¹ Guang, Sima et al. , Zizhi tongjian (Beijing, 1956; hereafter ZZhTJ), 108.3429, comments by Hu Sanxing .Google Scholar

² Even on those external “barbarians” who might be considered China's primary “security concern”, the records were still astonishingly meagre, as observed bySinor, Denis, “Central Eurasia”in Central Eurasia, in Orientalism and History, ed. Sinor, D. (Bloomington, 1970), pp. 93–119.Google Scholar

³ Chen, S., “A-gan revisited – the Tuoba's cultural and political heritage”, Journal of Asian History, forth-coming.Google Scholar

⁴ Morgan, David, Medieval Persia, 1040–1797 (London, 1988), p. 22.Google Scholar See also Bosworth, C. E., The Ghaznavids (Edinburgh, 1963), p. 56.Google Scholar

⁵ Franke, Herbert, From Tribal Chieftain to Universal Emperor and God: The Legitimation of the Yüan Dynasty (Munich, 1978), p. 609.Google Scholar

⁶ See Bosworth, , op. cit., p. 3.Google Scholar

⁷ See for examples Fairbank, John King, “Synarchy under the Treaties”, in Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. Fairbank, J. K. (Chicago, 1957), pp. 204–31Google Scholar, in particular p. 204, and Wittfogel, Karl A., Oriental Despotism; a Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven, 1957), p. 182.Google Scholar

⁸ Honey, David, “Stripping off felt and fur: an essay on nomadic sinification”, Papers on Inner Asia. Ancient Inner Asia, XXI (1992),Google Scholar seems, the only exception in trying to include the Tang in the “conquest dynasties”. Yet in addition to his very curious exclusion of the preceding Sui, he still considers the Tang house “basically sinified” (p. 2). Therefore in his otherwise colourful essay on nomadic sinicization covering the entire Chinese history from the late Shang to the Qing, not a single item or case pertaining to the Tang was found.

⁹ Crossley, Pamela K., “Thinking about ethnicity in early modern China”, Late Imperial China, XI (1990), pp. 1–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ For the etymology Xianbei < *Sarbi, see for example Golden, Peter B., An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (Wiesbaden, 1992), p. 69.Google Scholar

¹¹ Honey, “Stripping off felt and fur”, p. 2.

¹² They are “Li-Tang shizu zhi tuice wenti “, “Li-Tang shizu zhi tuice houji ”. “San lun Li-Tang shizu wenti ”, and “Li-Tang Wu-Zhou xianshi shiji zakao “. All can be found in his collected works Chen Yinke xiansheng lunwenji (Taipei, 1974).Google Scholar

¹³ Rulei, Hu, Li Shimin zhuan (Beijing, 1984), p. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Bowuguan, Ningxia Zizhiqu ,“Mu fajue jianbao ”, Wenwu (1985.11), pp. 1–20Google Scholar. This implication of Li Xian's newly unearthed tomb inscription on the ethnic origin of the Tang imperial family was pointed out to me by Dr Chungmo Kwok via private communications.

¹⁵ S. Chen, “A-gan revisited”.

¹⁶ Pansui, Lui , “Li-Tang wei fanxing kao”, Nü shida xueshu jikan I.4 (no date), pp. 1–5,Google Scholar first made this important discovery based on an entry in Xiu, Ouyang et al. , Xin Tang shu (Beijing, 1975; hereafter XTSh), 44.1160.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Zhitui, Yan , Yanshi jiaxun, edition used: Liqi, Wang , Yanshi jiaxun jijie , rev. ed. (Beijing, 1993), 1.50–1.Google Scholar For an English translation of the passage, see for example Wright, Arthur F., The Sui Dynasty (New York, 1978), p. 36.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See the list in Pu, Wang , Tang hui yao (Taipei, 1963; hereafter THY), 6.75.Google Scholar More extensive lists were given in Tongling, Wang , ‘Yang-Sui Li-Tang xianshi xitong kao , Nüshida xueshu jikan, II.2 (no date), pp. 1–23.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Gökalp, Ziya (translated by Devereux, R.), The Principles of Turkism (Leiden, 1968), p. 110.Google Scholar

²⁰ XTSh 119.4306, 172.5205ȓ06, ZZhTJ 248.8036 and Fang, Li , Taiping guangji (Beijing, 1961), 184.1379.Google Scholar Read also Yinke, Chen, Tangdai zhengzhishi shulun gao (Chongqing/Shanghai, 1944)/1947, pp. 57–9.Google Scholar

²¹ Tongling, Wang, op. cit., pp. 20–3,Google Scholar has a rather extensive table on this issue. Still the important Kirghiz case is missing in that table.

