page 569 note 1 Max Weber, Grundriss der Sozialŏkonomik II. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tübingen, 1922, pp. 92-3; cf. also the same author's valuable Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 1923, pp. 223-238.

page 569 note 2 Wuz., 158-9,

page 569 note 3 The words of a high official are a typical expression of this: “Already when I was a little boy I used to hoard all the money I received at a greengrocer's” (Tan., ii).

page 570 note 1 Vide the sociologically instructive passage in Tan., i, p. 243. Mez, l.c., p. 442, says rightly : “ Im 9/10 Jahrhundert ist der reiohe Kaufmann gradezu der Träger der jetzt materiell anspruchsvoll gewordenen mohammedanischen Kultur.”

page 570 note 2 As to the meaning of this word and the evolution of its signification, vide Cl. Huart, ZDMG., vol. lxiii (1909), pp. 856-7, and A. Fischer, ZDMG., vol. lxiv (1910), pp. 481-4. I deal at length with the institution of a dĩwãn al muşãdara in my Beiträge.

page 570 note 3 Misk, 416; Misk., ii, 11-12, 74, 187. After the death of the Emir Abu'l Husain Bachkam a list was made of all the places where his money was hidden.

page 570 note 4 Tan., ii, 210, tells us that more than 80,000 dinars were taken out of a well belonging to a merchant (). Even the privy was used as a hiding-place for money, vide the detailed and amusing story in Tan., i, 15-16. Other evidence in Mish., 102, where the Vizier himself is said to have hidden in oesspools no less than half a million dinars. Vide also Tan., i, 272.

page 570 note 5 Ibn Sa'id, ed. Tallquist, pp. 39-40.

page 570 note 6 Mish., 230; this method'is still in use in Algeria. Cf. on this A. Ruehl, Vom Wirtschaftsgeist im Orient, Leipzig, 1925, p. 42.

page 570 note 7 Tanūukhi, Faraj ba'd ash-Shidda, i, 113; ii, 17. Cf. C. H. Beoker, Agypten im Mittelalter, Islamstudien, Leipzig, 1924, i, p. 183: “Ausserdem war eine grosse Garderobe eine nioht zu verachtende Geldanlage in einer Zeit, der nooh die Thesaurierung der Wertobjekte für sioherer gait als das Arbeitenlassen des Kapitals.”

page 570 note 8 Naturally, immense fortunes simply disappeared because after their owners’ death nobody knew where their treasures were hidden; and on the other hand, great treasures were often discovered by mere chance. Vide Mish., 299.

page 571 note 1 For the Waqf as a measure against confiscation vide von Kremer, Einnahmebudget, p. 16; Becker, Beiträge, p. 266 ff., and Islamstudien, Leipzig, 1924, i, p. 62; also W. Bjoerkman, “Kapitalentstehung und Anlage im Islam, Berlin,” MSOS., ii, 1930, pp. 80-98.

page 571 note 2 When the chamberlain Nasr heard that he was to be arrested, he first of all hastened to deposit his money with others (Misk., 117).

page 571 note 3 Vide Misk., 102, 68 ; Irshäd, i, 70; v, 350. Ed., iii, 262.

page 571 note 4 Misk., 44 ; Wuz., 74.

page 571 note 5 That they were by no means absolutely safe is evident from Misk., 257. Barïdï, the governor of Ahwäz, had the bankers’ houses looted () and took all the money that was found there, the bankers' own as well as that of their clients. As to cf. the lexica. Cf. also the story in Mubarrad, Kämil, Cairo, 1308, i, 208.

page 571 note 6 The banker of Ibn al-Furät was Aaron b. Amram, as well as Joseph b. Phineas. Ibrähïm is said to have been the banker of Ḥämid b. ‘Abbäs (Misk., 95; Wuz., 62,12; Wuz., 225). ‘Ali b. ‘Isa also had his own named b. Abi ‘Isa (Wuz., 291 and 224). A of the Vizier al-Khasībī is also mentioned in Misk., 155.

page 571 note 7 Vide, for instance, Wuz., 33, also Wuz., 79-80, and Tan., ii, 83-5.

page 571 note 8 These “merchants” mean the two Jewish court bankers, v.i., the section “Mercantile Transactions”, p. 583.

page 571 note 9 Misk., 44.

page 572 note 1 Tan., i, 103-4.

page 572 note 2 Misk., 95; Wuz., 226.

page 572 note 3 Misk., 158. Here both methods of treasuring money had been used.

page 572 note 4 From other money transactions it is clear that their olients were always courtiers, Viziers, high officials, etc.

page 572 note 5 Misk., 128. This is the only place that mentions Aaron b. Amram together with his son (v.s., p. 360, n. 1).

