti's will can be found in Vienna, Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Alte Ziviljustiz-Testamente, 4809/17. Jahrhundert. Speaking of Bonometti, Federhofer quotes the last will and testament of his wife, who on 28 December 1639 asked to be buried ‘in the grave of her dearly remembered husband’ (‘Graz Court Musicians’, 179, after document in Vienna, Stadtarchiv, no. 4942/17 saec.). Bonometti's absence from court records after 1620 led Federhofer to conclude that he probably died shortly thereafter (ibid.).Google Scholar

18 The one being Georg Poss, even though he spent three years studying music in Italy and is considered a representative of the Venetian style. See Hermann J. Busch, Georg Poss, Leben und Werk: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutsch-venezianischen Schule in Österreich am Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1972).Google Scholar

19 On the repertory at Santa Maria Maggiore in the early seventeenth century, see Roche, Jerome, ‘Music at Santa Maria Maggiore, Bergamo, 1614–1643‘, Music and Letters, 47 (1966), 295–312 (without mention of Buonamente).Google Scholar

20 For an inventory of its musical holdings, including sacred works by Buonamente, see Assisi: La cappella della Basilica di S. Francesco, i: Catalogo del fondo musicale nella Biblioteca comunale d'Assisi, ed. Claudio Sartori (Milan, 1962), esp. (for Buonamente) pp. 191, 342.Google Scholar

21 There is some confusion over the year of his death. Stephen Bonta, in his entry on Buonamente in The New Grove Dictionary (2nd edn), iv, 606–7, writes that he died in Assisi on 29 August 1642 (no source is given).Google Scholar

22 Il quarto libro de varie sonate, sinfonie, gagliarde, corrente, e brandi per sonar con due violini, et un basso di viola di Giovanni Battista Buonamente musico di Sua Maestà Cesarea (Venice, 1626).Google Scholar

23 ‘[…] questi pochi concerti per due Violini, i quali nati per diletto della Maestà Vostra, et nodriti, et sollevati dalla sua immensa benignità‘ (from dedication).Google Scholar

24 ‘Di Sua Maestà Cesarea humilissimo devotissimo et obbligatissimo servitore Giovanni Battista Buonamente’.Google Scholar

25 Title: Il quinto libro de varie sonate, sinfonie, gagliarde, corrente, et ariette per sonar con due violini, et un basso di viola. Del Cavallier Giovanni Battista Buonamente musico di Sua Maestà Cesarea (Venice, 1629). Alessandro Vincenti, the publisher, prefaced the collection with his own dedication to the composer, addressing him as ‘Molto illustre signore, mio signore et patrone colendissimo, il signor Cavallier Giovanni Battista Buonamente musico di Sua Maestà Cesarea’ ('Most Illustrious Lord, my Most Revered Lord and Patron, Lord Cavalier Giovanni Battista Buonamente, musician of His Imperial Majesty'). The distinction ‘Cavallier’ would appear to have been conferred on Buonamente in 1627, to judge from the letter, with the appellative ‘Don’, that he wrote in December of that year (see above); by comparison, in the prefatory matter to Book 4, 1626, the composer is untitled.Google Scholar

26 ‘[…] il Parnaso (per così dire) della Maestà Vostra, poichè non essendo permesso ad arte, o scienza moderna l'adeguare il delicatissimo gusto di Vostra Maestà‘.Google Scholar

27 ‘[…] dell'alta intelligenza della Maestà Vostra nella professione della Musica […] all'essatissima cognitione, che di ogni più perfetto numero armonico tiene la Maestà Vostra’.Google Scholar

28 Bonta wrote, in this respect, that Buonamente ‘appears to have worked [with Rossi] at Mantua’ (entry in The New Grove Dictionary, 2nd edn, iv, 606).Google Scholar

29 It is not clear when exactly Book 5 was composed, for its pieces were assembled by the publisher Vincenti without the composer's knowledge. Indeed, in the dedication to Book 5 Vincenti admits that he stole them from their owner in manuscript, then, to make amends for the theft, returned them to him in print: ‘Che non si rimetta il furto, senza la restitutione della cosa tolta, è vulgatissima sentenza, Molto Illustre mio Signore, Chè perciò havendo io commesso un furto amoroso, e riverente con V.[ostra] S.[ignoria] che è stato il levargli furtivamente queste Sonate a Penna; ecco, che per ricevere la remissione della colpa, vengo a restituirgliele in istampa’ (‘ “No theft is repaired without the restitution of the item removed” is a common saying, my Most Illustrious Lord. Since I perpetrated a loving and reverent theft upon Your Lordship, which was to lift from him by stealth these sonatas in manuscript, behold! for gaining remission of my guilt I now restore them to him in print‘). Vincenti would probably not have been as keen as he was on publishing them unless they were new, so the time of publication probably reflects the time of composition.Google Scholar

