^{page 55 note 1} This does not mean that Buddhism was in any way a reaction against the system of castes. On the whole early Buddhism was an aristocratic movement, in which the kǦ atriya are prominent. It was against the privileges of the Brāhmaṇas and the authority of the Veda that the new doctrine was directed. For attaining the state of freedom from pain and the entanglement in the world it was indifferent whether the follower of the Buddha was a Brāhmaṇa, a Kṣatriya, or a Vaiśya. But the Indian Buddhists were aware of the caste distinction. Nobles and Brāhmaṇas form the surrounding of the Buddha and Buddhist tradition believes that a Buddha can only be born as a Brāhman or a Kṣatriya.

^{page 56 note 1} After the completion of this paper, which was read in August, 1928, at the 17th International Oriental Congress at Oxford, the following studies have touched the subject under consideration: Holl, K., Gesammelte Aufsätze, ii, 1928, 145 ffGoogle Scholar. Christensen, A., Études sur le Zoroastrisme de la Perse Antique, 1928, 45 ffGoogle Scholar. Jackson, A. V. Williams, Zoroastrian Studies, 1928, 31 ffGoogle Scholar. Pavry, J. D. C., The Zoroastrian Doctrine of a Future Life, 2nd ed., 1929, 64Google Scholar, 26. Scheftelowitz, I., Die Zeit als Schichsalsgottheit in der indischen und iranischen Religion, 1929Google Scholar. Junker, H., Worter und Sacheu, xii, 1929, 132 ffGoogle Scholar. Benveniste, E., The Persian Religion, 1929, 76 ffGoogle Scholar. JAS. ccxv, 1929, 287 ffGoogle Scholar. Nyberg, H. S., JAS. ccxiv, 1929, 198 ffGoogle Scholar. Messina, G., Der Ursprung der Magier und die zarathuštrische Religion, 1930, 94 fGoogle Scholar. Cumont, F., Les religions orientates dans le paganisms romain, 4th ed., 1929, 277 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 57 note 1} Cf. the post-Vedic expression ṛtukāla, “season, menses”.

^{page 57 note 2} Güntert, H., Der arische Weltkönig und Heiland, 232 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 57 note 3} Lehre der Upanisaden, 18, 1; Weltanschauung der Brāhmaṇatexte, 40.

^{page 57 note 4} Wüst, W., ZII. v, 1927, 166 f.Google Scholar; cf. Usener, , Götternamen, 75 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 57 note 5} Güntert, loc. cit., 155 ff.; cf. Oldenberg, , Rel. des Veda, 2nd ed., 63 ff; ZDMG. li, 473 ff., lix, 253 ff; Vedaforschung, 79 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 58 note 1} On these hymnscf. Deussen, , Gesch. d. Philos. I, i, 209 ffGoogle Scholar; Wintemitz, , Gesch. d. ind. Lit. i, 132Google Scholar; Güntert, , Der arische Weltkönig, 231 ffGoogle Scholar; Strauss, O., Indische Philosophie, 34Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 2} It must not be forgotten that Rohita means “the red one” and Kālā “the blue-black”. Etymologically this word has nothing to do with Kāla “time ”. A certain parallel may have been drawn between the two expressions, but the comparison of Kāla with a horse does not seem to point to ancient mythological connections, which have been seen here by some scholars.

^{page 58 note 3} Winternitz, loc. cit., 130;Oldenberg, , Weltanschauung, 40, thinks that the two hymns in question may belong to the period of the BrāhmaṇasGoogle Scholar.

^{page 59 note 1} Der ar. Weltkönig, , 231.Google Scholar

^{page 59 note 2} xii, 28, 18 fi.; 153, 44; cf. 25, 5 ff.; 33, 14 ff.; xiii, 1, 50 f., etc.

^{page 59 note 3} Time as a deity of destiny in India has been treated by I. Scheftelowitz at the Fifth German Orientalists' Meeting in 1928. He arrives at the conclusion that Kāla as destiny is a conception which developed only after astrology became known in India. Cf. his book Die Zeit als Schichsalsgottheit mentioned above.

^{page 59 note 4} xii, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 280.

^{page 60 note 1} Schrader, , Uber d. Stand d. induchen Philosophie z. Zt. Mahāvīras u. Buddhas, 30Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 2} Bhāgavata-Purāṇa, i, 6, 9; 8, 28; 9, 14; 13, 16 f., etc.

^{page 60 note 3} Religion and Philosophy are interdependent in India.Cf. Winternitz', M. clever remarks, Hochschulwissen, 1927, 687, on the formation of the notion Tbeosophy by Oltramare and SpeyerGoogle Scholar.

^{page 61 note 1} Negelein, J. v., ZDMG. N.S. 7, 1928, 3.Google Scholar

^{page 62 note 1} Cf. the excellent survey given by Stcherbatsky, Th., La théorie de la connaissance et la logique chez Us Bouddhistes tardifs, 12 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 62 note 2} i, 4; vi, 14–16.

^{page 62 note 3} iii, 8, 6–10.

^{page 62 note 4} Ad Sāṃkhyakārikā, 61; cf. Jacobi, H., Gottesidee, 39Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 1} It may be allowed to draw the attention to Henri Bergson's idea of the “ Evolution créatrice ”, metaphysical time being distinguished from the mere succession of phenomena, and to the literary treatment of the problem by Marcel Proust, A la recherche du temps perdu.

