¹ Diodorus Siculus, XVII, 75.

² The writer wishes to thank Dr. M. Boyce for advice on Old and Middle Persian word forms and Dr. A. D. H. Bivar for reading the manuscript and for several useful suggestions.

³ Quintus Curtius, VI, 2–4.

⁴ Appian, Syriaca, 57.

⁵ Pliny, XI, 13, 6.

⁶ For a more detailed consideration of these dates and sequence of events see Wolski, J., “The decay of the Iranian empire of the Seleucids and the chronology of the Parthian beginnings”, Berytus, XII, 35 ff.Google Scholar

⁷ It should be noted that the original inhabitants of the Achaemenid satrapy of Parthava (the later Seleucid Parthyene) were not Arsacid Parthians. The tribe of the Parni, under the leadership of Arsaces (Parthian Arshak), would have become identified with the Parthians only after gaining control of the satrapy of that name.

⁸ Justin, XLI, 5.

⁹ On Soviet excavations at Old Nisa see Pugachenkova, G. A., “Arkhitekturnye pamyatnik Nicy”, Trudy Yuzhno-Turkmenistanskoi Arkh. Ekspeditsii, I, Ashkabad, 1949, 201 ffGoogle Scholar. See also Vmoraya, G., “Parfyanskoe zodchestvo”, ib., VI, Moscow, 1958, 66 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Masson, M., “Nekotorye novye dannye po istorii Parfii”, Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, 33, 1950, Part 3, 43.Google Scholar

¹¹ Polybius, X, 28–30.

¹² Frye, R., The heritage of Persia, New York, 1963, 266, n. 23.Google Scholar

¹³ Polybius, X, 31.

¹⁴ Justin, XLI, 5.

¹⁵ Frye, op. cit., 173.

¹⁶ Strabo, Geography, 11.IX.1.

¹⁷ On the dating of Apollodorus see Wolski, op. cit., 43, and Tarn, W., The Greeks in Bactria and India, Cambridge, 1958, 44.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Strabo, Geography, 11.XIII.1, 16.I.16.

¹⁹ For this sequence of events see Debevoise, N., A political history of Parthia, Chicago, 1938, 18–23Google Scholar; to be modified in the light of the Heracles inscription from Bisitun (cf. Robert, L., Gnomon, 1963, 70Google Scholar), dated s.e. 164, which presumably predates the Parthian conquest of Media.

²⁰ Tarn, op. cit., 13.

²¹ The name Mithradatkirt is attested on an ostracon found at Old Nisa (see Dyakonov, I. and Livshits, V., Dokumenty iz Nisy, Moscow, 1960, 22, n. 9Google Scholar). Frye, op. cit., 174, suggests that Nisa may always have been called Mithradatkirt by the Parthians or that the name was given to the city by Mithradates I. But on the coinage of Phraates II, son and successor of Mithradates I, we find NISA and NISAK represented as an apparent mint-place. It is hardly likely that Phraates would so completely have ignored a new name given to Nisa by his famous father. On the other hand, the letters MI or M alone, which could represent Mithradatkirt, are the most common monograms found on the bronze coinage of Mithradates II. W. Wroth (Catalogue of the coins of Parthia, 1903, lxxxiii) notes that the monogram MI would suggest a town named after Mithradates II, but the evidence of the ostracon was not then available. No form of the word Nisa, as such, appears on any of the second Mithradates' strikings. Thus it would seem that Mithradates II, rather than Mithradates I, might be credited with the Mithradatkirt appellation.

²² Isidore of Charax, Parthian stations (ed. Schoff, ), Philadelphia, 1914, 9.Google Scholar

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²⁵ Strabo, 16.I.16.

²⁶ Cf. Debevoise, op. cit., 34–40, for sources on the Saka invasion and on Himerus.

²⁷ Pliny, VI, 17.

²⁸ Ptolemy, , Geography, VI, 30.Google Scholar

²⁹ Pliny, VI, 30.