page 572 note 6 Wuz., 124. A parallel version in Misk, 128, shows only slight variations.

page 572 note 7 ‘Arib, 74, 13 ff.

page 573 note 1 Cf. H. F. Amedroz, “ Abbasid Administration in its Decay,” JRAS., 1913, pp. 834-5. Māl almarāfiq was legitimate according to the financial morality of the time.

page 573 note 2 Wuz., 334.

page 573 note 3 In view of the fact that the Hebrew characters were employed in the bulk of Jewish-Arabic writings of the Middle Ages, including Gaonic literature, it might not be ont of place to consider whether the accountbooks of these court bankers were kept in the Hebrew or in the Arabic script. Jewish court bankers of mediaeval Europe, we are told, kept their books not only in the Hebrew script but sometimes in the Hebrew language, and then had them translated into Latin (cf. M. Hoffmann, Der Geldhandel der deutschen Juden, p. 117). There is an instance on record even from the sphere of modern Islam. Between the years 1825-7 Jews were engaged as bankers of the Pasha at Damascus. They had a monopoly of all government banking business. Upon their dismissal as the result of intrigues their successors were unable to carry on the Pasha's business because their books had been kept in the Hebrew script. Vide Revue de l'Académie Arabe è Damns, 1922, p. 600 ff., and my monograph based thereon, which will appear shortly.

page 573 note 4 The differences between the two versions of the text need not be taken into consideration here, as they do not affect the substance.

page 573 note 5 See on these two institutions my Beiträge zur Geschichte der islamischen Finanzverwaltung.

page 573 note 6 This passage, too, gives us an idea of the very considerable sums that passed through their hands.

page 574 note 1 Apparently the control of the books of the jahbadh by the government implies the official character of this office.

page 574 note 2 The text uses the expression for these reports. We find the same expression in connection with the activities of a jahbadh in Misk., 155, 158,164-6. It shows that these khatamāt were kept in the Vizier's Dïwän. What is meant by is explained by the Kitāb Mafātih al-'Ulüm, ed. Vloten, p. 54. Vide also Tan., i, 42, 109, 176. The jahbadh had to write detailed receipts for all money matters () .

page 574 note 3 Wahrmund, Handwörterbuch, s.v., renders the expression with “Kreditbrief”. Belot, Vocab., with “lettre de change“ ; Amedroz (Gloss., p. 62) with “bill of exchange”. The economio and legal nature of the suftaja is the object of detailed explanations by the Arab lexicographers. Vide Lisān al ‘Arab, iiia, 123; Tāj al ‘Arüs, ii, p. 59; al-Qāmüs, i, 299; Muhït al Muhït, i, p. 962; Sprenger, Dictionary of Technical Terms, i, 636-7.

page 574 note 4 For the whole question see R. Grasshoff, Die suftaŷa und hawāla der Araber, Gottingen, 1899, pp. 1-36. The language of to-day uses haioala, not suftaŷa. In modern Arab commercial parlance the old Arab terms have been replaced by European loanwords, such as bulïsa, kambiala, jird, brôtestô, etc.

page 574 note 5 According to L. Goldsohmidt, Universalgeschichte des Handelsrechts, Stuttgart, 1891, pp. 403-4, the essence of a bill transaction is the real or ideal movement of sums of money. Acoording to the conception of mediaeval law a difference of place between remitter and remittee is indispensable to a bill of charge.

page 575 note 1 Vide Misk., 219, where a ship (, of. Lane, Dict., s.v.) carrying the revenues of Ahwāz to Baghdad is robbed (year 319/931).

page 575 note 2 Tan., i, 104, 5.

page 575 note 3 Tan., i, 105.

page 575 note 4 Tan., i, 103. Further proofs in our texts: Tan., i, 90,93; ii, 680, etc.; Wuz., 93 ff.

page 575 note 5 We learn the same thing from Arab papyrus fragments; of. H. C. Becker, Papyri Scholt-Reinhard, Heidelberg, 1906, i, p. 11.

page 575 note 6 Ibid., p. 10.

page 575 note 7 Cf. A. Harkavy, Tschuboth ha-Geonim: Studien und Mitteilungen, Berlin, 1887, iv, No. 423 (pp. 216, 316), No. 548 (p. 209), No. 552 (pp. 273-4). All the responsa dealing with suftaja are written in Arabic and not in Hebrew. Harkavy renders the word suftaja by “Wechselschein” or “Anweisung”, p. 316, No. 6.

page 575 note 8 Cf. now also J. Mann, Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, Cincinnati, i, 1931, pp. 143-4.

page 576 note 1 On suftajas from Basra to Baghdad, v. Harkavy, ibid., Nos. 548, 652. On later conditions of trade and cheques in Basra, of. the evidence of Nāsir-i Khusrau, ed. Schefer, p. 64. Cf. Mez, ibid., 447 ff.