^{page 63 note 2} Deussen, , System des Vedanta, 260 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 3} Müller, Max, ZDMG. vi, 24. The Six Systems, 2nd ed., 441 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 4} It may be mentioned that Indian logics did not arrive at a doctrine of conclusion in the Aristotelian sense.Jacobi, H., Nach. d. Gōtt. Ges. d. W., 1901, 461 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 5} Deussen, , Gesch. der Phil., I, iii, 351Google Scholar; Müller, M., The Six Systems, 2nd ed., 444 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 6} Nyāya Darśana, I, i, 13.

^{page 63 note 7} Nyāya Darśana, II, i, 22;cf. Glasenapp, H. v., Hinduismus, 279Google Scholar; Strauss, O., Indische Philosophic, 152, contends that the Nyāya considers time and space as eternal uniform realitiesGoogle Scholar.

^{page 64 note 1} Vācaspatimisra, , Cf. Tātparyaāuddhi, 281, refutes this opinion.Google Scholar

^{page 64 note 2} Winternitz, , Gesch. d. ind. Lit., iii, 477. According to a legend, Śiva is said to have revealed the Vaiśeśikasystem to Kaṇāda in the shape of an owl.Google ScholarCf. Peterson, , Three Reports, 26 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 64 note 3} Jacobi, , Nachr. der Gött. Ges. d. Wiss., 1901, 460 ff.; 476, 482Google Scholar; Suali, L., Introduzione allo studio della filosofia Indiana, 64 ff.Google Scholar; Faddegon, B., The Vaiçesikasystem, 10 ff.Google Scholar; Glasenapp, H. v., Hinduismus, 277 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 64 note 4} Winternitz, loc. cit., 472.

^{page 64 note 5} Glasenapp, H. v., Madhvas Philosophie des Vishnu-Glaubens, 53Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 6} Cf. Glasenapp, H. v., Jainismus, 154 f.Google Scholar; Strauss, O., Ind. Phil., 113Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} Stcherbataky, , Théorie de la connaissance, 15.Google Scholar

^{page 65 note 2} Müller, M., The Six Systems, 2nd ed., 216Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 3} M. Müller, loo. cit., 262; the Śvetāśvatara-Upaniṣad mentions Vedānta, vi, 22, Sāṃkhya and Yoga vi, 13.

^{page 66 note 1} Schrader, F. O., Der Stand der Philosophie, 42 ff. For the importance ofGoogle Scholar the ŚvetāŚvatara- Upaṇiṣad for the development of Slvaismcf. Bhandarkar, , Vaiṣṇaism, 106 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 2} vi, 14 f.

^{page 66 note 3} Schrader, F. O., Der Stand der Philosophie, 28Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 4} Ed. Calcutta, saṃvat 1936Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 5} Schrader, F. O., Der Stand der Philosophie, 12 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 6} ix, 47 f., ed. Cowell.

^{page 67 note 1} xviii. 55 f.

^{page 67 note 2} iii, 69, 9, cf. Puggala-Paññatti, iv, 57 f. ed. Morris.

^{page 67 note 3} Schrader, loc. cit., 13.

^{page 67 note 4} ad Bṛhatsaṃhita, i, 7, ed. Dvivedi.

^{page 68 note 1} Altiran. Worterb.,757. For another interpretation seeJackson, , Grdr. d. iran. Phil., ii, 659 f.; Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, s.v.Google Scholar; Darmesteter, Zendavesta, ii, 275Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 2} Joh. Hertel takes X^vadhāta- as “self-created”, an expression opposed to stidhāta- “given through the existing,” i.e.Mazda-, Ahura-. Die Sonne, etc., 146, ₅₀Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 3} Selle, v., әtt. Gel. Anzeigen, 1927, 438, believes that akarana- and darәghōX^vadhāta- (dәrang X^vvadato) are but two epithets belonging to one godGoogle ScholarBartholomae, Zrvan., Altir. Wörterb., 696, explains darәghōX^vadhāta-as “der lange Zeit immer der eigenen Bestimmung untersteht”, i.e. eternal. The Rivāyat, cod. xii, suppl. Anquetil, 14 ff., calls time the creator, but Ōhrmazd, himself an offspring of boundless time, creates Zamān direng hudāī, both aspects of time being considered as distinct. By Zrvān i dĒrang x^Vadhāi the cosmic aion is understoodGoogle Scholar.

^{page 68 note 4} Warburg- Vorträge, i, 1921–1922 126 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 1} Misvan- gātu-, the place where the souls remain who are neither good nor bad, is considered as lying between earth and the sky. It is the Hamēstakān of Pahlavī books. This eschatological notion might be different from space and airy space as physical factors.Hertel, J., Die Sonne, pp. 64 f., believes misvan- gātu- to be the same as the domain of the wind.Google Scholar; cf. Lommel, , Die Yäšts, 145 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 69 note 2} The term appears in the Avesta always in the plural. J. Hertel thinks that anaghra- raǒәh- meant originally probably the stars (Die Sonne, 147, text of note 1 to Yašt, x, 50) and that it is later one of the designations of the heaven of light (loc. cit., 10) and synonymous with aša- and other expressions for the fire filling this heaven of light (loc. cit., 78).

^{page 70 note 1} Cf. Freiman, , WZKM., 1906, xxGoogle Scholar.