³⁰ Ptolemy, (Geography, I, 5)Google Scholar states that parts of the earth are different today from what they were, either on account of revolution or from transformation, in which process they are known to have partially fallen into ruin. He notes, in this regard, that he has had to decide for himself what is credible and what is not.

³¹ Tacitus, (Annals, VI, 26)Google Scholar calls Ctesiphon “sedes imperii”; Cassius, Dio (Hist. Rom., XL, 45)Google Scholar givesπóλις ν ᾖ βασιλεíα [οἱ πáθοι] ἔχουσι and Ammianus (XXIII, 6), “Persidis specimen summum”. It is, of course, known that Vologases I (a.d. 51–80) founded the city of Vologasia near Babylon (cf. Pliny, VI, 122). But if Vologasia was the Parthian capital of that reign, Vologases' successors certainly returned the government to Ctesiphon. Cf. Debevoise, op. cit., 204–5.

³² On the Seleucid eparchies see Tarn, op. cit., 2–3.

³³ Isidore of Charax, op. cit., 7.

³⁴ Ptolemy, VI, 5.

³⁵ Isidore of Charax, op. cit., 7.

³⁶ See p. 134 below.

³⁷ Cf. Mas'ūdī, , Bibl. Geog. Arab. (De Goeje, ed.), III, Leiden, 1894, 8, 49Google Scholar, and Istakhrī, ib., I, 1, 229.

³⁸ For these locations see (in order) Wilson, H., Ariana Antigua, 1841, 171Google Scholar; Ferrier, J., Caravan journeys, 1856, 69Google Scholar; and Houtum-Schindler, A., “Notes on some antiquities found in a mound near Damghan”, J.R. Geog. S., IX, 425–427.Google Scholar

³⁹ Jackson, A., From Constantinople to the home of Omar Khayyam, New York, 1911, 161 ff., 176 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Herzfeld, E., “Zarathustra”, Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Berlin, 1929–1930, 107, n. 1Google Scholar, follows von Ritter and Kiepert in favouring the Damghan location. An earlier consideration of the classical references to Hecatompylos is given by Mordtmann, A. in “Hekatompylos”, Sb. bayer. Akad. Wiss., Munich, 1869, 512 ff.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Schmidt, E., Excavations at Tepe Hissar Damghan, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1937, 11–17.Google Scholar

⁴² Schmidt, E., Flights over ancient cities of Iran, Chicago, 1940, 34–35.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ Pliny, VI, 17.

⁴⁵ For a detailed consideration of the Caspian Gates' location see Jackson, op. cit., 127–138. See also Stahl, A., “Notes on the march of Alexander the Great from Ecbatana to Hyrcania”, Geog. J., LXIV, 10 1924, 318–320.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ On the various lengths of the Greek stade or stadium see Oxford Classical Dictionary, Oxford, 1957Google Scholar, s.v. “Measure”.

⁴⁷ Cf. n. 43 above.

⁴⁸ On the Roman mile see OED, s.v. “Mile”.

⁴⁹ Pliny, VI, 21.

⁵⁰ Ferrier, op. cit., 68.

⁵¹ Goldsmid, F., Eastern Persia, 1876, I, 382.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Cf. Tolstov, S., “Raboty Khorezmskoy Ekspeditsii an SSR po raskorkam pamyatnika IV-III v.v. do n.z.—Koi Krylgan Kala”, Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, 1953, Part 1, 160–165.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Cf. Vmoraya, op. cit., 68–9.

⁵⁵ Herodotus, III, 17. On the Khwarezmians see Tarn, W., Alexander the Great, II: Sources and studies, Cambridge, 1948, 293–294.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Cf. Ghirshman, R., Iran: Parthian and Sasanian, 1962, 34–35.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Mongait, A., Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. (Pelican, ed.), 1961, 238.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ The Parthian tombs at Garmi in North-East Azerbaijan (not to be confused with Soviet excavations at Garni in the Armenian S.S.R.) have been excavated by the Iranian Department of Antiquities, but are not as yet published.