page 576 note 2 Harkavy, ibid., No. 423, apud J. Mann in JQR., x, p. 324. For the illegality of the suftaja according to Islamic theory, cf. Th. W. Juynboll, Handbuch d. islamischen Oesetzes, 1910, p. 274. It was regarded as a kind of loan, which resulted in an illicit benefit to the parties.

page 576 note 3 A typical piece of evidence for the flourishing state of commerce and the commonness of suftajas is Eel., iii, pp. 138-9, towards the end of the tenth century. “ What a marvellous sight to see a bill of change () on a commercial enterprise drawn in the enemy's country ! If this is a source of pride, then the merchants are more powerful than the Viziers in East and West, for the former draw bills on high amounts … that are accepted with more readiness than tribute and land-tax.“

page 576 note 4 Misk., 43.

page 576 note 5 Misk., 187.

page 576 note 6 Wuz., 296; Misk., 146; v. also Ibn Sa'id, ed. Tallquist, p. 32.

page 577 note 1 Misk., 150.

page 577 note 2 Ed. v. Vloten, Leyden, 1895, p. 62.

page 577 note 3 Cf. Misk., 23 ; 262, 2 ; 350.

page 577 note 4 Cf. primarily Iršäd, 385, 399 ; also Wuz., 73, 77, 235; Misk., 158, 6 ; ii, 80 (); b. Hauqal, 42, 70. Vide G. Jacob, “ Die ältesten Spuren des Weohsels,” MSOS., 1925, pp. 280-1; Mafātïh al-'Ulüm, pp. 56-7. Cf. Dïwän of Ibn al Mu'tazz (ZDMG., 40, p. 581; vol. xli, p. 250). Tan., i, 109 ; Ed., iii, 46 ff., 119.

page 578 note 1 MM., 112.

page 578 note 2 In a parallel version in Wuz., 306-307, which is characterized by a divergent terminology, the expression is nevertheless the same as in Misk., 112, and seems to have been a fixed administrative phrase; we have it also in Tan., i, 43.

page 578 note 3 The newly appointed Vizier thus helps the fallen Vizier to bear his fine, which is rather a strange practice. It was probably the result of the Vizier's realization that the same fate might very soon be his own. Of. C. H. Becker, Islamstudien, i, p. 205.

page 578 note 4 The usual rate seems to have been one dirham per dïnär.

page 580 note 1 Probably about the year 311.

page 580 note 2 The text reads

page 580 note 3 Only Joseph b. Phineas is mentioned here as however, Wuz., 81,4, and Tan., ii, where both Joseph b. Phineas and Aaron b. Amram are referred to as connected with

page 580 note 4 This and the following passage exist in two versions, but they do not show any important changes (Wuz., 80³¹-81⁸; Tan., ii, 84¹⁰-85⁸).

page 580 note 5 The Vizier merely used this threat in order to force the Jewish bankers to comply his aim. For that they were not culpable is evident from the whole course of events (whioh cannot be reviewed here owing to considerations of space), v.s., p. 573.

page 580 note 6 The expression “you and your heirs” permits of inferences being drawn as to the organization of the banking firm (v.s., p. 350).

page 580 note 7 Loans were usually occasioned by urgent expenditure for military purposes. That it was just military expenditure that rendered a loan necessary is not accidental. The need of capital for army purposes weighed most heavily on the budget. So that it was just in the financing of the army that the credit system developed entirely new methods. The influence of the troops, mostly Turkish mercenaries, on the administration as a whole kept steadily increasing.

page 581 note 1 Here the musadara of this dismissed Vizier is referred to. Cf. on him. Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v.

page 581 note 2 The words in brackets are only to be found in at-Tanükhi.

page 581 note 3 The difficulties at first made by the two bankers here, too, show that they did not have at that time much faith in the solvency of the State. The refusal of merchants or bankers to give money to the State often led, however, to deeds of violence. Cf. for a later instance, Eel., iii, p. 282.

page 581 note 4 Vide above, p. 348, on the name of “ merchants” by which the two Jewish bankers were designated.

page 582 note 1 Note this expression and the already mentioned “heirs”.

page 582 note 2 Wuz., 81, 8-13; Tan., ii, 85, 4-8. Cf. v. Kremer, Einnahmebudget, p. 14.