^{page 70 note 2} Warburg-Vorträge, i, 1921–1922, 132 f. It may be mentioned here that Dénkart, § 279, ed. Sanjana, letting all creatures return to the creator Ōhrmazd, corresponds to the Stoic view that God takes back to Himself everything, when a period of the world is terminated. In the same way, the Pahlavlī expression vardišn for the cosmic movement can be explained by referring it to Stoic conceptions, which probably reached the Zoroastrian priests through some channel or otherGoogle Scholar.

^{page 70 note 3} This is why the Mazdaist theologians do not accept the Jewish opinion of the evil being a power rivalising with the good.Cf. Dēnkart, § 211, ed. Sanjana, Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 1} The Mēnūk i x^rat representing Zervanite views, it is comprehensible, that this text resembles Manichsean writings, Mānī having adapted his new religion to the Zervanite theology. For the transliteration Mēnōkē x ^rat which is not followed here, cf. Nyberg, , JAS. coxiv, 1929, 242 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 2} Schaeder, H. H., Studien zum antiken Synkretismus, 222 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 71 note 3} H. H. Sohaeder, loo. cit., 223 n.

^{page 71 note 4} ed. Olshausen-Mohl, , Fragmens relatifs à la religion de Zoroastre, Paris, 1829, 1 ff., transl. byGoogle ScholarVullers, , Fragmente liber die Religion des Zoroaster, Bonn, 1831, 43 ff.Google Scholar; Bartholomae, Chr., Zendhandschriften, 152 f.Google Scholar; West, E. W., Grundr. d. ir. Phil., ii, 123Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 5} ḫudāvand.

^{page 71 note 6} Code Anquetil, xii, suppl., 14 ff.Spiegel, , Die traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, 161 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 7} vi, 6 ff.West, , SBE., xxiv, 146Google Scholar; Junker, H., Warburg- Vorträge, i, 1921–1922, 171; the Daharī are compared to the Islamic sect of the Dahrīya byGoogle ScholarHorten, M., Die philos. Systems d. spekulat. Theologen im Islam, 81 ff.; 274 ff.; 320 ff.; Die Phihsophie d. Islam, 110 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 72 note 1} phi. akanārak “without border” corresponds to Avestio akarana-.

^{page 72 note 2} xvi, 53 f.;Salemann, , Ein Bruchstük manich. Schrifttums, 20Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 3} Nöldeke, , TṬabari, 109 ff. For the name ZorvāndātGoogle Scholarcf. Bartholomae, , Zum sasanid. Recht, v, 11; Justi, Iran. Namenbuch s.v. Zarwāndāδ and ZrovandūχtGoogle Scholar.

^{page 72 note 4} Schaeder, H. H., Warburg-Vorträge, iv, 1924–1925, 144.Google Scholar

^{page 72 note 5} Photium, ap., Bibl., 81. According toGoogle ScholarLagarde, , Gesammdte Abhandl., 149, this book was addressed to an Armenian bishopGoogle Scholar.

^{page 72 note 6} ep. 258 ad Epiphan., 4.

^{page 73 note 1} Photius, , Bibl., 223; 85Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 2} ed. Smyrna, 1762; ed. Venice, 1825–6, 1863 ff. Paris, 1860, Constantinople, 1864 ff. English translation byAganon, A. in Wilson, J., The Persian Beligion, Bombay, 1843. German translation byGoogle ScholarSchmid, J. M., Des Wardapet Eznik von Kolb Wider die Sekten, Vienna, 1900.Google ScholarWeber, S.Bibl. der Kirchenväter, Der armen. Kirchenväter ausgewählte Schriften, i, 25 ff. Esnik's text exists only in one manuscript, Ečmiadzin no. III, written in a.d. 1280Google Scholar; cf. Ajarean, and Mkrtěean, K. Ter-, Handes amsoreay, 1904, 33 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 73 note 3} Mariés, L., Le de Deo d'Eznik de Koḷb, 25, 86 f. The ultimate source for these authors may have been in a certain degree Berossos.Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 4} Cf. S. Weber, loc. cit., 14 ff.

^{page 74 note 1} ii, 9. Esnik says that the Persian religion is not exposed in books, This is right, if he should mean a systematic explanation of the system. because the Avestic literature can certainly not be considered as such. Theological treatises giving the Zervanite point of view may have remained unknown to Esnik, if such a literature existed at all in his time.

Euhemeristic traditions have influenced Esnik ii, 3, when he says that Zrvān was a human being and a mighty titan, Here he obviously followed simply his sources, and it may be remembered that Berossos gives similar rational explanations of ancient myths.

^{page 74 note 2} c. 2.

^{page 74 note 3} 19 ff.

^{page 74 note 4} Lazar of P'arpi, 26.

^{page 74 note 5} Cumont, F., Textes et monuments, i, 17 ff.Google Scholar; Meillet, A., JAS. N.S. xix, 1902, 548 f.Google Scholar; Schaeder, H. H., Studien z. antik. Synkret., 239Google Scholar; Carrière, A., Handēs amsoreay, 1900, 183 ff.Google Scholar; Mariès, L., Le de Deo, 39 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 74 note 6} Harnack, , Marcion, 2nd ed., 372*; Junker, loc. cit., 142; Mariès, loc. cit., 5.Google Scholar

