^{page 267 note 1} That there was kṣatriya tradition distinct from brahmanic tradition about the same ‘events’ is shown by the stories about Viśvāmitra and Vasiṣṭha, some of which have been discussed by me in JRAS, 1913, pp. 900–4.Google Scholar

^{page 267 note 2} JRAS, 1910, p. 1Google Scholar; table, pp. 26–9.

^{page 268 note 1} To cite all would swell out this account needlessly. The authorities are cited thus—MBh = Mahābhārata; Rm = Rāmāyaṇa; Mt = Matsya; Vā = Vāyu; Bḍ = Brahmāṇḍa; Br = Brahma; Vṣ = Viṣṇu; Ag = Agni; Lg = Liṅga; Kū = Kūrma; Gr = Garuḍa; Śv = Śiva; Mk = Mārkaṇḍeya; Pd = Padma; Bh = Bhāgavata; Hv = Harivaṁśa.

^{page 268 note 2} For brevity, references for the dynastic genealogies generally are not given here, because given in JRAS, 1910, pp. 16 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 269 note 1} One form in Mt 11, 40–12, 18; another in Vā 85, 3–28, Hv 10, 613–40; and the latter differently in Vṣ iv, 1, 5–13: first two combined in Lg i, 65, 17–30. MBh says merely, Manu had nine sons and Ilā, and fifty other sons (i, 75, 3140–3). Rm vii, 87–90, gives a variant version of the first form.

^{page 269 note 2} Ila in Mt, Pd, Rm. Ilā in all the others.

^{page 269 note 3} MBh says Ilā was both mother and father (i, 75, 3143–4; cf. i, 95, 3760). Mt 12, 12–13 says Ilă bore Purūravas. Vā 90, 45; 91,1: Hv 25, 1357; 26, 1363, say Purūravas was Budha's son, without mentioning Ilā.

^{page 269 note 4} Rm knows nothing of Sudyumna and his sons.

^{page 269 note 5} Vā 85, 19; Br 7, 18–19; Hv 10, 632: somewhat different in Mt 12, 17–18. Bh ix, 1, 41 is late and blunders.

^{page 269 note 6} This name is in Vā 99, 266.

^{page 270 note 1} This will be considered at the end of this article.

^{page 270 note 2} Vā 86, 2–3; Mt 12, 24; Hv 11, 658; Vṣ iv, 1, 4.

^{page 270 note 3} Generally corrupted to Nābhāgodiṣṭa or Nābhāgoriṣṭa, or shortened to Nābhāga, Ariṣṭa, and Diṣṭa. The correct name is in RV x, 61, 18.

^{page 270 note 4} His line is called Diṣṭa's line in JRAS, 1910, pp. 25, 27.Google Scholar

^{page 270 note 5} Vā 86, 17; Vṣ iv, 1, 18.

^{page 270 note 6} Vā 86, 22; Vṣ iv, 1, 18–19.

^{page 270 note 7} Vā 86, 23–8; Hv 10, 642–7; Mt 12, 21–3; Vṣ iv, 1, 20–39.

^{page 270 note 8} See also MBh ii, 13, 613–14, 632; Hv 36, 1967.

^{page 270 note 9} Br 7, 20; Hv 10, 634. Va 85, 21 corrupt.

^{page 270 note 10} Mt 12, 15; Vā 88, 20; Hv 11, 662. The name Kosala for the country was later.

^{page 270 note 11} MBh iii, 200, 13486; 201, 13621.

^{page 270 note 12} Vā 88, 8–11, 20, 24; Br 7, 45–8, 51; Hv 11, 661–4, 667; Vṣ iv, 2, 3, 6.

^{page 271 note 1} Mt 12, 26–8; Pd v, 8, 130–3.

^{page 271 note 2} Bh ix, 6, 4–5 is late and untrustworthy.

^{page 271 note 3} See JRAS, 1910, p. 19.Google Scholar

^{page 271 note 4} Vaṁśo Janakānām in Vā 89, 23; Bḍ iii, 64, 24. Janakavaṁśa in Vṣ iv, 5, 13. Janakānāṁ kule in Mk 13, 11. For individual kings called Janaka see JRAS, 1910, p. 19, note 4.Google Scholar

^{page 272 note 1} See further at the end of this article.

