Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2020
British social surveys and census statistics defined ‘Sayyid’ as a caste identity, while often casting a sceptical eye on the authenticity of genealogical claims associated with the concept. The article examines how Muslims, especially Sayyid Ahmad Khan, participated in the formulation of the concept of Sayyid identity and status. Islamic ideology and practice have long wrestled with conflicting claims of religious equality and hierarchical status, often based on concepts of sacred lineage. From his earliest writings Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–98) emphasised his descent from the Prophet Muhammad on his father's side alongside his somewhat less exalted relationship with his Kashmiri grandfather. In later years he tried to balance universalistic ideals with claims to status based on supposedly ‘foreign’ ancestry, which he cited as parallel to the supposed Aryan ancestry of high-status Hindus. His British allies used his Sayyid ancestry as reinforcement of his leadership of an India-wide Muslim ‘community’ and evidence that India was not prepared to develop into a national polity based on representative government. But the Aligarh movement's claim to represent the wider Muslim population and in particular its educational project at Aligarh struggled with a more egalitarian ethos, defining students and the members of voluntary associations as ‘brothers’, and quite prepared to cross ascriptive boundaries both in public life and personal relationships.
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28 For further detail and references, see Lelyveld, David, ‘Young Man Sayyid: Dreams and Biographical Texts’, in Muslim Voices: Community and the Self in South Asia, (eds.) Gilmartin, David, Freitag, Sandra and Sanyal, Usha (New Delhi, 2013), pp. 253–272Google Scholar.
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33 Maqalat-i Sar Sayyid, Vol. 16, pp. 215, 463.
34 Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tarikh-i sarkashi-i zilaʽ Bijnor [1858] in Maqalat-i Sar Sayyid, Vol. 6, pp. 272–452.
35 For example, in Ruʽdad Scientific Society, 9 January 1864 (Ghazipur, 1864).
36 A good source for the range of such words is in the work of another Sayyid Ahmad, namely Dihlavi, Sayyid Ahmad, Farhang-i Asafiya, 4 vols. (1888–1901)Google Scholar, available at https://rekhta.org/ebooks/farhang-e-asifiya-volume-001-syed-ahmad-dehlvii-ebooks/ (and following volumes) (accessed May 2019). See Hakala, Walter N., Negotiating Languages: Urdu, Hindi, and the Definition of Modern South Asia (New York, 2017), pp. 115–133Google Scholar.
37 Report of the Primary Examination of the Moradabad Mudrissa held on 1st January 1860 (Meerut, 1860?)Google Scholar. English portion and other relevant documents reprinted in Malik, Hafeez (ed.), Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Educational Philosophy: A Documentary Record (Islamabad, 1989), pp. 11–16Google Scholar.
38 British Indian Association, N.W.P. Article on the public education of India and correspondence with the British government concerning the education of the natives of India through the vernaculars (Allygurh, 1869)Google Scholar. This has both English and Urdu texts, with some significant differences. Sayyid Ahmad is quoted within the text, which suggests that he was not the major author of the rest of it. See https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=z5BeAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&pg=GBS.PA1 (accessed June 2019).
39 ʽAbbas, Asghar (ed.), Sar Sayyid ka safarnamah, musafiran-i Landan (Aligarh, 2009), pp. 101–102Google Scholar; translation in Graham, G.F.I., The Life and Work of Syed Ahmed Khan, C.S.L. (Edinburgh, 1885), pp. 103–104Google Scholar.
40 Ibid.
41 Khan, Sayyid Ahmad, The Mahomedan Commentary on the Holy Bible [Taba'in al-kalam fi tafsir al-Taurat wa al-Injil ʽala millat-i al-Islam], Part 1 (Ghazeepore, 1862), pp. 58–59Google Scholar.
42 Bahador, Syed Ahmed Khan, A Series of Essays on the Life of Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto (London, 1870), pp. 318–319Google Scholar. See Powell, Avril A., Scottish Orientalists and India: The Muir Brothers, Religion, Education and Empire (Woodbridge, 2010), pp. 158–168, 195–212Google Scholar. What the genealogical chart lacked was the women in Sayyid Ahmad's ancestry and therefore any evidence about kinship patterns in the past. In his own and immediately subsequent generation, marriages tended to be with close relatives from his mother's family, but otherwise there is little to indicate that ancestral lineage, sayyid or something else, was a significant consideration. My best source for further research are extensive interviews that I had many years ago—1969 and 1975—with Hashim Muhammad Ali, a grandson of Sayyid Ahmad. See also Khan, Iftikhar ʽAlam, Sar Sayyid, darun-i khana (Aligarh, 2006)Google Scholar.
43 See Lelyveld, David, ‘Syed Ahmad's Problems with Women’, in Hidden Histories: Religion and Reform in South Asia, (eds.) Hyder, Syed Akbar and Bhagavan, Manu (Delhi, 2018), pp. 91–107Google Scholar.
44 Khan, Syed Ahmed, Strictures upon the present educational system in India (London, 1869)Google Scholar, reprinted in Malik, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Educational Philosophy, pp. 101–102. I have not found an Urdu original for this text. Malik also includes the response by Siva Prasad. See Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, pp. 107–109.
45 ‘Circular from the Mahammedan [sic] Anglo-Oriental College Fund Committee, Benares, 1869’, in Malik, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Educational Philosophy, pp. 97–99.
46 Khan, Syed Ahmed, Report of the Members of the Select Committee for the Better Diffusion and Advancement of Learning Among Muhammadans of India. (Benares, 1872)Google Scholar [Urdu Section], pp. 3–4, 23–24, 30–31. For further detail, see Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, pp. 120–124.
47 Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation, pp. 166–185, 253–299.
48 Ibid., pp. 265–269.
49 Muhammadan Aijukaishanal Kangras ka dusra salana jalsa (Lucknow, 1887), pp. 67–120Google Scholar. (See in this special issue the article by Eve Tignol, which interprets this debate somewhat differently).
50 Aligarh Institute Gazette, 25 January 1895, pp. 93–94; 8 November 1895, p. 1081.
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52 ‘Hindu aur Musalmanon men irtibat’ [undated] in Maqalat-i Sar Sayyid, Vol. 15, p. 41. See Trautmann, Thomas R., Aryans and British India (Berkeley, 1997)Google Scholar; Thapar, Romila, The Aryan: Recasting Constructs (Gurgaon, 2011)Google Scholar.
53 ‘Qaumi itifaq’, in Maqalat-i Sar Sayyid, Vol. 5, p. 167. Undated but similar to a speech in Ludhiana in 1884 quoted in Devji, Faisal, ‘A Shadow Nation: The Making of Muslim India’, in Beyond Sovereignty, (eds.) Grant, Kevin, Levine, Philippa and Trentmann, Frank (London, 2007), p. 127Google Scholar.
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55 ‘Hindustan ke muʽazziz khandan’ [1876], in Maqalat-i Sar Sayyid, Vol. 5, pp. 87–96.
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58 Ibid., p. 130, but with no source to indicate that Sayyid Ahmad or his colleagues actually used this four-part construction.
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60 Title of an article by the Aligarh principal, Morison, Theodore, in The National Review (London) 31, 184 (June 1898), pp. 578–586Google Scholar.
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62 Quoted and translated in Devji, ‘A Shadow Nation’, p. 129. I have made some small changes in Devji's translation. The original source is a speech that Sayyid Ahmad gave to the Anjuman Islamiya in Rai Bareilly in 1883, reprinted in Panipati, Muhammad Ismaiʽil (ed.), Khutbat-i Sar Sayyid, Vol. 1 (Lahore, 1972), p. 365Google Scholar.