Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-lj6df Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-09T16:55:09.327Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Jamaat of Allah's Friends: Maulana Allahyar's Reformist Movement and Sacralising the Space of the Armed Forces of Pakistan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 September 2020

SAADIA SUMBAL*
Affiliation:
Forman Christian College University, [email protected]

Abstract

This article discusses a Sufi-inspired reformist movement that was set up in Chakrala (Pakistani Punjab) by Maulana Allahyar during the second half of the twentieth century. Attention is paid to the polemical religious context in which this movement arose, in part linked to the proselytising activities of local Shias and Ahmadis. Allahyar's preaching in the town created sectarian divisions within Chakrala's syncretic religious traditions. His reformist ideas also were articulated through a tablighi jamaat (missionary movement), which penetrated the armed forces of Pakistan during the military rule of Ayub Khan. Against this backdrop, the article also discusses the interface between Islam and the army, as this relationship played out in Indian prisoner-of-war camps holding captured Pakistani soldiers in the wake of the 1971 war, and so points to ways in which the mutual performance of mystical practices by Allahyar's Jamaat created a cohesive moral community.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Royal Asiatic Society

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Robinson, Francis, ‘Islamic Reform and Modernities in South Asia’, Modern Asian Studies 42, 2/3 (2008), p. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Robinson, Francis, ‘Other- Worldly and This-Worldly Islam and the Islamic Revival’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 14, 1 (April 2004), pp. 4758Google Scholar.

2 Lewis, Bernard, The Crisis of Islam: Holy war and Unholy Terror (New York, 2003)Google Scholar, also see his The Political Language of Islam (Chicago, 1990).

3 Mustafa A. Abdel Wahid, ‘The Rise of the Islamic movement in Sudan 1945–1989’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Auburn, 2008).

4 Ibid.

5 Esposito, John L. and Voll, John L., Islam and Democracy (New York, 1996), p. 6Google Scholar.

6 Farzana Shaikh argues that contradictory expectations in Pakistan gave rise to ambiguities. One idea was of a universal Islamic community, the other stressed a Muslim ‘nation’ whose so-called ‘communal’ political and economic interests were territorially bounded. This ambiguous relationship between Islam and territorial nationalism, propounded by Muslim intellectuals like Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) and Hussain Ahmed Madani (1879–1958), was generated problems. See Shaikh, Farzana, Making Sense of Pakistan (London, 2009), pp. 35Google Scholar.

7 The passage of the Objectives Resolution in 1949 was an important event which Pakistani ulama have celebrated as a significant milestone in the history of Pakistan. Its importance was considerably enhanced when, in subsequent years, the Objectives Resolution was made the preamble of the Pakistani constitution. See Conrad, Dieter, ‘Conflicting Legitimacies in Pakistan: The Changing Role of the Objectives Resolution (1949) in the Constitution’, in Legitimacy and Conflict in South Asia, (eds.) Mitra, Subrata K. and Rothermund, Dietmar (Delhi, 1998), p. 127Google Scholar. Also see Binder, Leonard, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963)Google Scholar.

8 The Munir Report refers to the Report of the Court of Inquiry. Also see Zhab, Mariam Abu, ‘The Shia Sunni Conflict in Jhang (Pakistan)’, in Lived Islam in South Asia: Adaptation, Accommodation and Conflict, (eds.) Imtiaz Ahmed and Helmut Reifeld (New Delhi, 2004), pp. 135148Google Scholar. See also Nasr, Vali Reza, ‘The Rise of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan: The Changing Role of Islamism and the Ulema in Society and Politics’, Modern Asian Studies 34, 1 (2000), pp. 139180CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zaman, Qasim, ‘Sectarianism in Pakistan: The Radicalization of Shii and Sunni Identities’, Modern Asian Studies 32, 3 (1998), pp. 689716CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nasr, Vali Reza, Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the Making of State Power (New York, 2001), pp. 146147CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Qasmi, Ali Usman, The Ahmadis and the Politics of Religious exclusion in Pakistan (London, 2014)Google Scholar.

