This article was completed at the Villa I Tatti Center for Italian Renaissance Studies through grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Robert Lehman Foundation Earlier versions were delivered at the national meeting of the American Musicological Society in Austin, October 1989, the University of California, Davis, Northwestern University, and Columbia University I would like to thank Profs Shadi Bartsch, Howard Brown, Salvatore Camporeale, Ruth DeFord. Ralph Hexter, Massimo Ossi and Leeman Perkins for their helpful comments on earlier draftsGoogle Scholar

1 Fabius, M Quintilian, Institutio oratoria, Book X 2, 1–3, trans Michael Winterbottom, Ancient Literary Criticism The Principal Texts in New Translations, ed Donald A Russel and Michael Winterbottom (Oxford, 1973), 400Google Scholar

2 Greene, Thomas M, The Light in Troy Imitation and Discovery in Renaissance Poetry (New Haven and London, 1982), 1 Other basic studies of literary imitation include H Gmelin,‘Das Prinzip der Imitano in den romanischen Literaturen’, Romanische Forschungen, 44 (1932), 83–360, Bernard Weinberg, A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1961), vol i, Izora Scott, Controversies over the Imitation of Cicero (New York, 1910), and the works cited in Greene's comprehensive bibliographyGoogle Scholar

3 Extensive secondary literature exists on the use of tmitatio in Mass composition (see, for instance, Michael Tilmouth, ‘Parody’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, London, 1980, xiv, 238–9) The most important recent examinations of the subject are by Lewis Lockwood ‘A View of the Early Sixteenth-Century Parody Mass’, The Department of Music Queens College of the City University of New York Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Festschrift (1937–1962), ed Albert Mell (New York, 1964), 53–77, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo (Venice, 1970), esp chap III, and ‘The Counter-Reformation and the Sacred Music of Vincenzo Ruffo’ (Ph D dissertation, Princeton University, 1960), chap 3 See also Leeman L Perkins, The L'homme armé Masses of Busnoys and Okeghem A Comparison', Journal of Musicology, 3 (1984), 363–96, J Peter Burkholder, ‘Johannes Martini and the Imitation Mass of the Late Fifteenth Century’, Journal of the American Mustcologtcal Society, 38 (1985), 470–524 (esp pp 470–504), and more recently M Jennifer Bloxam, ‘In Praise of Spurious Saints The Missae Floruit egregiis by Pipelare and La Rue’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 44 (1991), 198–211Google Scholar

4 Howard Mayer Brown, ‘Emulation, Competition, and Homage Theories of Imitation in the Renaissance’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 35 (1982), 1–48, and ‘Clemens and Claudin’, Liber amicorum Chris Maas Essays in Musicology in Honor of Chris Maas, ed Rob C Wegman and Eddie Vetter (Amsterdam, 1987), 245–59Google Scholar

5 On compositional modelling in the Italian madrigal, see, for instance, James Haar, ‘Pace non trovo A Study in Literary and Musical Parody’, Musica disciplina, 20 (1966), 95–149, Glenn E Watkins, Gesualdo The Man and His Music (London, 1973), 211–24, Glenn E Watkins and Thomasin La May, ’ “Imitatio” and “Emulatio” Changing Concepts of Originality in the Madrigals of Gesualdo and Monteverdi in the 1590s’, Claudio Monteverdi Festschrift Reinhold Hammerstein, ed Ludwig Finscher (Laaber, 1986), 453–87, and of course Alfred Einstein, The Italian Madrigal, trans Alexander H Krappe, Roger Sessions and Oliver Strunk (Princeton, 1949) Compositional modelling is discussed extensively in Joseph Herman's classic study The Elizabethan Madrigal A Comparative Study (New York, 1962) For the polyphonic dialogue, see Nutter, David Alan, ‘The Italian Polyphonic Dialogue of the Sixteenth Century’ (Ph D dissertation, University of Nottingham, 1978), i, chap 3, for the canzone villanesca, Donna G Cardamone, The Canzone villanesca alla napolitano and Related Forms, 1537–1570 (Ann Arbor, 1975), i, 196–200 and 215–22, for the chanson spirituelle, Howard Mayer Brown, ‘The Chanson Spirituelle, Jacques Buus, and Parody Technique’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 15 (1962), 161–6, and for the instrumental ricercar, John M Ward, ‘Parody Technique in 16th-Century Instrumental Music’, The Commonwealth of Music, ed Gustave Reese and Rose Brandel (New York, 1965), 208–28 (pp 219ff), and James Haar, “The Fantasie et ricerchari of Tiburtino', Musical Quarterly, 59 (1973), 227–37Google Scholar