^{page 75 note 1} Geffcken, , Nachr. d. Gött. Oes. d. Wiss., 1900, 37 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 2} Braun, O., Ausgewählte Akten persischen Märtyrer, 1915, 67Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 3} Müller, , Handschriftenreste, ii, 95. The Manichaeans regard it as a blasphemy to pretend that the Father of Greatness, i.e. Zrvān, created Good and EvilGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 4} Acta Martyrorumet Sanctorum ed. Bedjan, . ii, 576 ff., 592.Google ScholarNödeke, Th., Festgr. an R. v. Roth, 34 ff.Google ScholarSchaeder, , Studien z. antiben Synhretismus, 233; 353Google Scholar; Warburg-Vortr. iv, 1924–1925, 141, believes these acts to reproduce an excerpt of a lost treatise by Theodoros of MopsuhestiaGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 5} Pognon, , Inscriptions mandaïtes des coupes de Khouâbir, 111.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 1} The reports of Theodor bar Kōnai, Esnik and Eliše have been compared byCarriere, A., La naissance d'Ormizd et d'Ahriman, Paris, 1900,Google Scholarcf. Handēs amnoreay, 1900, 183 ff. s. above p. 74,₅Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 2} 179 ff., ed. Cureton.

^{page 76 note 3} De Is., 46 ff., and the contention that Mithra- is the μειτηδ between light and darkness, an opinion unknown to the Avesta.

^{page 76 note 4} ap. Damaskios, 'Απορίαιικαίλύσєις 125 bis, 322, ed. Ruelle.

^{page 77 note 1} Cf. Simplikios, , Comm. in Aristot. de caelo, 488, 19, ed. Heiberg. Diogenes Laërtios, i, 23; Clemens Alex., Stromata, i, 14Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 2} This work, falsely ascribed to Theophrastos by Laërtios, Diogenes, v, 48, belongs to Eudemos, Usener, Anal. Theophr., 17Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 3} Jaeger, W., Aristoteles, 238,_2.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 4} Le Zend-Avesta, i, 221,₁₀; iii, lxix,_3.

^{page 77 note 5} Diogenes Laērtios, prooem., 8 f., names Theopompos and Eudemos as reporting the Magian doctrine of immortality and resurrection. Cf. for Theopompos Aineias of Gaza, Theophr., 72, ed. Boissonade.

^{page 77 note 6} Simplikios, Phys., 146a; 151a; 183a–185a; 189b.

^{page 78 note 1} Haug, M., Essays on the Sacred Language, etc., of the Parsis, 12, apparently ascribes to Damaskios the Zervanite views given as those of EudemosGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 2} In a paper published by the R. Academy of Copenhagen, A. Christensen exposes the view that the Zervanite system can be traced to the Achæmenian epoch; Études sur le Zoroastrisme de la Perse Antique, 45 ff.

^{page 79 note 1} ii, 9, 187; Darmesteter, J., Ormuzd, 319Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 2} The “Old man of the days” in Daniel, , vii, 9, has first been compared to Zrvan- by Movers, Phōnizier, i, 262Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 3} Eisler, R., Weltenmantel, ii, 505Google Scholar; Cumont, F., Textes et monuments, i, 20Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 4} Synkellos, 389, 20 ff., ed. Dindorf, Google Scholar; Schnabel, , Berossos, 163, 178Google Scholar; Meissner, , Babylonien und Assyrien, 416Google Scholar; Ptolemæus, CI., Almagest, iv, 5, ed. Heiberg, Google Scholar; Kugler, , Sternkunde u. Sterndienst, ii, 7 ff., 68 ff.Google Scholar; Gressmann, , Die hellenist. Gestirnrel., 6Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 1} Kugler, , Im Bannkreis Babels, 122.Google ScholarBezold, in Gundel-Boll-Bezold, Sternglaube, 14, considers the identification of Kidinnu with Kidenas as probable, but not as absolutely certainGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 2} Valens, Vettius, Anthologia, ix, 11, 352, 22 if., ed. Kroll.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 3} Jaeger, W., Aristoteles, 133 f. The position taken up by Eudoxos towards astrology ia illustrated byGoogle ScholarCicero, , De div., ii, 42, 87, cf.Google ScholarBezold-Boll, , Reflexe, etc., 9 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 4} Boll, , Sternglaube, 25Google Scholar; Kerényi, , Arch. f. Rel. Wiss., xxii, 245 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 6} Lehmann-Haupt, , Neue Studien zu Berosos, Klio, xxii, 1928, gives the latest results of the study of the questions concerning Berossos.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 6} Vitruvius, , De architect, ix, 6, 2. According toGoogle ScholarPlinius, , Nat. Hist., vii, 123, a statue was erected for him at AthensGoogle Scholar.

^{page 81 note 1} Plutarchos, , Plat, quaest., viii, 1; Strabon, xvii, 1, 6.Google Scholar

^{page 81 note 2} Strabon, loc. oit.

^{page 81 note 3} Negelein, J. V., ZDMG., n.s. vii, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 4} CIL., xii, 1227.

^{page 81 note 5} F.Cumont, Pauly-Wissowas Reallex, 2nd ed., s.v. Hypsistos.

^{page 81 note 6} Saturn was considered as the star of Ninurta-Ninib and at the same time as that of Šamaš; Rawlinson, H., Cuneiform inscr. from Western Asia, ii, pl. 49, 3, 19. In certain aspects Saturn is looked upon as the representative of the sun; Cun. Texts from Babyl. Tablets, xxv, 50Google Scholar; Jastrow, , Rel. Babyl. und Assyr., ii, 445, 483 ff.Google Scholar; Furlani, , La religione babilonese-assira, i, 168Google Scholar.