9 Maulana Allahyar was born into an affluent landowning Awan tribe, known as Sarjaal Awan, that migrated into Chakrala from Kalabagh. He studied Hadith at the Ameenia Delhi madrassa, under the tutelage of Mufti Kifayat Ullah, the madrassa's patron, Anwar Shah Kashmiri, and Maulana Khalil Ahmed Anbethwi. After completing his studies, he received training in unani tibb from Hakim Ajmal Khan in Delhi and returned to Chakrala in 1935 where he started his teaching career from Jamia Masjid (Chitti Masjid) Chakrala. In 1942 he entered the path of saluk (spiritual training) in the Naqshbandia Awaisia order through the spirit of the Sheikh of the order, Sultan ul-Arifin Khawaja Allah Din Madni, buried in Langar Mukhdum (district Sargodha) four hundred years previously. Maulana Allahyar was introduced to the spirit of Sultan-ul-Arifin by a Sufi belonging to the Naqshbandia Mujadadia order, Maulana Abdur Raheem. He then completed the suluk training until salik-e-majzubi at the grave of Sultan-ul-Arifin in three years, and was appointed sahib-e-majaz by him in 1945. He then received training in the next stages of suluk from the spirits of various Sufis through a spiritual connection with the mashaikh in Barzakh, who included Lal Shah Hamadani, Ghaus Bahawal Haq, Abdul Qadir Jillani and Moin ud-Din Chishti Ajmeri. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Abul, Hayat-e-Tayaba (Chakwal, 2005)Google Scholar.

10 Chakrala is a small town belonging to Mianwali District, in the south-west of the Punjab, located some ten miles from the Mianwala-Talagang road. The area is mostly inhabited by members of the Awan tribe.

11 A circle or group of followers who assemble at one place and perform dhikr.

12 Nasr, ‘The Rise of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan’.

13 Zaman, ‘Sectarianism in Pakistan’; also see Behuria, Ashok K., ‘Sunni-Shia Relations in Pakistan: The Widening Divide’, Strategic Analysis 28, 1 (2004), pp. 157176CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Jalal, Ayesha, The State of Martial Rule: the origins of Pakistan's political economy of defence (Lahore, 1991)Google Scholar. See also Cohen, Stephen, The Pakistan Army (Berkeley,1984)Google Scholar.

15 Shah, Aqil, The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan (Cambridge, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Siddiqa, Ayesha, Military Inc: Inside Pakistan's military economy (Karachi, 2007)Google Scholar; Shah, The Army and Democracy.

17 Sanctioned by the West Pakistan Waqf (Endowment) Properties Ordinance of 1959, Ayub Khan established control over key Islamic institutions, many of which had previously been administered by Sufi guardians. Ayub envisaged Sufi saints as propagators of Islam and Sufism in congruence with the sharia; in contrast, the customary shrine-oriented Islam represented by sajjada nishins was seen as embedded in heterogeneous traditions. Sufism was viewed as a rigorous spiritual discipline transmitted from spiritual mentor (Sufi) to the disciple. What suited Ayub was the concept within Sufi traditions that delinked spiritual authority from political leadership, whereas the pir or sajjada nishin had to act as spiritual mediator between man and God. See Ewing, Katherine P., ‘The politics of Sufism; Redefining the Saints of Pakistan’, Journal of Asian Studies 42, 2 (February 1983), p. 267CrossRefGoogle Scholar Also see Vali Nasr, Islamic Leviathan.

18 Saikia, Yasmin, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam: Transforming Citizens and the nation in Pakistan’, Journal of South Asian Studies 37, 2 (2004), p. 298Google Scholar.

19 Haqqani, Husain, Pakistan: between Mosque and Military (Washington DC, 2005)Google Scholar.

20 Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan.

21 Gazetteer, Mianwali District 1915 (Lahore, 1994), p. 29.

22 Ibid., p. 23.

23 Ibid.

24 Members of the Awan tribe live predominantly in northern, central, and western parts of Pakistani Punjab with significant numbers also residing in Khyber PakhtunkhwaAzad Kashmir and to a lesser extent in Sindh and Balochistan. Historians describe them as brave warriors and farmers who established their ascendancy over their close kin the Janjuas in parts of the Salt Range. They set up large colonies all along the River Indus to Sindh, with a densely populated centre close to Lahore. See Christophe Jaffrelot (ed.), A History of Pakistan and its origins (London, 2004), p. 205.

25 A munazura held in the town of Bagar Sargana was conducted on a controversial religious issue over which members of the Sargana tribe were divided in their point of views. Presidents were nominated for each contestant. Maulana Allahyar represented the Sunni munazir while the Shia contestant was represented by Maulvi Amir Muhammad Taunsvi. Along with them the tribal leaders of both the groups were also present. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 221.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid., pp. 122–124.

28 Naqvi, Tazkira, Persian edition of biographical notices on Shia ulama, cited in Rieck, Andreas, The Shias of Pakistan: An Assertive and Beleaguered Minority (New York, 2015), p. 12Google Scholar; also see Zaman, ‘Sectarianism in Pakistan’, p. 697.