6 Macey, Patrick, ‘Savonarola and the Sixteenth-Century Motet’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 36 (1983), 422–52, and Roland Jackson, ‘I primi motetti di Marenzio’, Corale Goriziana Atti e documentazioni (Gorizia, 1979), 23–49 On the use of imitation in the Masses of William Byrd, see Brett, Philip, ‘Homage to Taverner in Byrd's Masses’, Early Music, 9 (1981), 169–76, which describes how the contrapuntal layout and cadence points of the four-part Mass are based on Taverner's ‘Meane’ MassGoogle Scholar

7 Fromson, ‘Imitation and Innovation in the North-Italian Motet, 1565–1605’ (Ph D dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1988), i, chaps 2–5Google Scholar

8 More extended explanations of sectional structure in mid- to late sixteenth-century polyphony are available in Knud Jeppesen, Counterpoint The Polyphonic Vocal Style of the Sixteenth Century (New York, 1939), 241ff, Herbert Kennedy Andrews, An Introduction to the Technique of Palestrina (London, 1958), 174–91, Lockwood, The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, esp pp 142ff, Ellen S Beebe, ‘Text and Mode as Generators of Musical Structure in Clemens non Papa's “Accesserunt ad Jesum”’, Studies in the History of Music, I Music and Language (New York, 1983), 79–94, and Jessie Ann Owens, ‘The Milan Partbooks Evidence of Cipriano de Rore's Compositional Process’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 37 (1984), 283–5Google Scholar

9 Zarlino, Gioseffo, Le istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1558, repr New York, 1967), chaps 53, 54 and 61 Modern scholars have experienced considerable difficulty identifying cadences, and as I show elsewhere (‘Cadential Structure in the Mid-Sixteenth Century An Examination of Two Recent Approaches’, forthcoming in Theory and Practice), diverse and at times conflicting terminology has been proposed To date, the most complete examinations of Renaissance cadential structure are Bernhard Meier, Die Tonarten der klassischen Vokalpolyphonie (Utrecht, 1974), trans Ellen S Beebe as The Modes of Classical Vocal Polyphony Described According to the Sources (New York, 1988), chap 4, and Karol Berger, Musica ficta Theories of Accidental Inflections in Vocal Polyphony from Marchetto da Padova to Gioseffo Zarlino (Cambridge, 1987), chap 6Google Scholar

10 In each of these formations, the intervals between the two cadential voices can be displaced by one or more octavesGoogle Scholar

11 Brown, ‘Emulation, Competition, and Homage’, 14Google Scholar

12 My research indicates that in the late sixteenth century recognizable musical conventions arose for several of the most popular motet texts Typically convention would govern the number of voices and the pitch system that was selected (the finalis, hexachordal system and cleffing arrangement), alternations between duple and triple mensuration, the segmentation of the text and its general rate of declamation, and whether melodic material was likely to be derived from the plainsong on that text See my ‘Imitation and Innovation’, i, chaps 2–5Google Scholar

13 Jackson, ‘I primi motetti’, 25–6Google Scholar

14 Porta, Costanzo, Liber quinquaginta duorum motectorum (Venice, 1580), Victoria, Motecta (Venice, 1572) Madrigal composers also imitated the beginning of their models as described, for instance, in Watkins and La May, ’ “Imitatio” and “Emulario”‘Google Scholar