30 See The New Grove Dictionary, 2nd edn, xxvi, 551. For broader studies of Buonamente, beyond the earlier one by Nettl, see Stanley E. Romanstein, ‘Giovanni Battista Buonamente and Instrumental Music of the Early Baroque’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cincinnati, 1990; chapters 2–5 individually treat Books 4–7) and Peter Allsop, Cavalier Giovanni Battista Buonamente: Franciscan Violinist (forthcoming).Google Scholar

31 On the important role of the Gonzagas as intermediaries between Italian and Austrian music, in their various vocal and by implication instrumental types, see Nettl, ‘Giovanni Battista Buonamente’, 530, n. 2.Google Scholar

32 The mention of Rossi's own concerto appears in a letter to Duke Vincenzo's counsellor Annibale Chieppio (Mantua, Archivio di Stato (Archivio Gonzaga) 1337; 29 September 1612), there as ‘sua compagnia, o suo concerto’; and in Hebrew as ‘he-ḥakham min ha-'adumim ve-si'ato’, i.e. ‘the learned Rossi and his company’ (‘si'a’ = compagnia, concerto), in a rabbinical responsum by Netan'el Trabotto from 1645. On Rossi's concerto and its peregrinations, see Don Harrán, Salamone Rossi, Jewish Musician in Late Renaissance Mantua (Oxford, 1999), 20–4, 32–3.Google Scholar

33 See Rossi, Salamone, Complete Works, ed. Don Harrán, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 100, 13 vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1995–2003), xi, 25–8.Google Scholar

34 The title to the 1623 edition (Il terzo libro, etc.) is followed by the indication terza impressione, or ‘third printing’. It was after the example of the same printing that Book 3 was reissued in 1638 (‘terza impressione nuovamente ristampata‘).Google Scholar

35 There is some internal evidence to bolster such an argument: the first two sonatas in the collection are canzona-sonatas, the next three variation sonatas; the sixth, however, stands apart from them in its unique construction as a series of alternating solos between two violins that eventually meet in a final duet. The work may be considered a ‘special’ sonata, and in Book 4 in fact such a sonata was separated from the 12 opening ones by 23 numbers, only to be placed at the end. As a counterargument it might be mentioned that if an earlier edition of Book 3 had not six but five sonatas at the beginning it would have been most unconventional in its constitution.Google Scholar

36 See Parisi, Susan, ‘Musicians at the Court of Mantua during Monteverdi's Time: Evidence from the Payrolls’, Musicologia humana: Studies in Honour of Warren and Ursula Kirkendale, ed. Siegfried Gmeinwieser, David Hiley and Jörg Riedlbauer (Florence, 1994), 183–208.Google Scholar

37 ‘Horatio Casalasco […] nella parte che egli fa co'l violino nelle sinfonie di Salomone in compagnia di suo fratello’. Mantua, Archivio Storico (Archivio Gonzaga), 2771 (see Parisi, ‘Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua’, 654–5).Google Scholar

38 See Rossi, Complete Works, ed. Harrán, xi, 3–5 (‘Sonata seconda detta la Casalasca‘), 66–9 (brandi, nos. 2 and 3) and 82–3 (corrente, no. 7).Google Scholar

39 ‘[…] per nostre proprie lettere resti affatto sincerata del mottivo che ci indusse forzatamente a deliberare d'abbandonare il serviggio di Vostra Altezza; fu donque questo, sono già 24 Anni che dalla felicissima Memoria del serenissimo signor Duca Vincenzo fossimo chiamati a servirLa[:] al qual serviggio habbiamo sin adesso continuato pensando confidati sempre nella benignità delli Serenissimi Principe e fratello, et di Vostra Altezza alla fine co'l lungo servire poter provedere alle miserie che suole seco portare la conditione di povero. Hora vedendo noi, che non già dalle Altezze loro le quali sempre si sono mostrate di bonissimo pensiero verso di noi, del che glie ne rendiamo infinite gratie, ma forse dalla contraria nostra fortuna alla quale solo potiamo ciò atribuire, è avvennuto che non mai ci è stato possibile spontar cosa alcuna; e quel che più importa è ‘l vedermi Io addossata [sic] meglio con figluoli e moglie il cui talento ho sempre stimato dovesse servirmi per riparo alla povertà comune, e mia, e di lei vedendovi ogni giorno meno strada, da una parte disperati dall'altra alettati, dal partito non ordinario offertoci; questo fu serenissimo signore, che c'indusse a determinare d'abbandonar il serviggio di Vostra Altezza […] non saprei in che modo mostrarlo all'Altezza Vostra, che con porre hora me, e tutti i miei nelle mani di Vostra Altezza offerendole ogni nostro talento, col suplicarla però haver riguardo alla povertà et alla fortuna che ci vien offerta. Il servir l'Altezza Vostra è a noi più caro che servir qualonque altro, pure ne l'Altezza Vostra vuole la nostra ruina. L'Altezza Vostra dispongSi [sic] di noi quanto gli agrada, così del restare, come dell'andare, tutto sia solo con buona gratia di Vostra Altezza.’ Mantua, Archivio Storico (Archivio Gonzaga), letter dated 8 September 1623 (no. 356).Google Scholar