^{page 272 note 2} After the analogy of Yādva from Yadu, and Mādhva from Madhu. It is not found in Sanskrit and is therefore neutral; still, some term unconnected with Manu would be preferable.

^{page 272 note 3} Compare the Chinese name, “foreign devils,” for Europeans.

^{page 272 note 4} For the significance of this, see end of this article.

^{page 272 note 5} Hv 94, 5143, 5157, 5164.

^{page 273 note 1} It was Gādhi's capital, MBh v, 118, 4005.

^{page 273 note 2} Kāśi, Vā 92, 18, 21; Bḍ iii, 67, 7, 23. Vārāṇasī, Vā 92, 23–68.

^{page 273 note 3} MBh i, 75, 3151–4; vii, 63, 2292–7; xii, 29, 987–90: Vā 93, 90; Hv 50, 1602; Mt 24, 55–6.

^{page 273 note 4} MBh i, 75, 3156.

^{page 273 note 5} MBh i, 85, 3531, and next note.

^{page 273 note 6} Vā 93, 88–90; Bḍ iii, 68, 90–2; Lg i, 67, 11–13; Kū i, 22, 9–11; with Hv 30, 1617–19; Vṣ iv, 10, 16–18. Yadu's region dakṣiṇāparato is misread as ^oparayo in Kū, ^opathato in Vṣ and ^oyām atho in Lg; while Hv reads pūrvottarasyām wrongly, for the Ayodhyā territory lay there. Br 12, 19–20 is imperfect; and Bh ix, 19, 22–3 is late and blunders. Instead of these allocations MBh i, 85, 3533–4 and Mt 34, 30–1 say, “From Turvasu were descended the Yavanas, from Druhyu the Bhojas (or Vaibhojas?), and from Anu the mleccha races;” but this version is incompatible with all other statements and allusions and seems erroneous.

^{page 274 note 1} Mt 12, 30; Vā 88, 27; Br 7, 53; Vṣ iv, 2, 13; MBh iii, 201, 13518.

^{page 274 note 2} JRAS, 1910, p. 19.Google Scholar

^{page 274 note 3} MBh vii, 65; xii, 29, 998–1003: Vā 95, 19; Mt 44, 18; Vṣ iv, 12, 1.

^{page 274 note 4} JRAS, 1910, pp. 26, 43; and p. 282, infra.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 1} See next paragraph.

^{page 275 note 2} MBh vii, 65, 2322–4; xii, 29, 999: Vā 95, 20–2; Mt 44, 19–21.

^{page 275 note 3} JRAS, 1910, p. 31.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 4} MBh vii, 62; xii, 29, 974–86: Hv 12, 711; Br. 7, 92.

^{page 275 note 5} Vā 88, 66–7; Bḍ iii, 63, 68.

^{page 275 note 6} MBh ii, 14, 649–50.

^{page 275 note 7} MBh vii, 65, 2282–3; xii, 29, 983: Vā 88, 68.

^{page 275 note 8} Vā 99, 7–8; Hv 32, 1837–8; MBh iii, 126, 10465.

^{page 275 note 9} He sacrificed in the country called afterwards Kurukṣetra (which was perhaps Ānava), MBh iii, 126, 10467.

^{page 275 note 10} JRAS, 1910, p. 32.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 11} Vā 91, 58; Br 10, 19; Hv 27, 1421.

^{page 276 note 1} Called Bhadrasena in Bḍ, Ag, Pd; Rudraśreṇya in Mt.

^{page 276 note 2} This is implied by the name Vatsa (given by anticipation) in MBh xiii, 30, 1951.

^{page 276 note 3} The story is told in Vā 92, 23–68; Bḍ iii, 67, 25–72; Hv 29, 1540–91; Br 11, 39–54, with Vā 94, 6–7, Hv 33, 1847–8; Mt 43, 10–11.