15 The clefs in these two motets differ slightly, Victoria chose C1-C3 clefs whereas Porta used C4-F4 On Renaissance conceptions of voci mutate cleffing, see Carey, Frank, ‘Composition for Equal Voices in the Sixteenth Century’, Journal of Musicology, 9 (1991), 300–42Google Scholar

16 Marenzio, Luca, Motecta festorum totius anni (Rome, 1585)Google Scholar

17 In his imitation Marenzio shortened the static triad that Victoria had sustained across bar 3, thereby making his own opening more dynamic and conciseGoogle Scholar

18 Gabrieli, Andrea, Sacrae cantiones (Venice, 1565)Google Scholar

19 Giaches de Wert Collected Works, ed Carol MacClintock, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 24 (Rome, 1969), xi, 94–7, Pierluigi da Palestrina, Opere complete, ed Raffaele Casimiri and others (Rome, 1939-), vii, 27–31, Mary Laurent Duggan, ‘Marc Antonio Ingegneri Motets for Four and Five Voices’ (Ph D dissertation, University of Rochester, 1968), ii, 69–73 and 81–5, Lassus, Samtliche Werke, ed Franz Xavier Haberl and Adolf Sandberger (Leipzig, 1894–1926, repr New York, 1973), v, 68–70, Guglielmo Gonzaga Sacrae cantiones quinque vocum, ed Richard Sherr, The Sixteenth-Century Motet, 28 (New York, 1990), 143–50, and Claudio Meruli musica sacra, ed James Bastian, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 51 (Rome, 1977), iv, 44–8 Transcriptions of the settings by Ingegneri (1591) and Croce are in my ‘Imitation and Innovation’, u, 207–30 and 255–64 Lassus has been included among the Italian composers because of his many trips to Italy toward the end of the sixteenth century and his longstanding relationships with musicians and clerics in RomeGoogle Scholar

20 All three composers were directly associated with St Mark's cathedral in Venice The motets by Menilo and Croce first appeared in Claudio Merulo, Il primo libro dei motetti (Venice, 1583) and Giovanni Croce, Sacrae cantiones quints vocibus (Venice, 1601) The chronology of these publications suggests that Merulo imitated Gabrieh's motet but that Croce could have emulated either earlier setting or even borrowed from bothGoogle Scholar

21 An especially fascinating instance of this type of formal imitation is described in James Haar, ‘Pace non trovo‘, 127–49 As Haar explains, in the madrigal cycle Pace non trovo Palestrina derived the closing bars of each of 14 madrigals from Ivo's setting of the same words in his single madrigal by the same titleGoogle Scholar

22 Palestrina, Liber primus mottettorum (Rome, 1569) and Victoria, Motecta (Venice, 1572)Google Scholar

23 These works first appeared in Lassus, Sacrae cantiones quinque vocum (Munich, 1582) and Luzzaschi, Sacrarum cantionum liber primus quinis voctbus (Venice, 1598) The biographical connections between the two men are well known Lassus visited Ferrara, where Luzzaschi was employed, on several occasions during the 1580s For more information see Boetticher, Wolfgang, Orlando di Lasso (Kassel and Basle, 1958), i, 543, and Anthony Newcomb, The Madrigal at Ferrara, 1579–1597 (Princeton, 1980), i, 175Google Scholar

24 The proper construction of an evaded cadence is illustrated in Example 1(e) ²⁵ These voices constitute the structural soprano-tenor framework in both elisionsGoogle Scholar

26 Owens, ‘The Milan Partbooks’, 270–98 Owens conjectures (pp 289–93) that with an erasable slate Rore could have coordinated individual voices in his complicated counterpoint by ‘working on one short, two- or three-voice segment at a time’ She speculates that Rore used his cartella to construct the main voices in an imitative point and then copied each voice into the appropriate part bookGoogle Scholar