40 Picinelli was hired by the Mantuan court in April 1620 and appears on its salary rolls for 1621 and 1622. See Parisi, ‘Ducal Patronage of Music in Mantua’, 475.Google Scholar

41 ‘Essendo a tutti li miei, unico rifuggio la gratia del Serenissimo nostro, nella qual sperando restano sicuri, che non vorrà permetter che per servirlo siano astretti a patire di cosa alcuna. Perciò io infrascritto con questa mia vengo humilmente ad esporre a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima le nostre necessità, col supplicarla le voglia espresse ad esso Serenissimo, acciò si degni aiutarci, in quel miglior modo a lui piacerà, nel che protestiamo rimetterci in tutto e per tutto a quanto sarà con la lui buona gratia. Dico dunque, che doppo che il Serenissimo s'è degnato gratia mia moglie della provisione che haveva il Signor Virginio Puccitelli nel che mi trovo gratiatissimo, desiderarei ancora di più esser gratiato con mio frattello, d'augmento alle nostre provisioni. […] Quali cose tutte, non pretese, pretendendo noi la sola, gratia del Serenissimo nostro, ma necessarie al nostro vitto, senza eser astretti al continuo tedio d'esso Serenissimo habbiamo tutte in una volta sola esposte, perchè assicurati nella somma benignità d'esso Serenissimo et nel sommo favore di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima: speriamo ottenutile poter con quiete d'animo continuar sino alla morte nella a noi carissima servitù di Sua Altezza Serenissima.’ Mantua, Archivio Storico (Archivio Gonzaga), letter dated 14 September 1623 (no. 365).Google Scholar

42 ‘[…] et ivi eramo Noi tutti della Musica piccola di camera le qual persone sono la signora Margarita et la Lucia mia signora, Don Francesco nostro et un giovane veronese organista et mio fratello et io del resto altri non intrano in detta camera, cioè nè altri musici. […] Il signor Arciduca Leopoldo ha già mandato tutti li suoi musici, de li quali in loco del Compagnolo io li ho messo a quello servitio il signor Pasquino Mantovano, che prima serviva la serenissima infante di Bruxelles.‘ Letter of 31 January 1631, quoted by Antonio Bertolotti, Musici alla corte dei Gonzaga in Mantova dal secolo XV al XVIII (Milan, 1890; repr. Bologna, 1969), 225.Google Scholar

43 She became installed in the service of Empress Eleonora, as arranged by Prince Cesare of Guastalla: ‘la signora Margarita cantatrice è già affermata et accordata per serva atuale con questa Sacra Maestà Cesarea, ed il tutto è stato negoziato per mano del signor Don Cesare di Guastalla’ (‘Mrs Margherita, the singer, has already become established and acknowledged as servant at present of Her Sacred Imperial Majesty, and everything was negotiated through the offices of Lord Don Cesare of Guastalla’; from same letter of Giovanni Battista, quoted in Bertolotti). In 1632 Margherita returned to the Mantuan court, where she stayed until at least 1636.Google Scholar

44 The latter appears together with Lucia on a Viennese payroll for 1637 (see Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle, 60). Margherita married into the Cattaneo family: one of its members was Giacomo Cattaneo, instrumentalist at the Mantuan court from around 1599 to his death in 1624; his daughter, Claudia, became Monteverdi's wife.Google Scholar

45 For quotations, see Bertolotti, Musici alla corte dei Gonzaga, 96.Google Scholar

46 See Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle, 58–60. For Giovanni Battista's wife Lucia, recorded there under women singers for 1637, see above, and further Saunders, Cross, Sword and Lyre, 181; for Francesco Michael Rubini, probably the son of Orazio or Giovanni Battista, see Nettl, ‘Zur Geschichte der kaiserlichen Hofmusikkapelle’ (1929), 75–6 (with two listings of payments for 1638).Google Scholar

47 Agostino Agazzari, Del sonare sopra il basso (Siena, 1607; facs. repr. Bologna, 1969), Eng. trans. in Source Readings in Music History, ed. Oliver Strunk (New York, 1950), 424–31.Google Scholar

48 On Part 1, see Biales, Albert, ‘Giovanni Priuli's Sacrorum concentuum pars prima (1618)‘, Analecta musicologica, 12 (1993), 97–108.Google Scholar

49 On Valentini's grandiloquent style, see Saunders, Steven, ‘The Habsburg Court of Ferdinand II and the Messa, Magnificat et Iubilate Deo a sette chori concertati con le trombe (1621) of Giovanni Valentini’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 44 (1992), 359–403.Google Scholar