²² See for example ZZhTJ 172.8879, Hu Sanxing's notes.

²³ XTSh 217b.6150.

²⁴ ZZhTJ 195.6135ȓ36, 200.6138.

²⁵ Read for instance Da, Xiang , Tangdai Chang'an yu Xiyu wenming (Beijing, 1957)Google Scholar

²⁶ Zhen, Yuan 's poem Faqu (Quan Tangshi [Shanghai, 1986], 419.1025) may serve as a succinct review of the fad.Google Scholar

²⁷ Shou, Wei , Wei shu (Beijing, 1974) 19.469 and 21.536 (also ZZhTJ 140.4357 and 142.4434).Google Scholar

²⁸ Xu, Liu Jiu Tang shu (Beijing, 1975; hereafter JTSh), 45.1938, 1951, XTSh, 24.527–28, and THY 31.577–78.Google Scholar

²⁹ XTSh 34.878.

³⁰ Dang, Wang , Tang yulin (Changsha, 1939), 4.101.Google Scholar This was corroborated by XTSh 125.4407.

³¹ Pansui, Liu, op. cit.,Google Scholar was the first to point out that both were non-Chinese etiquettes, though Liu's citations were far from complete.

³² “A-gan revisited”.

³³ “Tang Ashina Zhong mu fajue jianbao ”, Kaogu (1977.2), reprinted in Tujue yu Huihe lishi lunwen xuanji , ed. Gan, Lin (Beijing, 1987), ii, pp. 408–19.Google Scholar

³⁴ Xi, Zhu , Zhuzi yulei (Beijing, 1986), 136.3245.Google Scholar

³⁵ Wendi's childhood name was Nanluoyan See Daoxuan, , XU gaoseng zhuan (Taipei, 1988), 26.900. Yangdi's was Ame See for example ZZhTJ 179.5577.Google Scholar

³⁶ Yang Yong's childhood name was Gandifa (ZZhTJ 179.5575). As we have pointed out in “A-gan revisited”, this name can be identified with a similar childhood name Qizhifa of the “Xianbei-ized” warlord Feng Ba . See Wei shu, 97.2126. Li Jiangcheng's childhood name was Pishamen (XTSh 79.3540).

³⁷ ZZhTJ 212.6735.

³⁸ JTSh 64.2415.

³⁹ For this childhood name, see for example ZZhTJ 197.6206.

⁴⁰ ZZhTJ 197.6208.

⁴¹ This term was well attested as the clan name Chinu , which became Lang , “wolf”, in Emperor Xiaowen's sinicization drive (Wei shu, 113.3013). As Peter Boodberg pointed out in his “The language of the T'o-pa Wei”, HJAS, I (1936), pp. 167–85.Google Scholar another likely attestation was the popular personal name Chounu .

⁴² Zheng, Wei et al. , Sui shu (Beijing, 1974), 15.397.Google Scholar

⁴³ JTSh 62.2375–76, 74.2614–15, XTSh 98.3897, 99.3907–08, and ZZhTJ 186.5834, 194.6095.

⁴⁴ XTSh 201.5728.

⁴⁵ See for example Daoxun, Xu and Keyao, Zhao , Tang Xuanzong zhuan (Beijing, 1993), p. 409Google Scholar and passim.

⁴⁶ See for example ZZhTJ 272.8904.

⁴⁷ See for example Tekin, Talat, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkic (Bloomington, 1968), pp. 373–4.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Sui shu 52.1341.