⁵⁹ On Scythian horse-burials see Rostovtzeff, M., Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, Oxford, 1922, 45, 47, 49Google Scholar. See also Rice, T., The Scythians, 1957, 70–72, 92, 109.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Herodotus, IV, 71–73.

⁶¹ Justin, XLI, 1.

⁶² W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 79.

⁶³ Strabo, 11. VIII.2.

⁶⁴ Pliny, VI, 19 and 29. On the nomadic nature of these several tribal elements see Tarn, op. cit., 80; Rice, op. cit., 21–2; Justin, XLI, 3.

⁶⁵ Justin, XLI, 3.

⁶⁶ Cf. Howorth, H., History of the Mongols, 1876, I, 82.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Dyson, R., “Problems of protohistoric Iran as seen from Hasanlu”, J. Near East. Stud., XXIV, 07 1965, 204 ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Cf. Clairmont, C., “Greek pottery from the Near East”, Berytus, XII, 1956–1958, 20Google Scholar and pl. VI, nos. 4, 5, 6, 9, 10.

⁶⁹ Scerrato, U., “Excavations at Dahan-i Ghulaman”, East and West, N.S., XVI, 03–06, 1966, 26Google Scholar and fig. 52.

⁷⁰ Schmidt, E., Persepolis II, Chicago, 1957, 123Google Scholar and pl. 89, no. 7.

⁷¹ Clairmont, op. cit, 18 and pl. V, no. 6.

⁷² Ib., p. 15–16 and Pl. IV, no. 17–23.

⁷³ The ceramics of the Parthian levels at Susa, excavated by Professor R. Ghirshman, have not yet been published, though Professor Ghirshman has kindly allowed the writer to study this material on site. For profile drawings of several of the most frequently occurring Parthian pottery types at Susa see R. Ghirshman, , Iran, 1961, 281Google Scholar, fig. 84. For parallels with Parthian ceramics from Seleucia see Debevoise, N., Parthian pottery from Seleucia on the Tigris, Ann Arbor, 1934, 69, 79, 103, 129.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷⁶ Ettinghausen, R., “Parthian and Sassanian pottery”, A survey of Persian art, ed. Pope, A., I, 651, 667.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Cf. n. 9 above.

⁷⁸ Strabo, 16.I.16.

⁷⁹ Polybius, X, 28. In northern Iran the word kōmish is applied to a person employed in digging qanāts. It may thus be that the practice of qanāt construction was first developed in the Qūmis/Kōmish district.

⁸⁰ Diodorus Siculus, I, 45.

⁸¹ Polybius, X, 28.

⁸² Ib., X, 31.

⁸³ Strabo, 11.VII.2.

⁸⁴ The Old Persian Raga is attested in the Bisitun inscription. See Kent, R., Old Persian grammar, New Haven, 1950, 27Google Scholar. For Rhagiana and Rhaga see Isidore of Charax, op. cit., 7; Rhagae, Strabo, 2.IX.1; Gabiane, Strabo, 16.I.18; Gabae, Strabo, 15.III.3. The Old Persian form *Gaba is a reconstruction. We know from Strabo, loc. cit., that an Achaemenid palace was located at that place. Henning, following Marquart, agreed that *Gaba would suit the Middle Persian Gay. On *Gaba and Gay see Marquart, J., Ērānšhar nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Xorenac'i, Berlin, 1901, 29Google Scholar, and Henning, W., “Gabae”, Asia Major, II, 1951, 144Google Scholar. For Susiana see Strabo, 2.V.32; for Susa, Strabo, 15.III.4.

⁸⁵ Rustah, Ibn, Bibl. Geog. Arab., VII, 169–170.Google Scholar

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⁸⁹ Both the Seleucid and Parthian appellations are attested by Pliny (XI, 13).

⁹⁰ According to Step. Byz., s.v. Ἀγβáτανα, Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), 175–164 b.c., gave his name to Ecbatana.