50 It is enough to consult the listings in Instrumental Music Printed before 1600, ed. Howard Mayer Brown (Cambridge, MA, 1965); and for the Italian and French sources in particular, Lawrence Moe, ‘Dance Music in Printed Italian Lute Tablatures from 1507 to 1611’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1956), and Daniel Heartz, ‘Sources and Forms of the French Instrumental Dance in the Sixteenth Century’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1957).Google Scholar

51 On its conjectured performance during the celebrations in Vienna, toward the end of 1636, to mark Ferdinand III's coronation as Holy Roman Emperor, see Fabbri, Paolo, Monteverdi, trans. Tim Carter (Cambridge, 1994), 233–4.Google Scholar

52 Of which one is actually a ricercare (the sonata a4 in Book 1); Rossi, Complete Works, ed. Harrán, ix, 27–8.Google Scholar

53 Ibid., xii, nos. 20–3, 27.Google Scholar

54 Though identified in the title as resident in Assisi, Buonamente dedicated Book 6 to the Ferrarese Antonio Goretti, whom he addressed as ‘molto illustre signore patron mio osservandissimo il signor Antonio Goretti’ ('most illustrious lord and most esteemed patron, Mr Antonio Goretti'). Goretti was renowned for his ‘academy’, with its collection of portraits, music prints and instruments, to which Buonamente did not fail to allude: ‘la nobilissima Academia, ch'ella tiene in Casa, in cui con grandissima ammiratione di chi di vederla ne è fatto meritevole, si scorgano non solo i Ritratti, e l'Opere di quanti sin hora han stampato in tal'Arte, ma quante sorti di Stromenti Musicali fin qui sono stati ritrovati’ (‘the most noble academy that he runs at home, where, with the greatest admiration of those whose worth has increased by seeing it, one can view not only the portraits and compositions of as many persons as have until now published in this art [of music] but also [a collection of] as many kinds of musical instruments as have so far been recovered‘).Google Scholar

55 The number of movements, he noted, varied, yet usually comprised six, as follows: prelude (= sinfonia), allemande, ayre (= arietta), courante, sarabande and ‘toy’ (‘or what you please’, with one proviso, however: that the movements ‘be all in the same key‘). Thomas Mace, Musick's Monument (London, 1676; facs. repr. New York, 1966), 120.Google Scholar

56 Warning: not all sinfonie are non-dances. Marini, for example, writes, as the second work in his Affetti musicali (1617, p. 1), a balletto entitled ‘Il Vendramino’, equating it with a sinfonia (‘balletto overo sinfonia‘).Google Scholar

57 The ordering is that of the edition published (by Pierre Mortier) in Amsterdam around 1697 (10 Suittes de clavessin […] mis en meilleur ordre et corrigée d'un grand nombre de fautes); to be contrasted with the suites in the autograph copy, where the ordering is allemande–gigue–courante–sarabande. But, as known, it was the allemande–courante + sarabande–gigue that gained favour. In Corelli's chamber sonatas op. 5, to take a ‘classic’ Italian example, the pairs work variously as preludio–corrente + sarabanda–giga (sonata 7), preludio–allemanda + sarabanda–giga (sonata 8), preludio–giga + adagio–tempo di gavotta (sonata 9), etc.Google Scholar

58 As in Hans Neusidler's Das Ander Buch, Ein New künstlich Lautten Buch (Nuremberg, 1544), no. 10: ‘Ein guter artlicher hoff tantz’, followed by ‘Der hupff auff zum hoff tantz’.Google Scholar

59 See Guglielmo Ebreo of Pesaro (or after conversion Giovanni Ambrosio), De pratica seu arte tripudii / On the Practice or Art of Dancing (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds ital. MS 973, from 1463), ed. and trans. Barbara Sparti (Oxford, 1993), esp. 64–5.Google Scholar

60 Joan Ambrosio Dalza, Intabulatura de lauto libro quarto (Venice, 1508), nos. 15–21 for the first and 22–3 for the second.Google Scholar

61 It is enough to consult the index, under ‘Suite’, to Instrumental Music Printed before 1600, ed. Brown, 551.Google Scholar

62 Giorgio Mainerio, Il primo libro de balli a quatro voci, accommodati per cantar et sonar d'ogni sorte de istromenti (Venice, 1578): respectively nos. 1 or 9, 13, 20; 3; 14.Google Scholar

63 Dominico Bianchini, Intabolatura de liuto (Venice, 1546), no. 8; Giacomo de Gorzanis, Intavolatura di liuto (Venice, 1561), nos. 1–2.Google Scholar

64 Venice, 1600 (facs. repr. Bologna, 1970), trans. Julia Sutton, with music transcribed by F. Marian Walker (Oxford, 1986).Google Scholar