⁴⁹ al-Kāšγarī, Maḥmūd, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects (Türk Şiveleri Lügati), edited and translated by Dankoff, Robert and Kelly, James (Cambridge, Mass., 1982–1985), i, p. 341.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ZZhTJ 190.5959.

⁵¹ JTSh 64.2415–16.

⁵² Su, Liu, , Sui Tang jiahua (Beijing, 1979), 1.7;Google Scholar Su, Liu , Da Tang xinyu (Beijing, 1984), 1.13.Google Scholar Guang, Again Sima edited it to a mere tianshe weng – “old house-owning peasant” in ZZhTJ 194.6096.Google Scholar

⁵³ Read for example Yuan, Chen , Tongjian Huzhu biaowei (Beijing, 1958), pp. 323–4,Google Scholar though Chen quoted only a small number of cases.

⁵⁴ Zhuo, Zhang , Chaoye qianzai (Beijing, 1979), 4.89.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Twitchett, Denis Crispin (ed.), The Cambridge History of China (London, 1979), iii, p. 236.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁶ Wright, Arthur, “T'ang T'ai-tsung and Buddhism”, in Perspectives on the T'ang, ed. Wright, A. F. and Twitchett, D. (New Haven, 1973), pp. 239–63.Google Scholar The particular comment is on p. 253.

⁵⁷ Pulleyblank, Edwin G., “The An Lu-shan rebellion and the origins of chronic militarism in late T'ang China” in Essays on T'ang Society, ed. Perry, J. C. and Smith, B. L. (Leiden, 1976), pp. 32–60.Google Scholar See p. 37.

⁵⁸ See, e.g., ZZhTJ 192.6034, Quan Tang wen (Beijing, 1983) 9.106,Google Scholar THY 26.506, Da Tang xinyu 9.133, etc. For continuing his old habit while an emperor, see ZZhTJ 192.6021–22, 192.6042.

⁵⁹ “A-gan revisited”.

⁶⁰ They include Tuli (Tölis) Qaghan of the Eastern Turk (ZZhTJ 191.5992), the loyal Turk general Simo, Ashina (Cefu yuangui [Beijing, 1960], 980.11516Google Scholar) who was given the imperial clan name Li (JTSh 194.5156, XTSh 215.6037), and the Western Turk prince, later Duolu Qaghan (JTSh 194.5183).

⁶¹ Zhongmian, Cen , Sui Tang shi (Beijing. 1957), PP. 140 and 142,Google Scholar has claimed that certain features of Tang Taizong's mausoleum were imitative of Turkish burial custom, a notion followed by Wechsler, Howard J., Offerings of Jade and Silk (New Haven, 1985), p. 81.Google Scholar We contend that, rather than mere imitation, it in fact reflected the Tang imperial house's steppe background. The Tang's respect for non-Han burial customs both within and without the Chinese heartland was reflected in Tang Taizong's condemnation of the Eastern Turks' adoption of the (Han) tomb burials in violation of their ancestral customs (Cefu yuangui, 125.1501; see also Ecsedy, Ilkidó, “Ancient Turk [T'u-chüeh] burial customs”, AOH, XXXVIII [1984], pp. 263–87;Google Scholar the particular passages are found on pages 276–7) and Tang Xuanzong's edict allowing a surrendered Turk official to “be buried according to the native [Turkish] customs” (Cefu yuangui, 974.11446).

⁶² ZZhTJ 196.6191.

⁶³ Schafer, Edward H., The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: a Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley, 1963), p. 65.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Boodberg, Peter A., “The language of the T'o-pa Wei”, HJAS, I (1936), pp. 167–85.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Taizong's, Emperor essay “Liumatu zan ”. in Quan Tang wen, 10.124.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Wu, Silas H. L., Passage to Power: K'ang-hsi and His Heir Apparent, 1661–1772 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), pp. 133–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁷ THY 55.943–44, XTSh 199.5661, ZZhTJ 201.6363.

⁶⁸ XTSh 80.3565.

⁶⁹ THY 27.521.

⁷⁰ Wei shu, 22.558.