⁹¹ The place-name Raγa a occurs in the Avesta, Yasna XIX.18; but I. Gershevitch argues convincingly against the usual identification of this presumably eastern Iranian Raγa with Median Raga; cf. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, XXIII, 1964, 36–37.Google Scholar

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⁹³ For Hagmatāna see R. Kent, op. cit., 122.

⁹⁴ Le Strange, G., Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge, 1930, 281–282.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ Cf. EI ², Leiden, 1960, I, 1315, s.v. “Bur”.

⁹⁷ Cf. n. 41 above.

⁹⁸ Yakūbī, , Bibl. Geog. Arab., III, 355–356.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ The inclusion of Baghdad at the very end of the Shahristānīhā-i Ērān is an obvious addition of the Early Islamic period.

¹⁰⁰ For a description of this structure see E. Schmidt, Excavations at Tepe Hissar …, 327–31.

¹⁰¹ Wachtsmuth, F., Die Ausgrabungen der zweiten Ktesiphon-Expedition, Islamische Abteilung, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, 1933, 24Google Scholar. Some scholars suggest an earlier sixth-century date for the Tāq-i Kisrā. The evidence of historical records, unfortunately, is inconclusive (see Kurz, O., “The date of Tāq i Kisrā”, JRAS, 1941, 37–41Google Scholar; Bruno, A., “The preservation and restoration of Tāq-Kisrā”, Mesopotamia, I, 1966, 89–93)Google Scholar. Numerous stucco decorative devices used by the late Sasanians were developments of much older Greek and Roman forms. Thus the further stylistic adaption of these traditional motifs between the mid and late 6th century would probably not have been considerable. This would seem especially true in the ornamentation of provincial buildings such as the Damghan structure.

¹⁰² The Aspahbadh-Pahlav line was one of the so-called seven first families of Iran. On this dynasty see Christensen, A., L'Iran sous les Sassanides, Copenhagen, 1944, 103–105.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Sebeos, , Histoire d'Héraclius, Paris, 1904, 118.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Ib. Sebeos states that Vindoe and Bistam were sons of the Aspahbadh killed by Hormizd IV; thus that king must have murdered his maternal grandfather. Cf. Justi, F., Iranisches Namenbuch, Marburg, 1895, 429.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ On this sequence of events see Dinawarī, , Tarikh al-Akbar at-Tiwal, ed. Guirgess, Leiden, 1888, 102 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Paruck, F., Sasanian coins, Bombay, 1924, 113.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ The alleged tomb of Bustam Mirza (Prince Bustam) is still venerated at Bustam, though he was later canonized as a Moslem saint. Cf. Mordmann, “Hekatompylos”, 517–8.

¹⁰⁸ Marquart, A catalogue …, 57, suggests that Yazdagird II (a.d. 439–57), son of Bahram V, who is historically attested to have warred against the Chol (the Hephthalites), founded there (in the country of the Chol) a fortified cantonment, Shahristān-i Yazdagird. No mint monograms identified as Kōmish have been found on Sasanian coins. This fact would, perhaps, suggest that Sasanian Kōmish, as the above station, was maintained more as a fortified post on the urāsān road than as a district capital during the early years after its refounding.

¹⁰⁹ Isfandiyar, Ibn, Tarīkh-i Ṭabaristān, tr. Browne, 1905, 14Google Scholar; Ṭabarī (Bal'ami version, tr. Zotenberg), III, 491.

¹¹⁰ Khurdādbih, Ibn, Bibl. Geog. Arab., VI, 23Google Scholar; Kudāmah, ib., 201.

¹¹¹ As in many instances with Middle Persian k, especially before a back vowel, the Arabic spelling of Kōmish is with qāf, and this orthography has prevailed in modern Persian.

¹¹² Istakhrī, , Bibl. Geog. Arab., I, 215–216Google Scholar; Mukaddasī, ib., III, 371–2.