29 Annual munazaras were held between Shias and Sunnis in a small Qasba Pidhrar on the Chakwal-Khushab road. People used to come from far off places to support their contestants. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 219.

30 Makdisi, Ussama, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley, 2000), p. 52Google Scholar.

31 Cole, Juan, Sacred Space and Holy War: The Politics, Culture and History of Shìite Islam (New York, 2002), p. 11Google Scholar.

32 Tabarra is a doctrine that refers to the obligation of disassociation with those who oppose God and those who caused harm to and were the enemies of the Islamic prophet Muhammad or his family.

33 Borg, Meerten B. Ter and van Henten, Jan William (eds.), Powers: religion as social and spiritual force (New York, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 134. Following the establishment of the Madrasatul Waizeen in Lucknow in 1919, the Dar al-Mubalighin was set up in the same city in 1931–2 in order to train munazirs who were then sent on preaching tours. Abdul Shakoor Farooqi became the principal of this school. See Jones, Justin, Shi'i Islam in colonial India: Religion, Community and Sectarianism (New York, 2012)Google Scholar. Also see Rieck, Shias of Pakistan, pp. 12–13

35 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 129.

36 Maulana Allahyar belonged to the most dominant Sarjaal tribe of Awans. At times he used to win over his rival by threats and physical manhandling. When a Shia munazir refused to accept a Quranic verse, the Maulana is said to have attacked him with kicks and punches, and when his supporters tried to come to his rescue, the Maulana's bodyguard Surkhru Khan reportedly fired shots into air to deter them. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba.

37 He believed the community's fortune depended on strict observance of the sharia and complete submission to Prophet. See letters of Maulana Allahyar to Colonel Matloob, 27 August 1971, in Maktubaat (Chakwal, 1989).

38 Barzakh is the celestial world, the other spiritual world where souls reside in the living form. See Trimingham, J. Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (New York, 1998)Google Scholar.

39 Dhakirin is the plural of dhikri (one who performs dhikr).

40 Maulana Allahyar was deeply indebted to his Naqshbandia Awaisia predecessors. His discourses record encounters with frequent visions of the Prophet, and likewise with Sirhindi, Jilani and Chishti luminaries such as Moeen-ud-Din Chishti. He sought guidance in worldly matters from mashaikh in the barzakh through his personal experiences, claiming that terrestrial affairs as well as affairs of the celestial world were revealed to them. His was an attempt to bridge the two worlds, and the source of his charisma was said to be this unique and extraordinary quality. See Allahyar, Dalail-ul-Suluk (Murshadabad, 1992).

41 Maulana Ilyas's Tablighi Jamaat was a voluntary mass movement founded in 1927 in the Mewat region around Delhi in northern India. After the British rule ended in India, tablighis spread to all South Asian countries, devoted themselves to preaching, and were organised in the form of travelling preachers. See Yoginder Sikand, The Origins and Development of the Tablighi-Jama'at (1920–2000): a cross-country comparative study (New Delhi, 2002) pp. 4–5.

42 Werbner, Pnina, Pilgrims of Love: the anthropology of a global Sufi cult (Karachi, 2003), p .61Google Scholar.

43 The core ideology of the Naqshbandia Awaisia was predicated on the theory of deriving beneficence from the spirit, both in terms of reception and transmission, and termed the ‘Awaisia’ method. Anyone who develops an intense connection with the spirit of the Prophet and the saint and derives benefit from his spirit is called an ‘Awaisi’. The Awaisia silsila traces its spiritual lineage from the Prophet Muhammad, see www.salkeen.org (accessed 26 August 2016).

44 Muhammad, Major Ghulam, Murshid Jaisa Na Dekha Koi (Chakwal, 2014), p. 12Google Scholar.

45 David, , Damrel, W., ‘Aspects of Naqshbandi Haqqani in North America’, in Sufism in the West, (eds.) Malik, Jamal and Hinnells, John (London, 2006), p. 126Google Scholar.

46 Reetz, Dietrich, ‘Sufi spirituality fires reformist zeal: Tablighi Jama'at in today's India and Pakistan’, Archives de sciences sociales des religions 135 (juillet-septembre 2006), p. 34Google Scholar.