27 Ibid., 276–83Google Scholar

28 The elision would have been easy to locate in each partbook because in motet prints of this period each phrase of text is normally entered into all the partbooks the first time it is sung It would seem most expedient for Luzzaschi to design the structural voices of the elision before completing the counterpoint in either of the surrounding sectionsGoogle Scholar

29 Inasmuch as Nanino's setting remained unpublished during his lifetime, the chronology of these two works needs to be reviewed For many reasons, it seems likely that Nanino composed the model and Vecchi the imitation By the time Vecchi's motet was printed in 1590, Nanino was a highly regarded church composer, while Vecchi was known for his secular works Vecchi could have acquired a copy of his model as a result of Nanino's visit in 1586 to Mantua, not far from Correggio where Vecchi was employed Perhaps Nanino brought a copy with him or sent one north after returning to Rome (Indeed, Iain Fenlon has determined that in 1586 Nanino sent several madrigals to Duke Guglielmo Gonzaga of Mantua, see Music and Patronage in Sixteenth-Century Mantua, Cambridge, 1980, i, 88) Further information on Nanino's life is in Richard Joseph Schuler, ‘The Life and Liturgical Works of Giovanni Maria Nanino (1545–1607)’ (Ph D dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1963), 2 vols, i, chap 1 A biography of Vecchi is in Evaristo Pancaldi and Gino Roncaglia, ‘Orazio Vecchi, la vita e le opere corredata da documenti, elenco delle dediche e prefazioni’, Orazio Vecchi precursore del melodramma (1350–1605) (Modena, 1950), 7–79Google Scholar

30 Vecchi ended his motet by repeating the phrase ‘collaudantes dominum et choros angelorum’, whereas Nanino concluded with an alleluiaGoogle Scholar

31 Symmetrical formal plans have recently been found in polyphonic Masses of the sixteenth century, see Josephson, Nors S, ‘Formal Symmetry in the High Renaissance’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor nederlandse muziekgeschiedenis, 41 (1991), 105–33 (esp p 112)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 In the last 30 years a great deal has been written about tonal coherence, or the lack thereof, in music of the late sixteenth century, and heated controversy has been generated The most influential examinations of these issues are Siegfried Hermelink, Dispositiones modorum Die Tonarten in der Musik Palestnnas und seiner Zeitgenossen (Tutzing, 1960), Carl Dahlhaus, Untersuchung uber die Entstehung der harmonischen Tonalitat (Kassel, 1968), trans Robert O Gjerdingen as Studies on the Origin of Harmonic Tonality (Princeton, 1990), esp pt II, Leeman L Perkins, ‘Mode and Structure in the Masses of Josquin’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 26 (1973), 189–239, Meier, Die Tonarten, pt I, and the influential work of Harold S Powers, especially his ‘Mode’, The New Grove Dictionary, xii, 376–450, ‘Tonal Types and Modal Categories in Renaissance Polyphony’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 34 (1981), 428–70, and ‘Modal Representation in Polyphonic Offertories’, Early Music History, 2 (1982), 43–86Google Scholar

33 This second explanation would probably be preferred by Bernhard Meier, who believes that modally anomalous passages usually served text-expressive purposes (see Meier, Die Tonarten, pt II)Google Scholar

34 Monteverdi's Model for a Multimodal Madrigal', In cantu et in sermone For Nino Pirrotta on his Eightieth Birthday, ed Fabrizio Della Serta and Franco Piperno (Florence, 1989), 185–219 Modal mixture is discussed on pp 188–91Google Scholar

35 de Wert, Giaches, Motectorum librum primus (Venice, 1566) and Benedetto Pallavicino, Sacrae dei laudes octo et una (Venice, 1605) Biographical information on Pallavicino is in Peter Flanders, ‘The Madrigals of Benedetto Pallavicino’ (Ph D dissertation, New York University, 1971), i, 13–37, and Kathryn Bosi Monteath, “The Five-Part Madrigals of Benedetto Pallavicino' (Ph D dissertation, University of Otago, New Zealand, 1981), i, esp pp 19–27 The standard account of Wert's life is Carol MacClintock, Giaches de Wert (1533–1596) Life and Works, Musical Studies and Documents, 17 (Rome, 1966), esp pp. 47ffGoogle Scholar