^{page 82 note 1} Euseb, ., Praep. ev., i, 10, 36 f.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 2} Gressmann, , Hellenist. Gestirnrel., 25Google Scholar.

^{page 82 note 3} CIL., viii, 8443, 8444, 8451, 8453. Although the cult of Mithras is found in the same place Sitifis, it is not necessary to connect this identification of Saturn and Ba'al šamēn with Mithriacism. For the monument of Sitifis cf. Cumont, , Textes et monuments, i, 170, 405 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 82 note 4} Reitzenstein, R., D. iran. Erlösungsmysterium, 129.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 5} Zimmern, H., Islamica, ii. On Manāt and similar deities like Sa'd, Gad, 'Audh, cf.Google ScholarWellhausen, , Reste arabischen Heidentums, ii, 28 f. For Gad in Syria, etc.,Google ScholarJeremias, s., Chantepie de la Saussaye, Religionsgesch., i, 4th ed., 628Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 1} Wellhausen, loo. cit., 211. Certain hints to astral connections are contained in the Qur'ān, s. 53, 1; 81, 15 f. Besides al Manāt there remains al Manīya as a formless and impersonal force (O'Leary, De Lacy, Arabia before Muhammad, 195). This conception has been an important contribution of the Arabs to Islam, cf. W. Caskel, Das Schicksal in der altarabischen Poesie.Google Scholar

^{page 83 note 2} Jastrow, M., Rel. Bab. und Assyriens, i, 110,_i; 289. A. Jeremias believes Marduk to have inherited from the son of Ea of Eridu the faculty of deciding destiny; Handb. der altor. Geisteskultur, 274 f., c. 238 f.Google ScholarSaussaye, Chantepie de la, Religionsgesch., i, 4th ed., 561, 589 ff. Marduk continues in general the parts of Enlil, Ea and Anu. For the whole question of the Babylonian conception of fate consultGoogle ScholarZimmern, H., Verh. d. sächs. Ges. d. Wiss., 1918, 70, 5; ZDMG., 1922, n. F. 1., and the article in Islamica, iiGoogle Scholar; Meissner, Br., Babylonien und Assyrien, ii, 124 f., 130 f. As the heavenly scribe, Nabū is sometimes considered as the keeper of the tables of fateGoogle Scholar.

^{page 83 note 3} Jastrow, loc. cit., 457, cf. 337, 2, 463.

^{page 83 note 4} Jeremias, A., Das alte Test, im Lichte. des alten Orients, 247 f., believes this, but other authorities utter more reserved opinions on this subjectGoogle Scholar.

^{page 83 note 5} uba of Mauretania, Пϵρί σσυρίωνΑ, according to Tatianus, Or. ad Graecos, c. 37, 38 ed. Schwartz, cf. Clemens Alex. Stromata, i, c. xxi, 122, 1 f., p. 391 s.; Eusebius, , Praep. ev., x, 11, 493Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 1} Berossos fr. 34 = Eusebius ap. Syncellum 53, 19 ff. ed Dindorf.

^{page 84 note 2} Berossos fr. 12 = Eusebius ap. Syncellum, 52, 1 ff.-53, 15, ed. Dindorf. On the nature of the text of Alexander Polyhistor which Eusebius had before him cf. Schnabel, , Berossos, 134 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 3} Eusebius, , Chron., x, 19 ff.; 7, 29 ff., ed. Karst.Google Scholar

^{page 84 note 4} Pausanias, x, 12, 9. Suidas s.v. Sibylla, Justinus, coh. ad gentiles, c. 37.

^{page 84 note 5} ed. Geffoken.

^{page 84 note 6} Agathias, ii, 24, ed. Niebuhr, Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 7} s. above, p. 80.

^{page 84 note 8} Macrobius, i, 837; Proclus, , Plat. Theolog. v, 3 ff.; in Timaeum, 295, B. ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 85 note 1} Joël, K., Gesch. der antiken Philos., i, 354.Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 1} K. Joël, loo. cit., 373.

^{page 86 note 2} ii, 81, of. 123.

^{page 86 note 3} Diogenes Laërtios, i, 119. The title of the prose work of Pherekydes is sometimes given as Пϵντέμυχος. That Pherekydes calls Zeus Zās, the living, is of no importance for the problem of time. It must be noted that for Pherekydes time is not the highest principle, but only one of the eternal factors.

^{page 86 note 4} Timaios, 37, 38.

^{page 87 note 1} Herakleitos, fr. 52; Euripides, Heraklid. 900: Αίών χρόνου παίς, treating Chronos as the higher and more comprehensive notion.

^{page 87 note 2} Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. v., Euripides' Herakles ii, 2nd ed., 155. Platon distinguishes between the two notions, Anth. Pal., ix, 51: humanity owes to Aion individuality, name and shape, but the δολιχοδρόμος χρόνος alters everythingGoogle Scholar.

^{page 87 note 3} Jaeger, W., Aristoteles, 318, πϵρί ούανού, A, 9, c. B, 1 on απϵιρος χρόνοςGoogle Scholar.

^{page 87 note 4} Phys., iv, 11 p. 219 b 1, 8; 220 a, 24. The notion of time comes according to Aristoteles from two sources, from the soul and from movement.

^{page 87 note 5} Wenley, c. R. M., Stoicism and its Influence, London, 1925Google Scholar.