65 See Sutton's edition (pp. 185–92, 213–14) for the balletti entitled ‘Barriera’ and ‘Coppia Colonna’.Google Scholar

66 ‘Contentezza d'amore’, ‘Bassa Savella’ (ibid., 249–50, 252).Google Scholar

67 ‘Bassa honorata’ (ibid., 235–6).Google Scholar

68 ‘Amor costante’ (ibid., 228–9).Google Scholar

69 ‘Cortesia’ (ibid., 297–8).Google Scholar

70 ‘Selva amorosa’ (ibid., 310–12).Google Scholar

71 ‘Forza d'amore’ (ibid., 232–3).Google Scholar

72 ‘Laura suave’ (ibid., 165–72).Google Scholar

73 ‘Altezza d'amore’, ‘Nido d'amore’ (ibid., 208–10, 268–9).Google Scholar

74 ‘Alta Vittoria’ (ibid., 273–5).Google Scholar

75 See ‘Alta Gonzaga’, ‘Alta Colonna’, ‘Bellezze d'Olimpia’ (ibid., 175–6, 223, 241); and, for ‘Contrapasso nuovo’, ibid., 244.Google Scholar

76 See those variously of Guglielmo Ebreo, Caroso, Cesare Negri (Le gratie d'amore, 1602), etc.Google Scholar

77 See the various balletti, designated cascarda, in Caroso, Nobiltà di dame, trans. Sutton, 157 ('Alta regina'), 221 ('Doria Colonna'), 226 ('Allegrezza d'amore'), 246 ('Specchio d'amore'), 260 ('Ghirlanda d'amore'), 291 ('Ninfa leggiadra'), 303 ('Rara beltà'), 307 ('Donna leggiadra'), 314 ('Fulgente rai') and 316 ('Alta Cardana'). For the corrente as the spagnoletta nuova, see ibid., 194–5; and for the same as balletto, ibid., 154–5 ('Nuova regina').Google Scholar

78 Eyn newes sehr künstliches Lautenbuch, ed. Hans Gerle (Nuremberg, 1552), nos. 32 (Dominico Bianchini), 42–4 (Antonio Rotta), 46 (again Rotta) for the three-movement succession and no. 48 (Pietro Paolo Borrono) for the four-movement one.Google Scholar

79 Paul Peuerl, Neue Padovan, Intrada, Däntz und Gagliarda mit vier Stimmen (Nuremberg, 1611), ed. Karl Geiringer, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 70, Jahrgang 36/2 (Vienna, 1929; repr. Graz, 1960).Google Scholar

80 David Fuller, ‘Suite’, The New Grove Dictionary (2nd edn), xxiv, 665–84 (p. 671).Google Scholar

81 Johann Hermann Schein, Banchetto musicale (Leipzig, 1617); Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, ix, ed. Adam Adrio (Kassel, 1963).Google Scholar

82 On the intrada and its stylistic types, see Reimann, Margarete, ‘Materialien zu einer Definition des Terminus und des Begriffs der Intrada’, Die Musikforschung, 10 (1957), 337–64 (four types are distinguished according to their metres, rhythms and textures).Google Scholar

83 Intradae […] quinque et sex vocibus […] liber primus (Helmstadt, 1597). See Flotzinger, Rudolf, ‘Alessandro Orologio und seine Intraden (1597)‘, Dansk aarbog for musikforskning, 17 (1986), 53–64.Google Scholar

84 There are, here and there, exceptions to their initial placement: for example, Johann Rosenmüller, in a collection of sonate da camera (1667), has two works with the succession Allemande–Courante–Intrada–Balletto–Sarabande; and Johann Jakob Löwe von Eisenach, in a collection of dance music (1658), has one with the succession Intrada–Gagliarda–Sinfonia–Aria–Sarabande. For ‘pairs and groupings’ in similar publications, see Whitehead, Paul Alister, ‘Austro-German Printed Sources of Instrumental Ensemble Music, 1630 to 1700‘ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1996), 505–40.Google Scholar

85 For Henry-Louis de La Grange, in his survey of music in Vienna, the works of Buonamente (and ex post facto, it might be remarked, of Salamone Rossi), ‘announce the future vogue of trio sonatas at the Viennese court’: Vienne: Histoire musicale, 2 vols. (Arles, 1990–1), i, 24–5. For sonate da camera and their relation to the solo suite, see, at length, Don Harrán, ‘Domenico Galli e gli inizi “eroici” di musica per violoncello solo’, Rivista italiana di musicologia, 34 (1999), 231–307.Google Scholar

86 Longer notes at the beginning of a pattern; syncopations forming a dissonance on beat 5, with its preparation on beat 4 and resolution on beat 6; and cadences following on beat 1.Google Scholar

87 Rossi, Complete Works, ed. Harrán, xi, 64–9.Google Scholar

88 See brando 2 in Book 4, Rossi, Complete Works, ed. Harrán, xii, 84–5. Terms are drawn from Thoinot Arbeau's Orchésographie et traité en forme de dialogue (Langres, 1588; facs. repr. after 1596 edn, Geneva, 1972), Eng. trans. Mary Stewart Evans (New York, 1967), esp. 129–74. For various branle types, see Keyboard Dances from the Earlier Sixteenth Century, ed. Daniel Heartz (American Institute of Musicology, 1965).Google Scholar