36 Howard Mayer Brown has found much the same technique, which he calls melodic allusion, in late fifteenth-century chansons (‘Emulation, Competition, and Homage’, 12ff)Google Scholar

37 Palestrina, Liber primus motettorum (Rome, 1569), Tiburtio Massaino, Sacrae cantus quinque paribus vocibus liber secundus (Venice, 1580) Among the other features these motets have in common are their rates of declamation, motivic material, timbrai contrasts, segmentation of the text and shifts from duple to triple mensurationGoogle Scholar

38 Significantly, Massaino emulated the way Palestnna had projected the syntactic structure of his text, while Pallavicino did so for Wert's semantic units Pallavicino's focus on textual meaning rather than syntax is not unexpected given his highly affective presentation of the text in madrigals of the same periodGoogle Scholar

39 While most of these articulations are accomplished by formal cadences, as indicated in Examples 12(a)-(c), others are notGoogle Scholar

40 One new re-examination of this issue is Ruth DeFord, ‘Tempo Relationships between Duple and Triple Time in Late Sixteenth-Century Music’, paper presented to the Greater New York Chapter of the American Musicological Society, 16 April 1988Google Scholar

41 Pontio, Pietro, Ragionamento di musica (Parma, 1588, repr Kassel, 1959), 155–8, Pietro Pontio, Dialogo, ove si tratta della theonca e prattica di musica (Parma, 1595), 44–5 Lodovico Zacconi, Prattica di musica seconda parte (Venice, 1622, repr Bologna, 1967), 161–2, and Joachim Burmeister, Musica poetica definitionibus et divisionibus breviter delineata (Rostock, 1606, repr Kassel, 1955), chap 9Google Scholar

42 According to Pontio, composers who used imitatto in genres other than the Mass or ricercar would be deemed persons of little skill and no value ‘Et in questo proposito voglio dire, che, trovandosi una cantilena simile de figure, & d'intervalli à quella di qualche altto [sic] compositore, esso sarebbe giudicato huomo di poca scienza, & di niun valore’ (Pontio, Dialogo, 45) This and related passages are discussed in Lockwood, ‘On “Parody” as Term and Concept in 16th-century Music’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music A Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed Jan LaRue (New York, 1966), 560–75 (esp pp 570ff)Google Scholar

43 Pontio, Ragionamento, 156 Pedro Cerone repeated this idea in El Melopeo Tractada de musica theorica y pratica (Naples, 1613, repr Bologna, 1968), 687 Lockwood has related Pontio's statements on imitation to the procedures used in Ruffo's parody Masses in The Counter-Reformation and the Masses of Vincenzo Ruffo, esp pp 153–4 and 176–7Google Scholar

44 Zacconi, Prattica di musica seconda parte, 162Google Scholar

45 Zacconi's prose as summarized by James Haar in ‘A Sixteenth-Century Attempt at Music Criticism’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 36 (1983), 191–209 (esp pp 197–8)Google Scholar

46 Burmeister, Musica poetica, 74–6 Biographical information on Burmeister is available in Martin Ruhnke, Joachim Burmeister Ein Beitrag zur Musiklehre um 1600, Schriften des Landesinstituts für Musikforschung Kiel, 5 (Kassel and Basle, 1955), 9–51Google Scholar

47 Burmeister, Musica poetica, 74 ‘Imitano est Studium et conamen nostra carmina musica ad Artificum exempla, per analysin dextre considerata, effingendi et formandi‘Google Scholar