^{page 88 note 1} Cicero, , De nat. deor., i, 36, says that Zenon taught a mystic doctrine of time, but this testimony has mostly been interpreted in the way that Cicero gives Epicurean views of Zenon's opinionGoogle Scholar.

^{page 88 note 2} It may be mentioned that it hąs been denied by certain scholars that Poseidonios ever wrote a commentary to Timaios, cf. Reinhardt, K., Poseidonios, 1921; Kosmos und Sympathie, 1926. This opinion does, however, not seem founded. According to K. Reinhardt, Poseidonios was the first Greek philosopher who proclaimed the mystical correspondence between macrocosm and microcosm, thus introducing this ancient oriental conception into the Stoic philosophyGoogle Scholar.

^{page 88 note 3} Reitzenstein, R., Nachr. d. Gōtt. Ges. d. Wiss., 1904, 317 ft.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 4} Sethe, c. K., Nachr. d. Gött. Ges. d. Wiss., 1919, 287 ff.,Google ScholarEd. Meyer, , Gesch. d. Altertums, I, ii, ”3rd ed., § 163.Google ScholarNorden, E., Die Geburt des Kindes, 38 f. The birthday of the sun was celebrated in Alexandria on December 24th-25th. At the time of the foundation of Alexandria, 331 b.c., this date corresponded to that of the winter solstice.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 5} About the cult of Dionysos in the temple of Jerusalem and the festival introduced by the Seleukides cf. Kern, , Archiv. f. Rel. Wiss., xxii, 198; F. Wilbrich, loc. cit., xxiv, 1926, 170Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 1} Cf. Damaskios in his life of the Neo-Platonician Isidores of Alexandria = Photius Bibl., 242, see Asmus, R., Byzant. Ztschr., xviii, 19Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 2} Holl, K., Berl. Sitzungsber., 1917, 428Google Scholar; Weber, Wilh, Arch, fur Bel. Wiss., xix, 1919, 330 ff. On an Arabian festival cf.Google ScholarEisler, B., Arch. f. Bel. Wiss., 1924, 631 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 89 note 3} Cf. Zepf, “Der Gott Αίών in der hellenistisclien Theologie,” Arch. f. Religionswiss., xxv, 1927, 225, ff. The whole problem has been studied by Kaerst, JulGesch. des Hellenismus, ii, 2nd ed., 239 ff., where the spontaneity of the Greek conceptions is underlined. Valuable works on the question are due to E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes, W. Weber, Der Prophet und sein Gott, to H. Junker, loc. cit., toGoogle ScholarWeinreich, , Archiv. f. Beligionswiss., xix, 174 ff., to Lackeit, Aion, i and ii, toGoogle ScholarKroll, J., Die Lehren des Hermes Trismegistos, 67 ff., and especially to R. Reitzenstein in his numerous studiesGoogle Scholar.

^{page 89 note 4} Lydus de mens., iv, 1, p. 64, 12 Wünsch; cf. R. Reitzenstein, Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium, 210 f., 211,4.

^{page 90 note 1} Cumont, F., Textes et monuments, i, 74 fiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 90 note 2} Eusebius, , Praep. ev., i, 10, 36 f. For the coins of Mallos of.Google ScholarMorgan, J. de, Numismatique orientale, 62 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 90 note 3} Or. 36, 39 f., ed Arnim, de. Dion lived from about a.d. 40–120; of.Google ScholarJackson, , Grds. d. iran. Phil., ii, 671, for the Greek influences reflected by Dion. His doctrines combine Stoic and Cynic notions, cf.Google ScholarKafka-Eibl, , Der Ausklang der antiken Philosophic, 77Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 1} Cf. Dittenberger, , Orientis graeci inscr. sel., Leipzig, 1903, no. 383; L. Jalabert and R. Mouterde, Inscr. grecques et latines de la Syrie, fasc. iGoogle Scholar; Commagène et Cyrrhestique, Paris, 1927, No. 1; cf.Google ScholarWilhelm, A., Wiener Studien, 1929, 127Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 2} Gressmann, H., Die hellenistische Gestirnreligion, 23 f.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 3} πϵρί ούρανον, B 1.

^{page 92 note 1} Cf., however, Schaeder, H. H., Warburg- Vortrage, iv, 1927, 140, 1Google Scholar.

^{page 92 note 2} De consulatu Stilichonis, ii, 424 ifGoogle Scholar.

^{page 93 note 1} Cf. Schmidt, P. W., Der Ursprung der Gottesidee, i, 2nd ed., 1926, principally chap. iv. See, however, R. Pettazzoni, DioGoogle Scholar; Frazer, J. G., Worship of Nature, i, 20Google Scholar; Haydon, , Journal of Religion, 1926, 24Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 1} Jaeger, W., Aristoteles, 136.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 2} Born 376 b.c., cf. Plutarchos, , De Iside et Osiride 46 sGoogle Scholar.

^{page 94 note 3} Junker, H., Warburg-Vorträge, i, 1921–1922, 146.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 4} Without following his deductions about the age of Zarathuštra, of the Vedas, and other details, attention may be drawn to the merit of Joh-Hertel in exposing clearly this early conception proper to the Aryan mind.

^{page 94 note 5} Zervanism has been considered as a very ancient doctrine by Eisler, K., Weltenmantel, ii, 518 f.Google Scholar; Alfaric, , Revue d'hist. et litt. rel., vii, 1921, 1 ff.; cf.Google ScholarReitzeustein, , Hellenist. Mysterienrel., 3rd ed., 360Google Scholar; Lommel, H., Die Religion Zarathustras, Tübingen, 1930, p. 23 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 95 note 1} The two Middle-Iranian languages correspond to these centres: Pahlavik and Pārsīk.