⁷¹ Zixian, Xiao , Nan Qi shu (Beijing, 1972), 57.996.Google Scholar

⁷² See for example Qiaoyi, Chen , Li Daoyuan yu Shujing zhu (Shanghai, 1987), PP. 31, 34–5.Google Scholar

⁷³ Yinke, Chen, Tangdai zhengzhishi, pp. 52–3.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Yuan, Chen op. cit., p. 252.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Jin shu (Beijing, 1974), 101.2648Google Scholar and passim.

⁷⁶ Fletcher, Joseph, “The Mongols: ecological and social perspectives”, HJAS, XLVI (1986), pp. 11–50.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Fletcher, Joseph, “Turco-Mongolian monarchic tradition in the Ottoman Empire”, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, III/IV (1979–1980), pp. 236–51.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Boodberg, Peter A., “Marginalia to the histories of the Northern dynasties”, HJAS, IV (1939), pp. 230–83,Google Scholar in particular p. 266.

⁷⁹ Fletcher, Joseph, “Blood tanistry: authority and succession in the Ottoman, Indian Muslim, and later Chinese empires”, The Conference on the Theory of Democracy and Popular Participation,Bellagio, Italy,1978.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Yi, Zhao, Nian'ershi Zhaji , annotated by Weiyun, Du (Taipei, 1975), 19.410.Google Scholar

⁸¹ ZZhTJ 197.6197, 199.6280–81.

⁸² ZZhTJ 197.6195.

⁸³ ZZhTJ 202.6377, 203.6419.

⁸⁴ For example, see Hu ji, Wu Zetian benzhuan (Xi'an, 1986), pp. 60–1.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ ZZhTJ 199.6286–87, 204.6467, 207.6557.

⁸⁶ JTSh 7.135, ZZhTJ 204.6473, 205.6490.

⁸⁷ ZZhTJ 204.6474–75, 206.6526–27.

⁸⁸ Alderson, Anthony D., The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty (Oxford, 1956), pp. 32–6;Google Scholar Goody, Jack (ed.), Succession to High Office (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 20–1.Google Scholar For a detailed description of this part of the Ottoman palace, see Penzer, Norman Mosley, The Harem (London, 1936), pp. 197–201.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ ZZhTJ 244.7886. We may also note that the Ottoman Kafes was hardly unique in the Turkic political sphere: the later Ghaznavids in Afghanistan and Northern India also developed a similar policy after incessant succession struggles among the Sultan's family members. See Bosworth, C. E., The Later Ghaznavids: Splendour and Decay (Edinburgh, 1977), p. 38.Google Scholar Corresponding to the “birth control” measures in the Kafes, a remarkable episode was Xuanzong's repeated attempts in aborting his consort's pregnancy for fear of further antagonizing Princess Taiping (JTSh 52.2184). One notes that the incident was recorded due largely to the fact that the pregnancy Xuanzong (then the crown prince) tried to terminate produced in the end none other than the future emperor Suzong.

⁹⁰ ZZhTJ 208.6611–12.

⁹¹ ZZhTJ 209.6641–42.

⁹² ZZhTJ 209.6650.

⁹³ ZZhTJ 210.6656–57.

⁹⁴ See for example the story in ZZhTJ 210.6673–74, JTSh 97.3051 and XTSh 125.4406.

⁹⁵ JTSh 45.1957–58.

⁹⁶ See Silas Wu, Passage to Power.

⁹⁷ ZZhTJ 214.6829.

⁹⁸ Zuyu, Fan, Tang jian (Shanghai, 1937), 9.78.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ On November 20, 1514. See Alderson, , op. cit., p. 30.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ XTSh 82.3608, ZZhTJ 216.6916.17.

¹⁰¹ ZZhTJ 218.6975–76, 218.6982.

¹⁰² ZZhTJ 221.7094–95.

¹⁰³ ZZhTJ 218.6983, 219.7007.

¹⁰⁴ Li Bai signed on with the losing side of this fratricidal struggle for the throne, for which he almost received a death sentence. He was eventually exiled to Yelang , which was by far the most serious crisis in Li's life. See for example XTSh 202.5763. This in turn led Du Fu to write several immortal poems on his deep concern over his friend's fate.