^{page 276 note 4} Vā 88, 75; Bḍ iii, 63, 74; Lg i, 65, 44. See Rāvaṇa in connexion with Rāma, p. 285, infra.Google Scholar

^{page 276 note 5} Probably the north portions of the seven doabs from the Sarayū north-westwards. Vā 99, 15–17; Hv 31, 1671–3; Mt 48, 13–14.

^{page 276 note 6} Vā 99, 19–24; Hv 32, 1675–81; Mt 48, 17–21; Bḍ iii, 74, 18–24; Br 13, 21–7; Vṣ iv, 18, 1.

^{page 276 note 7} He was famous, MBh xiii, 76, 3689.

^{page 277 note 1} Position uncertain.

^{page 277 note 2} MBh vii, 58; xii, 29, 932–7; iii, 293, 16674.

^{page 277 note 3} Vā 99, 9–10; Hv 32, 1839–40; Mt 48, 6–7.

^{page 277 note 4} Vā 99, 10–12; Mt 48, 8–9; Vṣ iv, 17, 2. This is noteworthy with regard to the inscription of later date found at Boghaz-keui, mentioning Indian gods.

^{page 277 note 5} Bḍ iii, 74, 24; Br 13, 27; Mt 48, 22; Vā 99, 25.

^{page 277 note 6} Vā 91, 62; Vṣ iv, 7, 3; Hv 27, 1425.

^{page 278 note 1} Rm i, 32, 1–8, with next note.

^{page 278 note 2} MBh iii, 93, 8518–20, 8527–39 with 84, 8060–4.

^{page 278 note 3} The Rm suggests the country was afterwards occupied by Yakṣas and Rākṣasas (i, 25, 12–14 read with i, 32, 7–10), but confuses the genealogies.

^{page 278 note 4} Vā 88, 1–4; Br 7, 37–41; Vṣ iv, 2, 1–2.

^{page 278 note 5} Probably from the sea. May Puṇya-jana be connected with the country Punt?

^{page 278 note 6} MBh i, 178, 6802–179, 6827; xiii, 56, 2905–10.

^{page 278 note 7} Vā 94, 9–43; Mt 43, 17–39; Br 13, 160–194; Vṣ iv, 11, 3–6; MBh ii, 14, 649–50; xii, 49, 1751–9; xiii, 152, 7188–95.

^{page 278 note 8} The identification of Māhiṣmatī with Māndhātā is established in JRAS, 1910, pp. 444–7, 867–9Google Scholar; and corroborated by Hv 33, 1870; and Br 13, 178.

^{page 278 note 9} See Rāvaṇa in connexion with Rāma, p. 285, infra.Google Scholar

^{page 279 note 1} MBh iii, 115, 11044–54; Vā 91, 66; Hv 27, 1430–1.

^{page 279 note 2} MBh iii, 115, 11067–116; Vā 91, 85, 89–92; Hv 27, 1453–4.

^{page 279 note 3} See JRAS, 1913, p. 886.Google Scholar

^{page 279 note 4} See JRAS, 1913, p. 888Google Scholar; MBh iii, 197, 13301–2.

^{page 279 note 5} MBh vii, 70, 2427, 2446; Vā 91, 90–1; Hv 27, 1454–5.

^{page 279 note 6} MBh xii, 49, 1760–9; iii, 115–17; vii, 70: Vā 94, 46–7; Mt 43, 42–3; Hv 33, 1887–8.

^{page 279 note 7} MBh vii, 70, 2444; xii, 49, 1775–8.

^{page 279 note 8} Vā 94, 48–53; Mt 43, 45–9; Hv 34, 1891–8; Lg i, 68, 10–13, 16–19; Br. 13, 199–207.

^{page 279 note 9} MBh xiii, 30, 1946, 1950–1.

^{page 280 note 1} Aṣṭaka's son Lauhi is the last king mentioned, JRAS, 1913, p. 888.Google Scholar

^{page 280 note 2} Vā 88, 122–43; Br 8, 29–51; Hv 13, 760–84; Rm ii, 110, 15–25 (briefly, calling Bāhu Asita).