47 Ibid., p. 33.

48 A vow of allegiance to a sheikh as his disciple or murid.

49 According to Allahyar, it was only after taking approval from Prophet that he initiated the tradition of mass bai'at. In the Naqshbandia Awaisia order, spiritual bait was taken at the Holy Prophet's hands after a seeker had covered the initial stages of the path. What was important in this process was that seeker should see for himself his spirit (ruh) negotiating the initial stages of the path into the audience of the Prophet and accepting bai'at at his sacred hands. Zikr and suhbat were cornerstone of the Awaisia order. See Allahyar, Dalail-ul-Suluk, p. 23.

50 Ibid., p. 45.

51 The Naqshbandia Awaisia silsila was restored by Maulana Allahyar after a lapse of some 500 years after the death of Maulana Abdur Rehman Jami. Ibid., p. 252.

52 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 255.

53 Maulvi Suleiman was teacher of Arabic in a local school, Hafiz Abdul Razzaq and Bunyad Hussain Shah worked as lecturers in Islamic Studies at Government Degree College, Chakwal, and Government Degree College, Jhelum, respectively. He believed the community's fortune depended on strict observance of Sharia and complete submission to Prophet. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba.

54 Ibid., p. 271.

55 Ibid., p. 313. The centre would be coupled with regional nodes, working in connection with the central Dar-ul-Irfan. A department of press and publication was set up, responsible for dealing with correspondence and the publishing of a monthly risala (journal), Al-Murshid. The publication committee comprised Hafiz Razzaq, Col. Matloob, Professor Buniad Hussain, Professor Baagh Hussain Kamal, Fazal Akbar, Haji Altaf Ahmed and Muhammad Hamid. See Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 313.

56 Maulana Allahyar never accepted the donations from any person whose source of earning was not legal (halal). See Baig, Major Ahsan, Shukr-e-Naimat (Chakwal, 2015)Google Scholar; also see www.salkeen.org, p. 23 (accessed 26 August 2016).

57 Turner, Victor W., The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (London and New Brunswick, 2008)Google Scholar.

58 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 282.

59 Ibid., p. 324.

60 van Bruinessen, Martin and Howell, Julia Day, Sufism and the Modern in Islam, (London, 2007), p. 31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Saikia, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam’, p. 298. Also see for the same argument, Cohen, Stephen, The Pakistan Army (Berkeley, 1984)Google Scholar; Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military. For detailed analysis of Pakistan army, see Siddiqa, Military Inc., Rizvi, Hassan Askari, Military, State and Society in Pakistan (Lahore, 2003)Google Scholar, and Waseem, Mohammad, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Islamabad, 2007)Google Scholar. Also see Cilano, Cara, National Identities in Pakistan: The 1971 War in Contemporary Pakistani Fiction (London, 2011), p. 54Google Scholar.

62 Talbot, Ian, Punjab and the Raj 1849–1947 (New Delhi, 1988), p. 44Google Scholar.

63 Muhammad, Murshid Jaisa Na Dekha Koi, p. 23.

64 Ibid., p.78. Also see Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 357.

65 Green, Nile, Islam and the Army in Colonial India: Sepoy religion in the service of Empire (New Delhi, 2009), p. 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Saikia, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam’, p. 295.

67 Baig, Shukr-e-Naimat, p. 9, available at www.salkeen.org (accessed 6 September 2017).

68 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 358.

69 Ibid.

70 Gaya is one of the 38 districts in Bihar stateIndia. It was officially established in 1865. The district has a common boundary with the state of Jharkhand to the south. Gaya was the first and last centre of preaching of Sharfud-Din Yahya Maneri.

71 Major Ahsan Baig was born on 10 August 1944. He was initiated into the Naqshbandia Awaisia order in 1968, and was the first person from the officer cadre of the Pakistan Army to join Allahyar's jamaat. See Ta'aruf Hazrat Jee Baig Sahib, available at www.salkeen.org (accessed 12 September 2017).

72 Interestingly, Ahsan Baig was not among the prisoners of war. Rather he disguised himself as a prisoner of war and boarded the last ship going to India, sent there by Maulana Allahyar for the spiritual training of the sepoys and officials in the prisoner-of-war camps. See Jillani, Rashid Ahmed, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat (Bahawalnagar, 1990), p. 23Google Scholar.

73 Ibid., p. 18.

74 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 43.

75 Ibid., p. 34.

76 Jillani, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat, p. 23.

77 In a letter to Col. Matloob, Allahyar stated that “from a soldier to a colonel, all are equal to me, all are my spiritual progeny, only with exception to Ahsan Baig, who is my khalifa majaz [one who has been ordained the status of khalifa by his shaykh] for your guidance”. He described Baig as “heart” of his Jamaat. See Maulana Allahyar's letter to Colonel Matloob, 11 July 1973, in Maktubaat (Chakwal, 1989).