^{page 95 note 2} On their coins the Frataraks, Governors, of Pārs call themselves “of godly descent” like the Sāsānid sovereigns, “ the spiritual offspring of the gods".

^{page 95 note 3} Waldschmidt-Lentz, , Berl. Abh., 1926, 4, 71. Zurvōn designates in the northern dialect always “age” (Andreas, loc. cit.), i.e. = avestie Zarvan-Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 4} Scheftelowitz, J., Ztschr. f. Indol. w. Iran., iv, 334, believes that Zervanism cannot be older than the introduction of astrology into Iran and that this system is post-Christian (loc. cit. 343)Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 1} Mānī's system belongs to the Gnostic line and he was probably influenced by Bardesanes, by the Markionites, and by the sect known to Islamic authors as the Mughtasila. Manichseism is non-Iranian in spirit and Mānī adopted Mazdaist names and conceptions only to show that his new creed was the completion of the existing religions. Christian authors sometimes put Zervanism and Manichæism on the same line like Esnik of Kolb, 115 ff.

^{page 96 note 2} If Philon In Gen., i, 100, means Persian notions when he says according to Aucher's rendering of the alone extant Armenian translation “tempus ut Cronus vel Chronus ab hominum pessimis putatur deus”, this testimony would prove the existence of Zervanism for the first century a.d. But it is not known to what creed Philon alludes; the most probable thing would be to think of the Alexandrine cult of Aion.

^{page 97 note 1} Gelzer, , Ztschr. f. armen. Philol., i, 149 ff.Google Scholar; Pettazzoni, , La religione di Zarathustra, 197, believes Yezdegerd himself to have been an adherent of Zervanism, what can apparently be said too of other Sāsānian monarchsGoogle Scholar.

^{page 98 note 1} Haug, , Essay on Pahlavi, 147.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 2} Chavannes, and Pelliot, , Un traité manichéen, 513–4, 2, 520 n., 643Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 3} Konow, Sten, Manuscript remains of Buddhist Literature found in eastern Turkestan, i, 219, 261Google Scholar; ap, H. Junker. Hertel, Joh., Die Sonne und Mithra im Awesta, 253; Das Awestaalphabet, 106,_s.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 4} Junker, H., Warburg- Vorträge, i, 1921–1922, 142, 171,⁶⁶, shows that the opposition of baxt and bāgh baxt points to different sources having been used in working out the text of the Mēnūk i χrat.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 1} Sohaeder, c., Warburg- Vorträge, iv, 1924–1925, 141 ff.Google Scholar; Junker, , Worter und Sachen, xii, 153 ff.; but seeGoogle ScholarChristensen, , Etudes, 53,_3.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 2} In the Iranian version of the Manichæan doctrine the twelve signs of the Zodiac are the daughters of Zrvān. Šikand gumānīk vičar, 16, 29 f. ed. West, 170, transl. SBE., xxiv, 245; Salemann, , Ein Bruchstückmanichaeischen Schrifttums, 19Google Scholar; Cumont, F., Recherches sur le Manichéïsme, 60 f. By using Nēryōsang's Sanskrit translationGoogle ScholarSchaeder, H. H., Warburg- Vort. iv, 1924–1925, 83, text of 82, 2, has been able to explain this difficult passage.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 1} Cf. Scheftelowitz, I., Entst. d. manich. Religion, 10.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 2} Yašt, xiii, 126, has the name of a Mazdayanian Tīrōnakathwa-.

^{page 100 note 3} De Iside et Osiride, c. 47.

^{page 100 note 4} When the signs of the Zodiac were taken over by the Iranians is difficult to state. Weber, A. has thought of the similarity of the Iranian Zodiac and that propagated by the school of Bardesanes, Berliner Abhdlg., 1860, 326 ff. cf.Google ScholarSpiegel, , Die traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, 99Google Scholar.

^{page 100 note 5} Sun and moon appear here on the side of Ohrmazd, but at the same time they belong to the seven generals of Ahriman. This shows the syncretistio character of the whole tradition.

^{page 101 note 1} Hübschmann, , Armen. Gramm., i, 94; 42; 506.Google ScholarGelzer, , Z. arm. Gotterlehre, Sächs. Akad., 1895Google Scholar.

^{page 101 note 2} 113, 131 f.

^{page 102 note 1} Cf., however, above H. H. Schaeder's opinion about the acts of Ādhurhormizd depending on Theodoros of Mopsuhestia.

^{page 102 note 2} Loo. cit.

^{page 102 note 3} 113, 118 f.

^{page 102 note 4} 375a.

^{page 102 note 5} Pognon, loc. cit., 111.

^{page 102 note 6} Nöldeke, , Festgr. an Roth, 36; ed. Bedjan, 577Google Scholar.

^{page 102 note 7} 118.

^{page 102 note 8} The possible double sense of “ruler” and “self-created” attached to the term x_vadhāta- could refer to the heavenly sovereign as well as to the king on earth, meaning that he draws his power not from a human source.

^{page 103 note 1} 183 ed. Cureton.

^{page 103 note 2} Yašt, v, 17 ff.; viii, 25 ff.; xv, 2 ff.

^{page 103 note 3} Yasna, xix, 1 ff.