page 582 note 3 The method of avoiding a financial crisis by taking up a loan seems to have become usual only at this period. A history of government loans in 'Abbasid times, which ought to be written, would comprise all the methods of getting money (; cf. Misk., 164, 213, 220; Ecl.,iu, 159, 259 ff.). This method was also employed later on in the reign of the Caliph ar-Rädi by the Vizier b. Muqla (on this Vizier, v. the study of A. H. Harley in Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London, 1923-5, iii, p. 213 ff.), who obtained a loan () from the merchants, but was not able to pay it back, so that he had to give them bills on certain revenues and sell them crown lands (Misk., 329; cf. Misk., 299). This is the origin of Islamic feudalism, as will be shown in detail later on. For loans in Egypt of that period, cf. C. H. Becker, Beitrage zur Geschichte Aegyptens unter dem Islam, Strassburg, 1900, pp. 38-9, 56; Mez, ibid., 123, 450.

page 582 note 4 ‘Ali b. ‘Isa was probably the first to obtain a loan by paying interest. Cf. v. Kremer, Einnahmebudget, pp. 7, 24, 63. The usual interest rate was a dirham for each dinar, at which rate Abu Bekr b. Qaraba granted a loan to the Vizier (Misk., 213, 220). According to Tan., i, 204, a money changer () charges a commission rate of 1 dirham per dinar. In our case the rate of interest is nearly 30 per cent. About the relation between dirham and dinar, cf. K. W. Hofmeyer, “Beitrage zur arabischen Papyrusforsohung,” Islam, iv, 1913, p. 100 ff.; further instances in the books of the Arab geographers; cf. also Misk., 398, 3 ; 417, 5.

page 583 note 1 It is likewise a matter of controversy whence the Jewish capitalists of mediaeval Europe derived their fortunes. Cf. for the various theories on this, accumulated ground-rent, the profit on landed property or commercial undertakings—the work of M. Hoffmann, Der Geldhandel der deutschen Juden, Leipzig, 1910, and W. Sombart, Die Juden und d. Wirtschaftskben, Leipzig, 1911.

page 583 note 2 The sums of deposits only given by the Vizier b. al-Furāt amounted to millions of dinars. Cf. Tan., ii, 82-4; Wuz., 79-80, etc.

page 583 note 3 Thus, at a time when the unproductive treasuring of precious metals was widespread, certain circles were already using money not only as a means of storing wealth.

page 584 note 1 Wuz., 81, 8 ff.; Tan., ii, 85, 5 ff. In the work of Miskawaih the name of Joseph b. Phineas does not appear at all. Misk. also avoids the expression al jahbadhān al-yahüdiyyān in contrast to Wuz., Tan., and ‘Arib. He refers to the two bankers with the more general denomination at-lujjar. There is no doubt, for instance, that with this word Misk., 44, 66, and other passages can only mean our two bankers. This is clearly proved by a parallel version in ‘Arib, 74, where the same fact is related with the identical details, except that is used instead of . We have, therefore, reason for regarding the words in Misk., 44 (the Vizier b. al-Furāt had deposited considerable sums there), as well as the words in Misk., 129, as referring to the Jewish banking firm with which the Vizier, as we saw above, used to deposit large amounts of money.

page 584 note 2 In the Middle Ages, financial affairs were conducted by merchants. The founder of the Rothschild banking firm, too, was at first a wholesale trader. Cf. E. Ehrenberg, Das ZeitaUer der Fugger, i, Jena, 1922. J. Kulischer, Warenhandler und Geldauseiher im Mitttelater, p. 254, says: “Warenhandel und Geldhandel der verschiedensten Art, insbesondere das verzinsliche Darlehensgeschaft, sind im Mittelalter aufs engste miteinander verbunden. Der Kaufmann, der mit Waren handelt, ist zu gleicher Zeit auch Geldhondler, insbesondere Geldaüsleiher und umgekehrt.”

page 584 note 3 Vide Der Bourgeois, p. 436; ibid., Die Juden und das Wirtschafisleben, p. 222. Note Sombart's saying : “Aus der Geldleihe ist der Kapitalismus geboren.”

page 585 note 1 Their trade probably comprised the same articles of Oriental commerce as are mentioned in the report on the “Radanites”. Vide J. Mann, JQR., x, p. 330; A. Mez, s.v. Handel.

page 585 note 2 Published in Revue de l'Académie Arabe à Damas, 1930.

page 585 note 3 Vide my proposed emendation of this statement, p. 351.

page 585 note 4 This Persian word is very much used in ‘Abbāsid terminology; cf. Tan., i, 25, 2 ; 26, 12, etc.

page 586 note 1 While all the passages from Tan. ii containing evidence about the Jewish bankers are also to be found in a parallel version, this particular statement is only to be found here.

page 586 note 2 Wuz., 224-7, furnishes a detailed list containing the names of all the high officials and personalities who were condemned to pay a fine (musadara), including names of Viziers, governors, Dïwān heads revenue farmers, etc. It is significant that Joseph b. Phineas and Aaron b. Amram are not mentioned, though the black list contains several persons that bore the title of jahbadh. This, too, can be used as an argument in favour of their privileged position at Court.