89 See Funck, David, Stricturae viola di gambicae, ex sonatis, ariis, intradis, allemandis (Leipzig, Jena and Rudolstadt, 1677), for an example with the succession Allemande–Courante–Brando–Amener–Ballo–Sarabande–Gavotte–Sarabande–Gigue (after Whitehead, ‘Austro-German Printed Sources’, in the aforementioned table of ‘pairs and groupings‘).Google Scholar

90 See Instrumental Music Printed before 1600, ed. Brown, esp. the listings under ‘suite’ in Index 5 (pp. 551–2).Google Scholar

91 For sinfonie as pseudo-gagliarde, see Book 1, sinfonie 2 and 4, and Book 2, sinfonia 5. For the gagliarda as a portion of the sinfonia, see Book 1, sinfonia 1 (second section), and Book 2, sinfonie 4, 15 and 21 (middle section).Google Scholar

92 For pseudo-correnti, see Book 2, sinfonie 7 and 11; for pseudo-brandi, Book 1, sinfonie 8 and 24, and Book 2, sinfonie 1 and 13.Google Scholar

93 For the corrente as a portion of the sinfonia, see Book 1, sinfonie 5 (second section), 12 and 15 (short middle section), and Book 2, sinfonie 2 (middle section) and 6, 12 and 19 (final section). For the brando as a portion of the sinfonia, see Book 1, sinfonie 3 (bar 4 to end), 7 (bars 1–12), 10 (first and third sections) and 14 (second section), and Book 2, sinfonie 2 (last part), 8 (bars 2–5, 11–15), 10 (bars 16–21), 12 and 20 (first section).Google Scholar

94 Cf. Book 1, sinfonie 12 and 15; Book 2, sinfonie 2, 15 and 21.Google Scholar

95 Book 3, sonatas 1–2; Book 4, sonatas 1–4.Google Scholar

96 Nettl refers to such sonatas by Buonamente as ‘free sonatas’, though by ‘free’ he means they are grounded on the canzona principle (‘Giovanni Battista Buonamente’, 534).Google Scholar

97 It has 51 bars, as against the usual sinfonia of about half that size.Google Scholar

98 See, for other composers, the listings of instrumental collections in Claudio Sartori, Bibliografia della musica strumentale italiana stampata in Italia fino al 1700, 2 vols. (Florence, 1952–68).Google Scholar

99 While dance music in Vienna in the first half of the seventeenth century has not been extensively treated, in the second half it definitely has. See, as a cornerstone of the literature, Paul Nettl, ‘Die Wiener Tanzkomposition in der zweiten Hälfte des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft: Beihefte der Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 8 (1921), 45–175.Google Scholar

100 The only known Viennese instrumental publication from the seventeenth century is Johann Heinrich Schmelzer's Arie per il balletto a cavallo (1667), with the imprint ‘Matteo Cosmerovio, Stampatore della Corte’. Other Austrian cities are no less meagrely represented in the literature (Jena, eight publications; Innsbruck, five; Salzburg, four). See Whitehead, ‘Austro-German Printed Sources’, for chronological listings covering Germany as well: for the 1630s, nos. 541–8 (in all, eight publications); for the 1640s, nos. 549–62 (14); for the 1650s, nos. 563–80 (18); and so on. Why the restriction, in his monograph, to the years after 1630? Because, according to the author, ‘it is in the period after 1630 that one can plot what is arguably the most interesting and important phase in the development of the Austro-German ensemble suite’ (p. 2).Google Scholar

101 The supposition of instrumental practice at the court rests on the presence of its Italian-named musicians. See, for example, Theophil Antonicek, ‘Vienna, 1580–1705’, The Early Baroque Era: From the Late Sixteenth Century to the 1600s, ed. Curtis Price (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1994), 146–63 (p. 147: ‘the imperial chamber, where Italian names have been held to indicate that independent instrumental music, then coming into vogue, was being practised'). Still, he admits that ‘very little instrumental music has come down to us’ (p. 160).Google Scholar

102 Bertazzolo, Breve relatione (I examined the copy held by the British Library, 9930.bbb.17). For the author's reference to the firework display in the square of the cathedral of San Pietro, see pp. 8 and 25–30, and at length, though not consulted, his Breve descrittione de fuochi trionfali fatti in Mantova il dì [13 di] genaro 1622 nelle imperiali, et auguste nozze della Ser.[enissima] Sig.[no]ra la Sig.[nora] Principessa Eleonora Gonzaga con la S.[acra] C.[esarea] M.[aestà] di Ferdinando Imperatore (Mantua, 1622).Google Scholar