^{page 104 note 1} Cf. Waites, , American Journal of Archæloogy, 27, 1923, 26 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 104 note 2} 113 ff., 132 ff.

^{page 104 note 3} Reitzenstein, R., Die Göttin Psyche, 78; Das iranische Erlösungsmnsterium, 156, 178Google Scholar; Christensen, , Etudes, 52,_2.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 1} Refut., i, 2, 12, ed. Wendland, .Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 2} Whether this statement can be ascribed to Diodoros of Eretria and to the pupil of Aristoteles, Aristoxenos, as Hippolytos says, can be left out of the discussion.

^{page 105 note 3} Yasna, xxx, 3. Zarathuštra speaks of a vision showing him in a dream good and evil in human thoughts, speech and acts in the symbolical shape of a pair of twins. This metaphorical notion was taken later in a literal sense.

^{page 105 note 4} Dēnkart, , 829, West, SBE., xxxvii, 241 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 105 note 5} Müller, F. W. K., Handschriftenreste, ii, 95Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 6} Junker, H., Warburg-Vortr., i, 1921–1922, 171 f.,_82.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 7} Like the Frataraks (Governors) of Pārs and the Sāsānian ŠāhānŠāhs the Armenian kings are considered as being of heavenly descent and they rest in the fortified temple of Aramazd; Gelzer, , Zur armenischen Götterlehre, 103, quoting AgathangelosGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 1} Cf. the survey offered by Wust, W., ZDMG., N.F. 6, 259 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 106 note 2} Besides the routes leading overland to India which gave Sinope on the Black Sea great importance, there were close connections with southern Arabia, the Red Sea, and Egypt. Alexandria became a centre of the trade with India. On the other hand, the Jātakas speak of trade wit Babylon, Bāveru, Bāveru Jātaka, no. 339 of the coll. of Jātakas. Lévy, S., Annuaire de l'Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, 1913–1914. For the beginning of the first century a.d. the Milindapañha, 359, gives the chief places, in which the Indian sea-faring trade was concerned. Apologos at the mouth of the Tigris was since the first century a.d. the starting point of merchants bound for India (Periplus maris Erythr., 435). At this place, later on called al Ubulla, a temple of a probably Indian deity Zūn is mentioned, cf. J.Marquart and J. J. M. de Groot, Festschrift f. Ed. Sachau, 1915, 284 ff. Another temple of this god stood in Zāvulistān and there his symbol was a fish, the crown of the Zūnbīl, the king of Zavulistan, being ornamented with the head of a fish. This resembles more some reminiscence of Ea than Aditya, the sun-god of Multan, whom the Hūna considered as Mihr, sanskr. Mihira (J. Marquart and J. J. M. de Groot, loc. cit., 288,₂.)Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 1} JRAS, 1915, 63 ff.; 405 ff., of.Smith, V. A., JRAS., 1915, 800ff.Google Scholar; Keith, ibid., 1916, 138 ff.; Thomas, ibid., 362 ff.; Coomaraswamy, s., Gesch. der indischen u. indones. Kunst, transl. by Goetz, H., 15; 23 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 107 note 2} v. 166,Leumann, , Maitreya-samiti, Strassburg, 1919, i, 91Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 3} Lüders, , Berl. Sitzungsber., 1913, 405f.Google Scholar; 1919, 734 ff.; cf. Reichelt, , Indogerm. Jahrb., i, 1913, 20f.Google Scholar; SirStein, Aurel, Serindia, iii, 1443ffGoogle Scholar. Reichelt, , Stand u. Aufg. der Sprachwiss., 286Google Scholar; Grdr. d. indog. Sprach-Altertumskunde, ii, 4, 2, 28 f.; Abegg, E., Der Messiasglavie, 193Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 4} Brhatsanihitā, lx, 19.

^{page 108 note 1} Bhandarkar, , VaiŠnavism, 153ff.Google Scholar; Grierson, , The Languages of India, 45Google Scholar, Wilson, , Vishnu Purana, I. lxiii; v, 381ff.Google Scholar; Winternitz, , Oesch. d. ind. Lit. i, 474Google Scholar; iii, 362; Abegg, , Messiasglaube, 243Google Scholar.

^{page 108 note 2} Grünwedel, , Buddhist. Kunst, 2nd ed., 143Google Scholar; Garbe, , Indien u. das Christentum, 174f.Google Scholar; Krause, , Ju-Tao-Fo, 409f.Google Scholar; Waldschmidt, , Gandhāra, 12f.Google Scholar; Abegg, , Messiasglaube, 243fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 108 note 3} Glasenapp, v., Der Jainismus, 43f.Google Scholar; Charpentier, J., The Cambridge History of India, i, 167f. It is necessary to distinguish between the Kūšān, the Chionites or White Huns and the Hephtalites. The Kūšān formed a confederation extending to Bactria, Xotān and north-western India and led by Iranian Sakas. During the Sāsānian period, Kūšān- Šāh was merely the title of the Persian Governor-General of Ḫorāsān. The Chionites, the Hyaona- of the Avesta, were a Hun tribe. Under pressure from the Hephtalites whose sedentary life in a fertile country with a large capital is described by Prokopius, de bello Pers., i, 3, some Chionites moved to India, where they established the Hūna kingdom or kingdoms. In the sixth century the Hephtalites were crushed by Xosran I of Persia co-operating with the Xaqan of the TurksGoogle Scholar.