48 Ibid ‘Consistit autem ea in simili sententiarum periodorumque inventione et connexione‘Google Scholar

49 As used in Latin rhetoric, the term sententiae refers to pointed or epigrammatic statements, and periodi to extended and grammatically complete units of text, typically ‘organized paragraph[s], with some grammatical connection between the clauses’ (George Kennedy, The Art of Persuasion in Greece, Princeton, 1963, 101–11) In an earlier treatise entitled Musica autoschediastike, Burmeister equated periodi with the affections, which he defined as ‘a period in melody and harmony terminated by a cadence that moves and affects the souls and hearts of men’ This and related issues are discussed in Claude V Palisca, ‘Ut oratoria musica. The Rhetorical Basis of Musical Mannerism’, The Meaning of Mannerism, ed Franklin W Robinson and Stephen G Nichols, Jr (Hanover, N H., 1972), 37–65 (esp pp 41 and 63–4).Google Scholar

50 For secondary literature on the use of imitatio in the Renaissance see above, note 2 More detailed information about Renaissance imitations of Ciceronian Latin will be found in John Monfasani, ‘Humanism and Rhetoric’, Renaissance Humanism Foundations, Forms, and Legacy, ed Albert Rabil, Jr (Philadelphia, 1988), iii, 171–235Google Scholar

51 Basic studies of Renaissance education include William H Woodward, Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance, 1400–1600, Classics in Education, 32 (Cambridge, 1906, repr New York, 1967), Giuseppe Manacorda, Storia della scuola in Italia (Milan, 1913), Eugenio Garin, L'educazione in Europa, 1400–1600 (Ban, 1957), esp pp 96–118 and 160–218, Kenneth Charlton, Education in Renaissance England (London and Toronto, 1965), 105–16, and Paul Oskar Kristeller, Medieval Aspects of Renaissance Learning, ed and trans Edward P Mahoney (Durham, N C., 1974) A new hypothesis explaining why humanist pedagogy became increasingly systematized from 1510 on is presented in Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 1986), chap 6 Recent surveys of the secondary literature on rhetorical training in the Renaissance are provided in Brian Vickers, ‘On the Practicalities of Renaissance Rhetoric’, Rhetoric Revalued Papers from the International Society for the History of Rhetoric, ed Brian Vickers (Binghamton, N Y., 1982), 133–41, and John Monfasani, ‘Humanism and Rhetoric’, iii, 171–235 For information about how Latin grammar and rhetoric were taught in Italy, see Grendler, Paul, Schooling in Renaissance Italy Literacy and Learning, 1300–1600 (Baltimore and London, 1989), pts 2 and 4 Imitatio was also used in the composition of Latin letters as Grendler has made clear (pp 217ff) See also Judith Rice Henderson, ‘Erasmus on the Art of Letter-Writing’, Renaissance Eloquence Studies in the Theory and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric, ed James J Murphy (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1983), 331–55Google Scholar

52 The standard biography of Vives is Marian L Tobriner,‘A Renaissance Textbook’, Vives' Introduction to Wisdom A Renaissance Textbook, ed Marian L Tobriner, Classics in Education, 35 (New York, 1968), 1–46 The relationship between the rhetorical theories of Vives, the musical theories of Juan Bermudo and the Missa liber secundus of Morales (1544) has been examined by Jo-Ann Reif in ‘Music and Grammar Imitation and Analogy in Morales and the Spanish Humanists’, Early Music History, 6 (1986), 227–43Google Scholar

53 Vives On Education, A Translation of the ‘De tradendis disciplinis’ of Juan Luis Vives, trans Foster Watson (Cambridge, 1913), 195 A summary of Vives's pedagogical methods is in Woodward, Studies in Education, 180–210Google Scholar

54 Vives On Education, 195Google Scholar

55 A concise description of periodic structure in Ciceronian Latin is in Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy, 215–17 A fuller explanation is provided in Aldo Scaglione, The Classical Theory of Composition from its Origins to the Present A Historical Survey (Chapel Hill, 1972), 28–34Google Scholar