page 587 note 1 Mohammedans as money-changers are mentioned i.a. in ‘Arib, 135³, Tan., i, 272; Eel., ii, 307, and in many other passages. That Mohammedans, despite the Quranic prohibition, engaged in money-lending, and in a considerable amount of speculation, particularly on crops, can be proved from numerous instances.

page 587 note 2 M. Hoffmann, Der Qeldhandel der deutschen Juden im Miflelalter, Leipzig, p. 7 ; W. Roscher, Die Stellung der Juden im Mitlelalter, p. 506 ; Kiesselbach, Der Gang des Welthandels im Mittelalter, p. 45 ; Caro, Sozialund WirtschaftsgeschicMe der Juden im Mittelalter, Leipzig, 1908; W. Sombart, Die Juden u. d. Wirtschaftsleben, p. 200 ff. J. Mann, I.e., p. 325, justly remarks : “ Of great furtherance for the expansion of the Jewish trade must have been the solidarity that existed among Jews all over the Diaspora.” The Hebrew language also seems to have played herein an important unifying part.

page 588 note 1 For the general understanding of this historical period, v. the general well-known histories of the Jews by Gratz, Cnhnow, Dinaburg, Marx-Margolis, etc.

page 588 note 2 “ The Jews of all countries contributed generously and freely to the upkeep of the seats of learning in Babylon and in Palestine” (Mann, JQS., x, p. 39).

page 589 note 1 J. Mann, JQR., x, p. 15.

page 589 note 2 Vide. Wuz., 81, 178 ; Tan.,ii,84. Was the title of “jahbadh al-Ahwaz” bestowed upon them in virtue of their money affairs with the court or as a reward for them ? The sources at any rate show them already advancing money to the State in their capacity as “jahbadh al-Ahwaz”.

page 589 note 3 Ahwaz was one of the most lucrative provinces of the ‘Abbasid empire ; cf. Misk., 335, where it is said:” When the revenue of Ahwaz will stop, the empire will cease to exist.” Cf. also Misk., 349-50.

page 589 note 4 b. Chordadhbah, ed. de Goeje, BGA., vi, p. 153 ; b. Faldh, ed. de Goeje, BGA., p. 270. There is already a considerable literature on the Radanites. However, no satisfactory explanation of the name has yet been given. One of the recent conjectures is that of Simonsen, who considers them to have been traders from the Rhone valley, i.e. “ Rhodanici “ : “ II ne me parait pas invraisemblable que les Radanites … sont des ‘ Rhodanici ’ c'est a dire des marchands et des navigateurs du pays du Rhone,“ REJ., 1907 (54), pp. 141-2. Vide—to cite a few names taken from the literature on the subject—J. Schipper, Der Anteil der Juden am europdischen Grosshandel mil dem Orient in “ Heimkehr”, ed. v. Kellner, 1912, pp. 138- 172; Scheffer-Boichorst, Zur Geschkhte der Syrer im Abendlande : Mitteilungen des Institutes fur oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, vi, p. 544; de Goeje, InUrnationaal Handelsverkeer in de Middeleeuwen in Opuscula, iv, Amsterdam, 1908 ; W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant, Leipzig, 1923, i, p. 125 ff. Whether there existed any relations between these Jewish merchants of the ninth century coming from the West and the predecessors of our banking firm of the tenth century, we are not able to elicit from the sources.

page 590 note 1 Misk., 257. The Jewish business men of Tustar ore regarded as bankers, not as manufacturers; cf. also W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce dm Levant, Leipzig, 1923, i, pp. 29 f., 34 f. It will be recalled that the “ Banu Sahl”, the celebrated bankers and merchants of Egypt at the court of az-Zahir and al-Mustansir in the eleventh century, were originally of Tustar. Cf. J. Mann, The Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the Falimid Caliphate, i-ii, 1920-2, i, 76-83, and Index.

page 590 note 2 Muqadd., 388, 400; 6. al Fakih, 254¹, 267¹⁵; Istakhri, 182⁵, 199⁶.

page 590 note 3 Cf. P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter nach den arabischen Oeographen, Leipzig, 1896 fi., v. Index. The existence of Jewish merchants in Ahwaz is also attested by a Jewish-Persian document of the year 1020; see W. Fischel in Encyclopaedia Judaica, Berlin, 1932, vol. ix, s.v. Jüdisch- Persisch, p. 557 ff. Cf. D. S. Margoliouth, JQS., xi, pp. 671-5.

page 590 note 4 Misk., 350.

page 590 note 5 Misk., 349; Misk., ii, 52.