¹⁰⁵ ZZhTJ 219.7013.

¹⁰⁶ ZZhTJ 222.7123–24.

¹⁰⁷ Wright, Arthur, “Sui Yang-ti: personality and stereotype”, in Confucianism and Chinese Civilization, ed. Wright, A. (New York, 1964), pp. 158–87.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Xiong, Victor Cunrui, “Sui Yangdi and the building of Sui-Tang Luoyang”, The Journal of Asian Studies, LII (1993), PP. 66–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Bosworth, , The Ghaznavids, pp. 230–4.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Erkang, Feng Yongzheng zhuan (Beijing, 1985), pp. 555–9.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Winstanley, Lilian, Hamlet and the Scottish Succession (Cambridge, 1921)Google Scholar and, much more recently, Kurland, Stuart M., “Hamlet and the Scottish succession?” Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900, XXXIV (1994), pp. 279–300.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹² Defen, Linghu, Zhou shu (Beijing, 1971) 50.909;Google Scholar also Li Yanshou, Bei shi (Beijing, 1974), 99.3287,Google Scholar and You, Du Tong dian (Shanghai, 1935), 197.1068.Google Scholar

¹¹³ SirFrazer, James G., “The killing of the Khazar kings”, Folklore, XXVIII (1917), pp. 382–407;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Dunlop, D. M., The History of the Jewish Khazars (Princeton, 1954), p. 97.Google Scholar An extensive exposition of ritual regicide can be found in SirFrazer, James G., The Golden Bough, 3rd ed. (New York, 1935), iv, pp. 9–119.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ A comprehensive summary of most such “retired emperors” can be found in Yi, Zhao, op. cit., 13.281–6.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ See for instance Hummel, Arthur William (ed.), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing period (1644–1912) (Washington, D.C., 1943–1944), P. 372.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ ZZhTJ 134.4187, 137.4302.

¹¹⁷ Fan Ye, Hou Han shu (Beijing, 1965), 90.2979.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Yanshi jiaxun jijie, 1.48. Wright, Arthur (The Sui Dynasty, p. 35)Google Scholar has also noted Yan's observation.

¹¹⁹ The case of Lady Gouyi of the Han, from which the Tuoba custom had allegedly taken its cue, was evidently an exceptional, ad hoc measure.

¹²⁰ ZZhTJ 152.4739.

¹²¹ See for example Fletcher, Joseph, “Turco-Mongol monarchic tradition in the Ottoman Empire”.Google Scholar

¹²² Yinke, Chen, Tangdai zhengzhi shi, pp. 41–4.Google Scholar

¹²³ XTSh79. See also Wechsler, Howard J., Mirror to the Son of Heaven: Wei Cheng at the Court of T'ang T'ai-tsung (New Haven, 1974), p. 71.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ THY 73.1311; ZZhTJ 193.6098.

¹²⁵ Li Duozuo (JTSh 109.3296–97) was a typical case.

¹²⁶ See for example Yinke, Chen, “Lun Tangdai zhi Fanjiang yu fubing ”, Chen Yinke xiansheng lunwenji, i, pp. 665–77,Google Scholar and Qun, Zhang , “Tangdai Fanjiang chutan ”, Journal of Oriental Studies, XIX (1981), pp. 1–38.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ See for example Tekin, Talat, op. cit., p. 264.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ For example, in Emperor Xuanzong's military move to eliminate Princess Taiping's supporters, which culminated in the princess's suicide and Emperor Ruizong's final “retirement”, two important players were Wang Maozhong , a family slave of Korean descent, and Gao Lishi it , a eunuch. See ZZhTJ 210.6683, JTSh 106.3252.

¹²⁹ Pulleyblank, (“The An-Lu-shan rebellion”, p. 40)Google Scholar seems the only author to have noted this Turco-Chinese partnership, albeit failing to recognize the crucial Xianbei factor which, like the Manchus, was the key element binding the steppe and the agrarian communities into a true empire.