^{page 280 note 3} It is noticed in MBh xii, 49, 1783–6.

^{page 280 note 4} As Rāma began, the subsequent slaughter was attributed to him. Rāma certainly did not exterminate the Haihayas, for they were rising into great power as the “Tālajaṅghas” during his life.

^{page 281 note 1} MBh xiii, 30, 1958–76: JRAS, 1910, p. 38: Vā 92, 64–5.

^{page 281 note 2} Vā 92, 68; Hv 29, 1591; 32, 1748–9.

^{page 281 note 3} Vā 68, 124–5, 135–43; Hv 13, 774–84; Vṣ iv, 3, 18–21; MBh iii, 106, 8831–2.

^{page 281 note 4} MBh xii, 29, 1023–9; Hv 13, 785; Vā 88, 144.

^{page 281 note 5} See n. 3 for references.

^{page 281 note 6} The rest of the story of Sagara is marvellous, the birth of his 60,000 sons, his horse-sacrifice and their destruction. Vā 88, 144–52; Hv 13, 790–807; MBh iii, 106, 8831–707, 9913.

^{page 282 note 1} Vā 95, 27–38; Hv 37, 1979–89; Mt 44, 28–38; Vṣ iv, 12, 2–14.

^{page 282 note 2} Vā 95, 38; Mt 44, 38; Lg i, 68, 40; Vṣ iv, 12, 15.

^{page 282 note 3} Hv 29, 1597; 32, 1753: Vā 92, 65, 73; Br 11, 60; 13, 78.

^{page 282 note 4} Vā 99, 133 with 1–4; Mt 49, 10 with 48, 1–3; Hv 32, 1721 with 1830–4; Vṣ iv, 19, 2 with 16, 1–2: JRAS, 1910, p. 43.

^{page 282 note 5} MBh i, 74, 3119–21; Hv 32, 1723; Vā 99, 133–4; Mt 49, 11.

^{page 282 note 6} MBh ii, 14, 649–50.

^{page 282 note 7} MBh iv, 64, 2035 and in brahmanical literature: but its use is rare in kṣatriya tradition except in compounds as Bharatarṣabha, Bharata-sattama.

^{page 282 note 8} The general term; MBh i, 2, 371; 74, 3223; 94, 3709: Mt 24, 71; 49, 11; Vā 99, 134.

^{page 283 note 1} MBh vii, 60; xii, 29, 956–63. Styled samrāj, MBh ii, 14, 649–50. After him the Ganges was named Bhāgīrathī, Vā 88, 167–9; etc.

^{page 283 note 2} MBh vii, 64; xii, 29, 993–7: Vā 88, 171–2. But there was another and much earlier Ambarīṣa Nābhāgi, Hv 15, 813; Mt 11, 41; 12, 20.

^{page 283 note 3} Vā 99, 26–34, 85–6, 98; Mt 23–9, 77–8; Hv 31, 1682–93.

^{page 283 note 4} MBh xii, 5, 134; Vā 99, 105–6; Mt 48, 97; Hv 31, 1699.

^{page 283 note 5} MBh i, 95, 3787; Vā 99, 165; Hv 20, 1053–4. MBh i, 94, 3736 says it had been Bharata's residence; if so, Hastin gave it his name. The other names, Gajasāhvaya, Vāraṇāhvaya, etc., were probably mere puns, for its region was not elephant-country, having been occupied by the Ānavas long before.

^{page 283 note 6} See p. 270, n. 6.

^{page 283 note 7} Vā 99, 166, 184–93; Gr i, 140;, 8, 14–16; Bh ix, 21, 21, 27–8. Mt 49, 70–9 and Hv 20, 1075–85 vary. Vṣ iv, 19, 10, 13–15 errs.

^{page 283 note 8} It must have adjoined the main Paurava territory, was not Pañcāla, and presumably bordered on Kosala (Mt 49, 75; Hv 20, 1081): also N. Pañcāla lay between it and S. Pañcāla (Hv 20, 1083–1112).