page 590 note 6 Misk., 349, 379. About a Sahl b. Nazir of the third century cf. Tan., ii; Islamic Culture, 1930, p. 181.

page 590 note 7 Misk., ii, 218, 301; Eel., iii, 150. Cf. there Margoliouth's note to this passage.

page 590 note 8 These quotations, given above, merely represent a few gleanings from Arab sources regarding Jewish commercial activity in the ‘Abbasid Caliphate. A further and systematic investigation on the subject is indeed one of the desiderata of Jewish historical research.

page 591 note 1 That the Jews of Baghdad and Babylonia continued to engage in financial operations at a later period is also attested by our sources. This material, however, is reserved for another study. I only want to point out here a passage from the MS. al-Hamadhani: Takmilat Ta'rikh at-Tabari (cited by Amedroz in Misk., ii, pp. 8-9), where a Jewish banker Aaron is mentioned in the year 941 as the jahbadh of b. Shirzad (). Vide also Ed., iii, p. 282, where a Jewish banker named Abu Ali b. Fadlan () in Baghdad (998) refused to grant a loan () to the Emir Baha ad-Daulah, which led to an attack on Jews in order to get money out of them.

page 592 note 1 Geonica (Geniza-Studies), New York, 1910, ii, pp. 87-8.

page 592 note 2 Cf. also Iggeret R. Scherira Gaon, ed. by B. Lewin, Haifa, 1921, p. xxv, with slight emendations.

page 592 note 3 Egypt was then still a province of the ‘Abbasid empire, and thus subject to the central government in Baghdad.

page 592 note 4 Ibid., ii, pp. 422-3.

page 592 note 5 JQR., vii (1916-17), p. 467.

page 593 note 1 R. Saadia Gaon, his Life and his Works, Philadelphia, 1922, p. 113.

page 593 note 2 Debir (), a Hebrew quarterly of Jewish science, ed. I. Elbogen, J. N. Epstein, and H. Torczyner, Berlin, 1923, i, p. 189.

page 593 note 3 Debir, ibid., i, pp. 180-8.

page 593 note 4 Debir, ibid., p. 190.

page 593 note 5 Ginze Kedem (), ed. B. Lewin, Haifa, 1923, ii, p. 34.

page 593 note 6 Ibid., ii, p. 33, line 17, like the Ginzberg fragment, makes mention of which is a further evidence for the homogeneousness of “G“ and “L”.

page 593 note 7 J. N. Epstein in Debir, 1924, ii, p. 325; cf. also B. Lewin in Ginze Kedem, ii, p. 34, and now J. Mann, Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, i, Cincinnati, 1931, p. 67.

page 594 note 1 S. Assaf (Encychp: Judaica, vol. vii, p. 275, s.v. Geonim) says: “ Die Geonim bemiihten sich auoh durch Vermittlung hoffahiger Juden Bagdads wie Netira und seine Sohne auf die Judenpolitik des Chalifenhofes Einfluss zu gewinnen.” He does not, however, mention the “ Bne Aaron ”. On the other hand, see D. S. Sassoon (Eneyclop. Judaica, vol. iii, p. 957), s.v. Bagdad: “ Unter den Juden in Bagdad zeiohneten sich. in der gaonaischen Zeit die Familien Mar Netira und Mar Aaron aus, die der Begierung nahe standen und um das Wohl der Juden in Bagdad und in anderen Provinzen bemuht waren.”

page 594 note 2 Published under the title Netira und seine Sohne: eine angesekene judische Familie in Bagdad im Anfang des 10 Jahrhunderts (Festschrift Mr A. Berliner, 1903, Hebrew part, pp. 34-43). Cf. hereto the additions and emendations of S. Fraenkel, JQR., xvii (1905), pp. 386-8. Regarding J. Friedlander's hypothesis about the identity of the author of this Harkavy fragment with the Arabic report of Nathan Hababli and his opinion about both fragments being parts of a lost History of Baghdad (JQR., xvii, 1905, pp. 747-760), cf. A. Marx, “ Der arabische Bustanai Bericht und Nathan Hababli,” in Livre d'Hommage à la mimoire de S. Poznanshi, Warsaw, 1927, pp. 76-81.

page 594 note 3 Ed. A. Neubauer, Mediceval Jewish Chronicles, Oxford, 1895, ii, p. 78, line 5, last; p. 79, line 11. About Nathan Hababli, cf. Ginzberg, Geonica, i, 22-36.

page 594 note 4 J. Friedlander, “ The Arabic Original of the Report of R. Nathan Hababli,” JQR., xvii (1905), pp. 747-761.

page 594 note 5 Both reports of Nathan Hababli mention also a Joseph b. Phineas as one of the Baghdad notables who acted together with Netira. For the personality of the former see above, p. 348.