56 Vives On Education, 196Google Scholar

57 Melanchthon's text has been translated in Sister Mary Joan La Fontaine, ‘A Critical Translation of Philip Melanchthon's Elementorum rhetoricaes libri duo‘ (Ph D dissertation, University of Michigan, 1968), 302–9 A brief biography of Melanchthon is available in Kurt Aland, Four Reformers Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Zwingli, trans James L Schaaf (Minneapolis, 1979), 55–80 See also Woodward, Studies in Education, 211–43Google Scholar

58 Fontaine, La, ‘A Critical Translation’, 318–41 On conceptions of musical form in early seventeenth-century Germany, see Howard, John Brooks, ‘Form and Method in Johannes Lippius's Synopsis musicae novae’, Synopsis musicae novae 38 (1985), 524–41Google Scholar

59 ‘Quare studiosi omnes adhortandi sunt, ut quam plurimum legant Ciceronem, et ab eo primum verba ac phrasin mutuentur Deinde consilia eius in inveniendo ac disponendo considerent Postremo totam orationis formam, hoc est, sententiarum ordinem, exornationum copiam, atque modum quantum ingenio ac studio consequi poterunt, imitari conentur’ (quoted in La Fontaine, A Critical Translation', 341)Google Scholar

60 Farrell, Allan P, The Jesuit Code of Liberal Education Development and Scope of the Ratio studiorum (Milwaukee, 1953), esp pp 166–87 For background on religious education in the Renaissance, see Kristeller, Paul Oskar, ‘The Contributions of Religious Orders to Renaissance Thought and Learning’, American Benedictine Review, 21 (1970), 1–55, and A History of Religious Educators, ed E L Towns (Grand Rapids, Mich, 1975)Google Scholar

61 Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 177 Concise definitions of these rhetorical terms are available in George A Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times (Chapel Hill, 1980), chap 5Google Scholar

62 Erasmus, Copia Foundations of the Abundant Style De duplici copia verborum ac rerum commentarti duo, trans and annotated by Betty I Knott, Collected Works of Erasmus, ed Craig R Thompson, xxiv (Toronto, 1978), 301 A standard biography of Erasmus is Roland H Bainton, Erasmus of Rotterdam (New York, 1969) On the influence De copia had in Italy, see Marcella, and Grendler, Paul, ‘The Survival of Erasmus in Italy’, Erasmus in English, 8 (1976), 2–22 (esp PP 17ff)Google Scholar

63 Erasmus, Copia, 303Google Scholar

64 A classical definition of amplificano is in Quintilian, Institutio oratoria, Book VIII 4, 26–9, and of minutio in Book VIII 4, 1Google Scholar

65 Erasmus, Copta, 592–605Google Scholar

66 On the training of musicians attending the German College in Rome, see Thomas D Culley, Jesuits and Music (St Louis and Rome, 1970) The standard survey of music education in the university is Nan C Carpenter, Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958) A classic study situating music education in a broader humanistic context is Paul Oskar Kristeller's Music and Learning in the Early Italian Renaissance', Renaissance Thought and the Arts (Princeton, 1964, repr Princeton, 1990), 142–62Google Scholar

67 Arnold, Denis, Monteverdi (London, 1963, 3rd edn rev Tim Carter, London, 1990), 2 Raffaele Casimiri, ‘I diari Sistini’, Note d'archivio, 12 (1935), 1–26 and 73–81 On p 6, Casimiri cites the following informatione from 1580 (f 18^v) ‘Quelli che la loro età e ingegno lo comporterà, potranno attendere non solo alle lettere di Umanità, ma anco alli Studn di Filosofia e Teologia più lungo tempe, e piu esattamente, ma tutti almeno impareranno Grammatica, canto, il computo Ecclesiastico, ecc ‘Google Scholar