^{page 284 note 1} MBh iii, 293, 16674; vii, 67; xii, 29, 1013–22: Mt 49, 35–7; Meghad. i, 46, where Comm. says his capital was Daśapura.

^{page 284 note 2} Vā 99, 194–211; Mt 50, 1–16; Hv 32, 1777–95: MBh i, 138, 5509, 5515–16; Hv 20, 1111–12.

^{page 284 note 3} Vā 99, 170–82; Mt 49, 47–59; Vṣ iv, 19, 11–13. MBh i, 138, 5509, 5512–13; Hv 23, 1252.

^{page 284 note 4} e.g. Saṁvaraṇa (see infra) is called Ājamīḍha, MBh i, 94, 3737.

^{page 284 note 5} Probably humorously; cf. our title “Prime Minister”. If so, it is obvious why the name does not occur in the Vedic hymns about these kings.

^{page 284 note 6} JRAS, 1910, pp. 48, 1328.Google Scholar

^{page 284 note 7} JRAS, 1910, p. 1330.Google Scholar

^{page 284 note 8} JRAS, 1910, p. 21, n. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 1} Vā 88, 182; MBh vii, 61; xii, 29, 964–73.

^{page 285 note 2} Seep. 272. The Rm describes Laṅkā in the most glowing terms(v,4ff.).

^{page 285 note 3} Two other Rāvaṇas have been mentioned (pp. 276, 278). Rāvaṇa, though Sanskrit in appearance, can hardly be a Sanskrit word, for it is not credible that any Rākṣasa king would have taken a Sanskrit name, when these Rākṣasas were bitterly hostile and are described as civilized. Rāvaṇa is probably the Tamil word iṟeivan, “God, king, sovereign, lord,” Sanskritized—a fuller form of iṟei, which has the same meanings. Malayalam has iṟān, “sire” (used in addressing princes), where the ṟ shows it differs from Tamil irāyan ( = Skfc. rājā). Kanarese has ěṟě (and also apparently iṟivata), “master.” Telugu seems to have lost the word. Tamil ei and Skt. ā constantly correspond, and i is mainly a helping vowel to ṟ; hence iṟeivan may well have been Sanskritized as Rāvaṇa. If so, Rāvaṇa would be the royal title.

^{page 285 note 4} Rm ii, 116, 11; iii, 18, 25; MBh vii, 59, 2226.

^{page 285 note 5} Rm ii, 116, 11–19; 119, 18–20: MBh vii, 59, 2227.

^{page 285 note 6} Rm iii, 11, 78–83. MBh iii, 104, 8792–4. JRAS, 1910, p. 41.Google Scholar

^{page 286 note 1} MBh iii, 276, 15987; Rm iii, 25–30.

^{page 286 note 2} Through the air; by sea would have been the natural way.

^{page 286 note 3} Rm iv, 13, 1: MBh iii, 279, 16107.

^{page 286 note 4} MBh vii, 59; xii, 29, 944–55.

^{page 286 note 6} Vā 88, 185–6; Hv 55, 3093–3101; 95, 5244–5; Rm vi, 68–70.

^{page 286 note 6} Rm i, 18, 13; 77, 15–17.

^{page 286 note 7} Vā 88, 189–90; Bḍ iii, 63, 190–1; Vṣ iv, 4, 47.

^{page 286 note 8} Vā 88, 187–8; Bḍ iii, 63, 188–9; Vṣ iv, 4, 47.

^{page 286 note 9} It is difficult to place this. It may perhaps have been north of Dakṣiṇa Kosala.

^{page 286 note 10} Vā 88, 198–200; Bḍ iii, 63, 198–200; Mt 12, 51.

^{page 287 note 1} Hv 95, 5245–8.

^{page 287 note 2} Vā 95, 45–7; Lg i, 68, 47–9; Hv 37, 1995–6.

^{page 287 note 3} Mt 44, 47–8; Vā 96, 1–2; Hv 38, 1999–2000.

^{page 287 note 4} Hv 38, 2014–30; Lg i, 69, 32–42; Vā 96, 115 (where read Andhakāt for Satyakāt)-142.