page 595 note 1 Vide Neubauer, ii, 79-80; Friedlander, ibid., ii, 1, 13; for details thereon v. Graetz, Oeschichte, vol. v, 4th edition, pp. 281, 446-559 ; Dubnow, WeUgeschichte, vol. iii, p. 474; A. Marx and L. Margolis, History of the Jewish People, p. 269.

page 595 note 2 To what Netira's influence was due, we know from the extremely enlightening Geniza fragment published by Harkavy which gives us an interesting insight into the inner life of the Jewish community of Baghdad in general. One should, however, beware of relying on Harkavy's Hebrew translation which is inaccurate in many particulars. It seems that al-Mu'tadid appointed Netira to be collector of the Jews' poll-tax (Harkavy, ibid., p. 36). Opinions differ as to the official position in virtue of which the poll-tax was collected. Cf. Graetz, Oeschichle, v, pp. 131, 435; cf., however, J. Mann, JQR., x, 1919, p. 123 ff. Perhaps he was a jahbadh, an office which was, according to b. Taghribardi, ii, 174, as we have seen, the one which the Jews might occupy.

page 595 note 3 The Harkavy fragment ends just where one hoped to find details about the nature of their joint business.

page 595 note 4 The candidate of the Bne Netira was R. Saadya. Nathan Hababli states expressly that Saadya was victorious because those Bne Netira and other rich Jews of Baghdad were on his side and influenced the Caliph al-Muqtadir (ed. Neubauer, ii, 79).

page 596 note 1 Geonica, ii, p. 87.

page 596 note 2 R. Saadia Gaon, his Life and his Works, Philadelphia, 1922, p. 133 n.

page 596 note 3 About him, v. Graetz, v, 4 ed., p. 293, and H. Malter, ibid., Encycl. Judaica, s.v. He was one of the sharpest opponents of B. Saadya Gaon, and already, therefore, it would be very improbable to think of his sons, who, by the way, are nowhere mentioned, as of people who would have been helpful to the Egyptian friends of R. Saadya. J. Mann has also other reasons for rejecting Ginzberg's explanation. Cf. REJ., 73 (1921), p. 109; JQR., viii (1917-18), p. 34.

page 596 note 4 Cf. J. Mann, JQR., viii (1917-18), pp. 342 ff., 346, 347, “probably identical with the Bne Aaron, the influential grandees olBaghdad”; Geonic Studies, Hebrew Union College Jubilee volume, Cincinnati, 1925, p. 231; cf. JQR., ix (1918-19), p. 156; Texts and Studies, p. 78. In view of the frequency of the name Aaron in Babylonian Jewry of this, period, chronology is just the determining factor.

page 597 note 1 It must be remarked that J. Mann, in his recent monumental work (Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, Cincinnati, 1931), does not offer any new opinion relative to the “ Bne Aaron ” problem. He only remarks on our Saadya letter : “ Interesting is his promise to his correspondents in Egypt that their political requests would be taken care of in Baghdad by the influential sons of Netira and of Aaron who would intervene on their behalf at the seat of the government” (p. 70). Cf., however, p. 78.

page 597 note 2 Cyrus Adler, “ Jewish History in Arabian Historians,” JQR., ii (1890), p. 106 ; J. Mann, JQR., vii, N.S., p. 458; J. Finkel, “ An Eleventh Century Source for the History of Jewish Scientists in Mohammedan Countries,“ JQR., xviii (1927), p. 45 ff. Finkel justly observes: “ The numerous branches of the immense Arabic literature contain so many data on Jewish faith and culture that were this material gathered, it would reach the magnitude of a considerable ‘Bibliotheca’.“

page 597 note 3 Vide E. Fagnan, Arabo-Judaica, in Melanges H. Derenbourg, Paris, 1909, pp. 103-120, an endeavour that, however, was not carried further. On the other hand, I. Friedlander, I. Goldziher, A. Harkavy, S. Poznanski, J. Mann, and others have shown in their works over and over again that the Arab sources can be exceedingly helpful to the Jewish historian.

page 598 note 1 This feature precludes any attempt to identify them with personalities residing elsewhere.

page 598 note 2 The letter of B. Saadya was written in 928.

page 599 note 1 The “ Bne Netira “ and “ Bne Aaron “ seem to have been influential only in virtue of their being heirs of a position held by their fathers. They were just the “ sons of their fathers “ and are therefore called “ Bne Netira “ and “ Bne Aaron “ without further specification.

page 599 note 2 The text gives the impression that we have here to do with purely mundane personalities, prominent in politics or business, and not with Talmudic celebrities.

page 599 note 3 Note the phrase .

page 599 note 4 The fact that the two families are mentioned together as they are, is an important chronological indication that has hitherto not been taken into account. It teaches us that only contemporaries of the “Bne Netira” can be identified with the “Bne Aaron”.