¹³⁰ See Yinke, Chen, Tangdai zhengzhishi, pp. 50–1.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Jackson, Peter and Lockhart, Laurence(ed.), The Cambridge History of Iran VI (Cambridge, 1986), p. 366;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Lockhart, Laurence, The Fall of the Safavi Dynasty and the Afghan occupation of Persia (Cambridge, 1958), pp. 17, 29–32.Google Scholar

¹³² ZZhTJ 254.8237.

¹³³ For example, Lin, Zhao , Yinhua lu , in Tang Guoshi bu deng bazhong , ed. Jialuo, Yang (Taipei, 1962),Google Scholar 5.35, has a telling story on the deplorable condition during the Yuanhe (806–820) era of an originally prestigious imperial guard office.

¹³⁴ Read for example Wright, , “Sui Yang-Ti”, pp. 161–2.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ See, e.g. Rulei, Hu, op. cit., pp. 78–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ ZZhTJ 189.5931–2.

¹³⁷ ZZhTJ 195.6150, 196.6174.

¹³⁸ ZZhTJ 196.6168.

¹³⁹ THY 4.44. The incident itself showed Chengqian's decent quality, something the official history was reluctant to admit.

¹⁴⁰ Weijuan, Yao , Beichao huxing kao (Beijing, 1958), pp. 25–8.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ It is interesting to note several cases of elder and more “militaristic” sons being passed over for succession in the Turco-Iranian realm which have puzzled early Muslim and later authors (Bosworth, , The Ghaznavids, pp. 45 and 228).Google Scholar Bosworth has suggested they might be a reminiscence of the steppe custom of ultimogeniture. However, as many Mongolists have pointed out, the Mongol practice of ochigin regarding the inheritance of property might not necessarily apply to political power (khanship). In the Sarbo-Chinese connection, the cultural aspect of these cases would also seem an interesting topic. One notes that, among the Ghaznavids for example, in contrast with the militarist elder brother Mas'ūd, the younger brother Muḥammad's tastes “were predominately literary and studious” (Bosworth, , Later Ghaznavids, p. 18).Google Scholar

¹⁴² Wei Zheng was noted for his loyalty to Emperor Gaozu's original heir apparent Prince Jiancheng. As shown by an interesting episode in JTSh 71.2559, he was still quite unwavering on the dizhang succession rule after many years of service under Emperor Taizong, whose accession to the throne represented a breach of this very principle.

¹⁴³ Frye, Richard N. and Sayili, Aydin M., “Turks in the Middle East before the Saljuqs”, JAOS, LXII (1943), pp. 194–207.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Hummel, , op. cit., p. 94.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Li Xian's famed annotation of Hou Han shu has since become an integral part of that dynastic history.

¹⁴⁶ Guodong, Sun , “Tang Zhenguan Yonghui jian dangzheng shishi ”, Xinya Shuyuan xueshu niankan , VII (1965), pp. 39–49,Google Scholar did point out that Zhangsun Wuji, Li Zhi's decisive backer, was not a man of letters while three major supporters of Prince Wei, namely Liu Ji , Cen Wenben and Cui Renshi all were, and all had a rather miserable end.

¹⁴⁷ See ZZhTJ 197.6195 and Quan Tang wen 161.1645.

¹⁴⁸ Paraphrasing the title of David Honey's essay on sinicization. See note 8.

¹⁴⁹ Barfield, Thomas J., The Perilous Frontier (Cambridge Mass., 1989), p. 197.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Tao, , Jing-Shen, , Jurchen in Twelfth-Century China (Seattle, 1976), pp. 42–7.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Baiyao, Li Bei Qi shu (Beijing, 1972), 24.347–48.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Meskoob, Shahrokh, Iranian Nationality and the Persian Language (Translation of Millilyat va zaban) (Washington, D.C., 1992), pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Zhongluo, Wang Wei-Jin nanbeichao shi (Shanghai, 1980), ii, p. 983,Google Scholar discusses briefly the savageries of the Northern Zhou army based on some scattered data.

¹⁵⁴ ZZhTJ 165.5121.