^{page 287 note 5} Vā 96, 6–17; Hv 38, 2004–14; Mt 44, 51–60.

^{page 287 note 6} MBh iii, 253, 15245–6 with Jyāmagha's story (p. 281).

^{page 287 note 7} Vā 96, 17 ff.; Hv 39, 2040 (where read Vṛṣṇer for Kroṣṭor) ff.

^{page 287 note 8} Bḍ iii, 71, 18; Br 15, 45; Lg i, 69, 9; Vṣ iv, 13, 6.

^{page 287 note 9} MBh ii, 13, 570, 589; v, 157, 5351, 5366. See p. 279.

^{page 288 note 1} JRAS, 1910, pp. 48–51; and p. 21, n. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 288 note 2} JRAS, 1910, pp. 11, 22, 51Google Scholar. MBh i, 63, 2362; Hv 154, 8815.

^{page 288 note 3} Hv 117, 6598; MBh ii, 20, 798–800.

^{page 288 note 4} Hv 117, 6599–6601; Vṣ iv, 14, 11.

^{page 288 note 5} Vṣ iv, 14, 11.

^{page 288 note 6} See MBh i, 63, 2365.

^{page 288 note 7} MBh i, 95, 3797; v, 148, 5053–5; Hv 32, 1819.

^{page 288 note 8} Hv 30, 1047–9; MBh xii, 234, 8603.

^{page 289 note 1} Hv 20, 1071–3, 1082–1112.

^{page 289 note 2} See n. 5 infra.

^{page 289 note 3} Called samrāj, MBh ii, 13, 571–86; Hv 91, 4963–72.

^{page 289 note 4} MBh ii, 13, 594–616; Hv 91, 4953–61; 117, 6579–86.

^{page 289 note 5} MBh i, 138; 166, 6344–54; Hv 20, 1113–15.

^{page 289 note 6} MBh ii, 19–23, 930.

^{page 289 note 7} JRAS, 1908, p. 309.Google Scholar

^{page 290 note 1} Mt 48, 4–5; Vā 99, 5–6; Hv 32, 1835–6.

^{page 291 note 1} The five races descended from Yayāti overspread the entire earth; Vā 93, 103; Bḍ iii, 68, 105–6; Hv 30, 1619–20.

^{page 291 note 2} See further, p. 293, n. 2.

^{page 291 note 3} For this reason I dislike the term Mānva, but can think of none better.

^{page 291 note 4} Vā 91, 9; Bḍ iii, 66, 9; Hv 26, 1374.

^{page 292 note 1} Vā 91, 5–8; Br 10, 5–8; Hv 26, 1367–70.

^{page 292 note 2} Vā 91, 40–8, 51; Hv 26, 1402–10; Br 10, 11; Ag 273, 14.

^{page 292 note 3} So Mb 11, 43–66: 12, 12–15: Pd v, 8, 82–105, 117–120. Bḍ iii, 60, 23–8, adopts the story partially and ineptly; and Vā 85, 25–8 similarly, with the first part lost.

^{page 292 note 4} See Muir, 's Sanskrit Texts, ii, pp. 323–39Google Scholar, where all the passages agree with this view, except the two quotations about Kashmir.

^{page 293 note 1} See JRAS, 1913, p. 412.Google Scholar

^{page 293 note 2} It may be mentioned that Sudyumna, into whom Ilā was turned, is said to have been a kimpuruṣa and finally departed to Ilāvṛta; Mt 12, 16, 19; Pd v, 8, 121, 124; Lg i, 65, 22. The kimpuruṣas were also placed in that same north region. Myth thus connected the Saudyumna stock also with that land. Further, it is said in Mt 12, 18 and Pd v, 8, 123, that the Kurus, that is, the Northern Kurus, belonged to or were subject to that stock. These allusions suggest that that stock, which held Bast India, came also originally from the north.

^{page 293 note 3} Nirukta ii, 10; Bṛhadd. vii, 156; MBh v, 148, 5054–5.