68 Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy, 56–61Google Scholar

69 Ibid, 56Google Scholar

70 A preliminary tally I have made of some 70 Italian composers who published at least one book of motets in the late sixteenth century reveals that nearly half were priests or were affiliated to a religious order There were ten priests, seven Franciscan friars, three Benedictine monks and four members of smaller religious orders, in addition, three other composers are known to have received extensive humanistic training outside the church No doubt these numbers would be greater if additional biographical details were extant For a discussion of the ecclesiastical status of musicians in the Baroque era, see Burkley, Francis, ‘Priest-Composers of the Baroque A Sacred-Secular Conflict’, Musical Quarterly, 54 (1968), 169–84Google Scholar

71 Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy, 61Google Scholar

72 Greene, The Light in Troy, 171 A succinct explanation of the controversies arising over the proper use and methods of imitation can be found in Harold Ogden White, Plagiarism and Imitation during the English Renaissance A Study in Critical Distinctions (Cambridge, Mass, 1935), chap 2 See also Greene, The Light in Troy, chap 9Google Scholar

73 A stimulating discussion of compositional modelling in the visual and literary arts during the mid- to late sixteenth century will be found in Eric Cochrane, Italy, 1530–1630, The Longman History of Italy, ed Julius Kirshner (London and New York, 1988), 69–105Google Scholar

74 On at least one occasion a post-Tridentine composer (Palestrina) imitated a pre-Tridentine setting of Quam pulchra es (by the ubiquitous Lupus), as detailed in W Kurthen, ‘Ein Zitat in einer Motette Palestrinas’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 19 (1934), 50–3Google Scholar

75 A new overview of the theoretical issues surrounding seventeenth-century usage of the term stile antico will be found in Renate Groth, ‘Italienische Musiktheorie im 17 Jahrhundert’, Italianische Musiktheorie im 16 und 17 Jahrhundert Antikenrezeption und Satzlehre, Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 7, ed Frieder Zaminer (Darmstadt, 1989), 321–9 Two re-evaluations of Palestrinas reputation as princeps musicae are presented in Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Century, trans David Bryant (Cambridge, 1987), 105–19, and Helmut Hucke, ‘Palestrina als Autoritat und Vorbild im 17 Jahrhundert’, Congresso internazionale sul tema Claudio Monteverdi e il suo tempo, ed Raffaello Monterosso (Venice, Mantua and Cremona, 1968), 253–61Google Scholar

76 On tensions in Renaissance literature between individual artistic expression and the influence of literary canons inherited from classical antiquity, see Quint, David, Origin and Originality in Renaissance Literature Versions of the Source (New Haven and London, 1983) Historians of music, like those in other disciplines, have taken a fundamentally negative view of Counter-Reformation history since the mid-nineteenth century In recent years this view has been undergoing dramatic revision and change, as discussed by Eric W Cochrane perhaps most extensively in ‘Counter Reformation or Tridentine Reformation? Italy in the Age of Carlo Borromeo’, San Carlo Borromeo Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century, ed John M Headley and John B Tomaro (Washington, D C., London and Toronto, 1988), 31–46 It remains to be seen how our ideas about late sixteenth-century church music will be modified as new conceptions of this era emergeGoogle Scholar

77 A recent survey of secondary literature on the sixteenth-century motet is Ludwig Finscher and Annegrit Laubenthal, ’ “Cantiones quae vulgo motectae vocantur” Arten der Motette im 15 und 16 Jahrhundert’, Die Musik des 15 und 16 Jahrhunderts, ed Ludwig Finscher (Laaber, 1989), ii, 277–370 For an overview of early seventeenth-century church music, see Roche, Jerome, North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar

78 Among our most pressing needs is a comprehensive index of this repertory I have constructed a database, organized by textual incipit, of settings published between 1560 and 1610 of approximately 700 well-known motet texts A much more extensive database of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sacred music is currently being supervised by David Bryant at the Fondazione Giorgio Cini in VeniceGoogle Scholar

79 Gabrieli, Andrea, Edizione nazionale delle opere di Andrea Gabrieli, ed Gino Benzoni, David Bryant and Martin Morell (Milano, 1988-) The new Garland motet series under the editorship of Richard Sherr will improve the situation though it, too, features music published before 1560Google Scholar