¹⁵⁵ See for example Ciyuan (Beijing, 1988), p. 82Google Scholar quoting Shuo fu

¹⁵⁶ Togan, Zeki Velidi, “Sur l'origine des Safavides”, in Mélanges Louis Massignon (Damascus, 1957), iii, PP. 345–57;Google Scholar Mazzaoui, Michael M., The Origins of the Ṣafawids: šīism, Ṣūfism, and the Ġulāt (Wiesbaden, 1972), pp. 47–8.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Braun, Hellmut, “Iran under the Safavids and in the 18th century”, in The Muslim World; a Historical Survey, ed. Spuler, B. (Leiden, 1969), iii, pp. 181–218, in particular p. 188.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Holt, Peter Malcolm et al. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Islam (Cambridge, 1970), i, p. 394;Google Scholar Mazzaoui, , op. cit., pp. 46–52.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Bawden, Charles R. (trans, and annotate), The Mongol Chronicle Altan Tobci (Wiesbaden, 1955), pp. 128–9;Google Scholar Franke, H. Franke, op. cit., pp. 64–9.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Wright, Arthur, “T'ang T'ai-tsung and Buddhism”, in Perspectives on the T'ang, ed. Wright, A. F. and Twitchett, D. (New Haven, 1973), pp. 239–63.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Yongtong, Tang, Wangri zagao (Beijing, 1962), p. 10;Google Scholar Sui-Tang Fojiao shigao (Beijing, 1982), p. 14.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Weinstein, Stanley, Buddhism under the T'ang (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 11–12 and p. 155 n. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Shiyan, , Tang hufa shamen Falin biezhuan in Da zang jing Zhi No. 8, (Shanghai, 1912), p. 10.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ JTSh 191.5089, 192.5125; XTSh 204.5804–05.

¹⁶⁵ ZZhTJ 191.6009.

¹⁶⁶ Minqiu, Song (comp.), Tang da zhaoling ji (Beijing. 1959). 113.586.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ See Pulleyblank, Edwin, “The Chinese and their neighbours in prehistoric and early historic times”, in The Origins of Chinese Civilization, ed. Keichtley, David N. (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 411–66, in particular pp. 414–15.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Middle Chinese pronunciation bit. For a dissenting view, see Sinor, Denis, “Altaica and Uralica”, in Studies in Finno-Ugric Linguistics in Honor of Alo Raun, ed. Sinor, D. (Bloomington, 1978), pp. 319–32.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Long-speculated existence of a Xianbei script (see, for example, Mair, Victor H., “Buddhism and the rise of the written vernacular in East Asia: the making of national languages”, JAS, LIII [1994], pp. 707–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar) can be largely disregarded after the discovery of the Xianbei cavern and even more because of other equally rich collections of archaeological findings, especially tomb inscriptions and other artifacts of this period. See Yiliang, Zhou Wei-Jin nanbeichao shi lunji xubian (Beijing, 1991), pp. 179–80.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Goody, Jack and Watt, Ian, “The consequence of literacy”, Comparative Studies in Society and History,V (1963), pp. 304–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷¹ Zhou shu 36.643.

¹⁷² Shitong edition used: Lüfu, Zhao Shitong xin jiaozhu (Chongqing, 1990), pp. 457, 960.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ ZZhTJ 173.5382.

¹⁷⁴ This distrust might have even contributed to the cause of the An Lushan rebellion. See Pulleyblank, Edwin, The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan (London, 1955), pp. 75–81.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ See for example Dien, Albert E., “Yen Chih-T'ui (531–91 +): His Life and Thought”, Diss. (University of California, 1962), p. 12,Google Scholar and Holmgren, Jennifer, “Politics of the inner court under the Hou-chu (Last Lord) of the Northern Ch'i (ca. 565–73)”, in State and Society in Early Medieval China, ed. Dien, A. E. (Stanford, 1990), pp. 269–330,Google Scholar though both have used the standard “exemplary history” arguments to explain this contrast.

¹⁷⁶ Eberhard, Wolfram, A History of China, 4th ed. (London, 1977), p. 152.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Barfield, , op. cit., p. 126.Google Scholar