103 Bertazzolo, Breve relatione, 8: ‘un leggiadrissimo Ballo da farsi dalle Dame nella Sala su la festa grande di Sua Maestà'; also 20: ‘Et la sera si fece festa solenne in Corte, a mezo della quale fu fatto il gratioso ballo concertato dalle Sig.[nore] Dame di Madama Serenissima'.Google Scholar

104 To which Monteverdi refers in various letters to the duchess Caterina (5 March, 27 November 1621) and Marigliani (17 April, 10 September 1621). See The Letters of Claudio Monteverdi, trans. Denis Stevens (rev. edn, Oxford, 1995), 233–5, 243–8. For Bertazzolo's references to the intermedi, without mention, however, of their composer, see Breve relatione, 8, 14, 21–2 (and, for synopsis of their content, 22–5).Google Scholar

105 ‘[…] mentre si suonò con l'Organo, et diversi istromenti un bellissimo concerto’ (ibid., 46).Google Scholar

106 ‘In capo della Sala dell'alloggiamento di S.[acra] M.[aestà] [= Eleonora] si fece da grosso numero di Musici, con voci, et stromenti, un concerto nobile, che di quando in quando s'andava replicando, et durò poco meno, che sino alle tre hore della notte’ (ibid., 49).Google Scholar

107 ‘[…] il Te Deum, qual fu cantato solennissimamente da i Musici di S.[acra] M.[aestà] [= Ferdinand II] con melodia si può dir singolarissima, sì per la qualità della Musica, come per il numero, et isquisitezza delle voci, et istromenti’ (ibid., 61).Google Scholar

108 ‘Et poi su le due hore della notte cenarono come sopra, et con le medesime Musiche, che mai si tralasciarono’ (ibid., 71).Google Scholar

109 ‘Finita la cena, entrarono in camera le loro Maestà, con Sua Alt.[ezza] et S.[ua] E.[ccellenza] onde poco dopo fecere chiamare alcuni Suonatori di Clavacimbalo, e di Viole, et al suono di detti stromenti (senza che entrassero altri in detta stanza, che li Suonatori, et Ballarino) l'Imperatrice, et la Sig.[nora] Duchessa fecero un gratioso balletto già fra di loro concertato, che fu di sommo gusto all'Imperatore, non avezzo a vedere simili balli; onde volle, che si replicasse, et mostrò desiderio, che se ne facesse alcun'altro, come sarebbe seguito, se gli Suonatori havessero potuto così all'improviso apprendere l'aria, et il tempo loro’ (ibid., 71).Google Scholar

110 ‘Però, dopo haver consumato in ciò alquanto di tempo’ (ibid.).Google Scholar

111 On the translation of cavaglieri as ‘gentlemen’, see Grande dizionario della lingua italiana, ed. Salvatore Battaglia and Giorgio Barberi Squarotti, 21 vols. (Turin, 1960–2000), ii, 905–8, for cavaliere in its various acceptations, among them ‘a gentleman or noble, as opposed to a plebeian’ (p. 906). Later in the same passage Bertazzolo qualifies cavaglieri with ‘di corte’, which I translated as ‘courtiers’, again after Grande dizionario (ibid., 908: cavaliere di corte, ‘uomo di corte'). Still another sense of the term is as a dance partner: see again ibid., 907: ‘one who at dances or gatherings dances with a lady or simply escorts her'.Google Scholar

112 ‘Cominciò il primo ballo l'Imperatore alla Tedesca con l'Imperatrice, che fu a guisa della corrente, ma a passi più tardi, et con tre pause, come si usa nelle Pavane; et sempre con l'istesso passo, et forma di ballo. Precedevano dinanti alle loro Maestà otto Cavaglieri della sua Camera con torcie grosse di cera bianca accese in mano, a due a due. Finito il primo ballo, fu condotta a sedere l'Imperatrice, et l'Imperatore ne fece un'altro simile con Madama Serenissima; ma a questo precedevano solo sei Cavaglieri con le torcie nella forma sodetta. Il terzo ballo simile lo fece S.[ua] E.[ccellenza] con l'Imperatrice, et precedettero solo quattro Camerieri con le medesime torcie. Finiti questi tre balli, se ne fecero poi altri simili da Dame, et Cavaglieri di Corte in molto numero a guisa di pavane, sino ad otto, e dieci coppie per volta, et con assai maggior celerità nel tempo del ballo’ (Breve relatione, 72). In the translation I reversed the order of ‘slower steps and three [introductory] rests’ to have ‘slower steps’ precede the next portion (‘as one proceeds in pavans‘), as would seem to be intended.Google Scholar

113 So described ibid., 18 (‘Sig. Marchese Federico Gonzaga Generale dell'Armi di tutto lo Stato‘).Google Scholar

114 For the ballo del piantone, or ‘dance of the sentinel’, see Caroso, Marco Fabrizio, Il ballarino (Venice, 1581), ff. 181^v–184, and later, though differently, his Nobiltà di dame, trans. Sutton, 291–4. Caroso explains its steps but not its content, about which see Grande dizionario della lingua italiana, xiii, 304–5 (for piantone): the so-named ballo is an ‘allegorical’ depiction of ‘the abandonment of one lover by another or their separation’ (no source is given).Google Scholar