page 599 note 5 Apart from the fact that R. Saadya was obviously on cordial terms with them, we have direct evidence that Sahl b. Netira was a pupil of his. Cf. Harkavy, ibid., pp. 38, 40.

page 599 note 6 A comparison between Misk., 112, and Misk., 128, shows that this “Ben Aaron” was probably called Bishr. About the name Bishr b. Aaron there is a lack of clarity in the Arab sources. There is an Abu Nasr Bishr b. Aaron, who is expressly called “the Christian secretary” (al-kalib an-nasraniyy) (cf. e.g. Tabari, 1511, 1524 ; Tan., i, 52 ; Wuz., 33, 159, 243), and a Bishr b. Aaron without any qualification, who is probably the son of our Aaron b. Amram. The index to the Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate, s.v. Bishr, does not clear the matter up. The jahbadh of the Vizier b. al-Furat was Aaron b. Amram ; the index, however, attributes the same function also to a Bishr b. Aaron. This is hardly to be explained otherwise than by assuming that this Bishr is a son of Aaron b. Amram, who, as we have seen, appears at court on business with his father in Misk., 128.

If this is so, then there exists a considerable amount of probability in favour of further identifying him with Bishr b. Aaron, the son-in-law of Aaron b. Joseph Sarjado, who, according to Jewish sources, subsequently undertook to play the part of mediator between the Saadyan party, to whom in that case his own family the “Bne Aaron” belonged, and their bitter opponents, of whom his father-in-law was the most influential and wealthy. This probability is certainly not weakened by the description of Bishr b. Aaron in the Jewish sources as an exceedingly rich and prominent member.

Cf. Neubauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles, ii, p. 80 ff.; J. Mann, JQR., xi, N.S., p. 426; ix, p. 156 n.; Eneyel. Judaica, i, p. 56, s.v. Aaron b. Joseph ha-Kohen Sarjado.

page 600 note 1 The Sahl b. Nazir, mentioned in Misk., 349 and 379, who acted as jahbadh to the governor BaridI in Ahwaz (936), is perhaps identical with our Sahl b. Netira of Baghdad. The Harkavy fragment tells us that Sahl b. Netira had in Fars a bazax.or market that yielded him 2,000 dirham a day; this might be taken as an indication oLsome connection between them. It is not unlikely that after the Caliph al-Muqtadir's death business interests led him to Ahwaz where he became jahbadh to BaridI. The story of his cruel death at the hand of BaridI is related in Misk., 379. On a Sahl b. Nazlr of the ninth century of. Islamic Culture, 1930, p. 181.

page 601 note 1 Nathan Hababli, ed. Neubauer, ii, 78.

page 601 note 2 J. Friedlander, JQR., xvii (1905), p. 747, text recto i, 1. 9-10.

page 602 note 1 Having established that the father of the “Bne Aaron” of the Hebrew sources was in all probability Aaron b. Amram, one naturally asks whether the Jewish sources of that period make any mention of an “Aaron b. Amram” with whom he might be identified. As a matter of fact, the name of a highly respected Aaron b. Amram does occur in an epistle of the Palestinian Ben Meir of the year 921. Cf. Encycl. Judaica, iv, pp. 64-70, s.v. Ben Meir. Cf. Eppenstein, “Beitrage zur gaonaischen Literatur,” MGWJ., 1913, pp. 456-6; Graetz, vol. v, 4th ed., p. 447, n. 1; S. Schechter, Saadyana, Cambridge, 1903, p. 20, and above all, J. Ch. Bornstein in Sefer ha-jobel Ukebod N. Sokolow, Warsaw, 1904, p. 105.

page 602 note 2 The connection between the Court-Jews of the Arab sources and the of the Saadya letter gives us an answer to the question that was asked above as to the concrete position which the “Bne Netira” and “Bne Aaron” might have held at court. Apparently they held the office of jahbadh, working in the banking firm founded by their father and their grandfather. They were considered as their legal heirs, to whom the Vizier ‘Ali b.‘Isa alludes as the “successors” and “heirs”. The family connections of prominent Jews in that age suggest the supposition that the family of the “Bne Netira” and the “Bne Aaron” were later on also allied by marriage.

page 602 note 3 The chronology in the Harkavy fragment is not clear. The Arab text of the fragment says that Mu'tadid's son, al-Muqtadir, succeeded to his father. But we know that al-Muqtadir was preceded by Muktafi (902-8). Though Harkavy (ibid., p. 39) has already corrected this, his statement about Netira's time of office does not seem to be correct. The sources report that Netira remained in office eight years after Mu'tadid's death, i.e. until 910, and not as Harkavy says until 916.