78 It is an armour that fights both against the self of the vain person and against other people. Without eliminating pride and vanity, the spiritual transformation is not possible, which is the defensive armour of ego. See Ajmal, Muhammad, ‘A note on Adab in the Murshid-Murid Relationship’, in Moral Conduct and Authority: the place of Adab in South Asian Islam, (ed.) Barbara Daly Metcalf (Berkeley, 1984), p. 246Google Scholar.

79 Sikand, The Origins and the Development of the Tabligh-i-Jamaat, p. 85.

80 Pinch, William R., Warrior Ascetics and Indian Empires (London, 2006), p. 748Google Scholar.

81 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 14.

82 Saikia, ‘Ayub Khan and Modern Islam’, p. 295.

83 Maulana Allahyar's letters to his disciples, Captain Khalid Hassan (19 October 1972) and Captain Hashim Jaan (11 January 1973), in Maktubaat (Chakwal,1989).

84 Werbner, Pilgrims of Love, p. 57.

85 Ibid.

86 Ibid., p. 61.

87 For the use of amulets, see Rytter, Mikkel, ‘Transnational Sufism from below: Charismatic counseling and the quest for well-being’, South Asian Diaspora 6, 1 (2014), p. 24Google Scholar.

88 Jillani, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat, p. 87.

89 Oberoi, Harjot, The Construction of Religious Boundaries: Culture, Identity and Diversity in the Sikh Tradition (Chicago, 1994), p. 176Google Scholar.

90 Farina Mir has defined the term “shared piety” as a form of piety in which all Punjabis could participate. This “shared piety” did not conflict with an individual's nominative religious identity but formed a sphere of religiosity that transcended the boundaries that distinguished the Punjab's major religious traditions. See Mir, Farina, The Social Space of Language: Vernacular Culture in British Colonial Punjab (Berkeley, 2010), p. 175CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For more discussion of the same concept of shared piety in the Punjab, see Talbot, Ian and Kamran, Tahir, Lahore in the Time of the Raj (Haryana, 2016)Google Scholar.

91 Ibid.

92 Jillani, Halaat-e-Aseeri mein Ahl-e-Allah ki suhbat, p. 56.

93 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 55.

94 Werbner, Pnina, ‘Stamping the earth with the name of Allah; Zikr and the Sacralizing of Space among British Muslims’, Cultural Anthropology 11, 3 (1996), p. 311Google Scholar.

95 Werbner, Pilgrims of Love, p. 25.

96 Ibid., p. 26.

97 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, p. 2.

98 Baig, Shukr-e-Naimat, p. 51.

99 Muhammad, Murshid Jaisa Na Dekha Koi, p.160. While the Pakistan Navy dominated the Jamaat, some of the prominent members included airforce personnel such as Group Captain Sarfraz, Group Captain Arif Kazmi, Wing Commander Muzamil Jibran, and (the above-mentioned) Squadron Leader Mohsin Khan.

100 Bashir, Shahzad, Sufi Bodies: Religion and Society in Medieval Islam (New York, 2011), p. 189CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

101 Muhammad, Ghulam, The Journey from Murshid abad to Makli Thatta (Murshidabad, 2014), p. 34Google Scholar.

102 Muhammad, Murshid Jaisa na dekha koi, p. 67

103 Muhammad, The Journey from Murshid abad to Makli Thatta, p. 45.

104 Green, Nile, ‘The Faqir and the Subalterns: Mapping the Holyman in Colonial South Asia’, Journal of Asian History 41, 1 (2007), p. 68Google Scholar.

105 Green, Nile, ‘Jack Sepoy and the Dervishes: Islam and the Indian Soldier in Princely India’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 18, 1 (2008), p. 34Google Scholar.

106 Green, Islam and the Army in Colonial India, pp. 2–3.

107 Ahmed-ud-Din, Hayat-e-Tayaba, p. 345.

108 Noor, Farish A., Islam on the Move: the Tablighi Jama'at in south east Asia (Amsterdam, 2012), p. 85Google Scholar.

109 It is hoped that this study may provide future avenues of research which could include comparative examination of other preaching movement in the Pakistan Army during the Ayub era. It might also prompt additional assessment of the impact of Ahmadi and Shia missionary activities in 1950s Pakistan. A comparative study of use of Islam by the army during the Ayub and Zia eras could also usefully be made.