115 ‘Il Sig.[nor] Marchese Federico cominciò il ballo, che si dice del piantone; con la Sig.[nora] Duchessa, nel quale il Sig.[nor] Prencipe D.[on] Vincenzo fece in ultimo ballare una volta sola l'Imperatrice, et con essa (non havendo S.[ua] M.[aestà] invitato alcun altro) si finì tal ballo, et ripigliossi il ballo solito alla Tedesca fra Cavaglieri, et Dame, che durò sino alle dodici hore: poscia le loro Maestà si levarono, et furono servite alle proprie stanze, di dove poi S.[ua] A.[ltezza] et S.[ua] E.[ccellenza] licentiatisi, si ridussero a i loro appartamenti’ (Bertazzolo, Breve relatione, 72).Google Scholar

116 Hans Neusidler, Ein newes Lautenbüchlein (Nuremberg, 1540). See Instrumental Music Printed before 1600, ed. Brown, 63–4.Google Scholar

117 For their equivalence, see Hudson, Richard, The Allemande, the Balletto and the Tanz, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1986), 4, 43.Google Scholar

118 Most of the suites are arranged according to the succession Padovan, Intrada, Dantz, Galliarda. Of the same, only the Dantz in its various examples begins on an upbeat. See Peuerl, Neue Padovan, ed. Geiringer, 3–24.Google Scholar

119 Suites 13 and 14; cf. Schein, Neue Ausgabe, ix, ed. Adrio, 150–1, 157–8. Other collections from the 1620s, though not consulted, are one by Heinrich Utrecht (Wolfenbüttel, 1624), with paduane, gagliarde, courantes, allemandes, intradae, etc., and five by Carlo Farina (Dresden, 1626–8), with similar items. For three balletti allemanni by Farina, however, see Hudson, The Allemande, ii, 46–8: two begin on beat 1 and one on beat 4.Google Scholar

120 See Hudson, The Allemande, i, 4, and numerous examples (in vol. ii): those beginning on a downbeat, before 1600, ii, 6–7, 7–8, 8–10, 11, 13–15, 19–20, 20, 21, 23, 24–5, etc., after 1600, 34 (two items), 36, 36–7, 41–2, etc.; those beginning with a three-beat anacrusis, before 1600, 4–5, 12, 15–16, 17–18, 21–2, etc., after 1600, 31, 35, 39, 40, 42–3, 44–5, etc. Skipping to the end of the Baroque, one might note that Bach's allemandes invariably begin with an anacrusis on the end portion of the fourth beat.Google Scholar

121 Whitehead raised the question as well. See ‘Austro-German Printed Sources’, 45–9.Google Scholar

122 As it was, moreover, of earlier literature: when did a monophonic rondeau, for example, cease to be sung (and possibly danced) and begin to be sung alone?Google Scholar

123 On Buonamente in relation to the Austro-German tradition, see ibid., 225–30: he is cited, along with Carlo Farina and Biagio Marini, as significant for having spread ‘Italian instrumental styles north of the Alps’ (pp. 228–9). Farina, born in Mantua around 1604, does seem to have spent his early years there, yet received his first appointment at the court of Dresden in 1625. His dance music is described as ‘related to the consort music which developed in northern and central Germany in the first decades of the seventeenth century’ (entry on Farina by Nona Pyron and Aurelio Bianco in The New Grove Dictionary, 2nd edn, viii, 563–4). Farina came to Vienna in 1638, where, after a brief term in the service of Empress Eleonora I, he died in 1639. There are no works of his from these later years: as said, his collections, including his dances, were published in Dresden in the 1620s. As for Marini, Vienna was not at all on his itinerary: born in Brescia around 1587, Marini received his first appointment (as violinist) at St Mark's in Venice (1615), after which he travelled variously to Brescia and Parma, then, during the years 1623–49, served periodically as Kapellmeister at the Wittelsbach court in Neuburg an der Donau, from which he was frequently absent for extended visits to Brussels, Düsseldorf, Padua, etc. He returned permanently to Italy in 1649 (Milan, Ferrara, Venice, Vicenza, Brescia), spending his last years, until his death in 1663, in Brescia and Venice. Of the 27 items in Marini's Affetti musicali (Venice, 1617), few are dances: three balletti at the opening, two brandi, one gagliarda and two correnti at the end; none are arranged as suites.Google Scholar

124 See Antonicek, ‘Vienna, 1580–1705‘, 146–63 (p. 152).Google Scholar

125 On Eleonora's substantial contribution to the ‘italianization of the court and the imperial chapel’, see Grange, La, Vienne, i, 23–4.Google Scholar