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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 May 2021
Using sources in Arabic, Gujarati, Ottoman, Persian and Urdu, this article examines the foundation of Bohra and Khoja pilgrimage institutions straddling western India and Iraq's Shīʿī shrine cities between 1897 and 1932. As manifestations of ‘locative piety’, these institutions were an outgrowth of the commercial capital Bohra and Khoja merchants had acquired in Indian Ocean trade over the previous half century, and the distinct caste and sectarian identities this wealth augmented. The Bohra and Khoja (both Twelver and Ismāʿīlī) mercantile and religious elites supplied their constituents with a well-ordered pilgrimage to Iraq, certainly by the standards of contemporary Hajj. To achieve this, community-run institutional nodes in Karachi, Bombay and the Shīʿī shrine cities were integrated into wider transport, administrative, and financial infrastructures connecting India and Iraq. Yet at a time when Najaf and Karbala's economic and religious fortunes were plagued by sectarianism, political upheavals and divisions among the mujtahids, the growing presence of western Indian Shīʿīs in the shrine cities was fiercely condemned by some Twelver Shīʿī clerics. One of their number, Muḥammad Karīm Khurāsānī, published a substantial polemic against the Bohras and Khojas in 1932, signalling how these pilgrimage infrastructures worked to exacerbate intra-Shīʿī disputes.
Many people provided comments on this article at various stages in the production line. I am especially grateful to my three anonymous reviewers for their incisive comments on the first draft, which prompted me to substantially rethink the piece and add a variety of new material. My gratitude also extends to Frederick Walter Lorenz, Pauline Lewis, Kaleb Herman Adney, Roy Bar Sadeh and Sohaib Baig. Yusuf Mallu deserves special thanks for help in reading some of the material studied here. I am also grateful to Sarah Ansari for providing exceptional editorial assistance.
2 The transliteration method adopted here depends on the language of the text being discussed. For example, while the transliteration qaum (community) is used when it appears in a Persian or Urdu text, when the term is found in a Gujarati source kom is instead utilised. Likewise, when a Gujarati work is cited, the transliteration Dalīlul Hujjāj is used, rather than the proper Arabic transliteration Dallīl al-Hujjāj. However, in the case of the Bohra Faiż-i Ḥussainī, I have adopted Arabic transliteration as this more closely approximates the organisation's name in Arabic, English and Urdu sources than the Gujarati Phayje/Faije Husenī. Transliteration of Gujarati and Urdu terms is done according to the Library of Congress system. Arabic, Ottoman Turkish and Persian words are transliterated according to the system used in the International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies (IJMES). Proper names of individuals are transliterated throughout, with Gujarati transliterations used only with regards to Bohra and Khoja authors. Finally, it should be remembered that Gujarati spellings have changed substantially over the past century and a half and I have not changed historical usages to match today's conventions.
3 Cole, Juan R. I., ‘“Indian money” and the Shi'i shrine cities of Iraq, 1786–1850’, Middle Eastern Studies 22, 4 (1986), pp. 461–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Litvak, Meir, ‘Money, Religion, and Politics: The Oudh Bequest in Najaf and Karbala', 1850–1903’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, 1 (Feb., 2001), pp. 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 Here I will refer to the Ṭayyībī Mustaʿlīs as Bohras, and differentiate between Nizārī and Ithnā ʿAsharī Khojas by calling the former Ismāʿīlī Khojas and the latter Twelver Khojas. The first six imāms are revered by Ismāʿīlī and Twelver Shīʿa alike. Where the two depart is over who was the rightful successor of the sixth imām, Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq. The Ismāʿīlīs believe the successor was Ismāʿil b. Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq (hence their name), while Imāmī Shīʿa believe that because Ismāʿil predeceased his father, Mūsā ibn Jaʿfar al-Kāzim became the true heir. Over time the various branches of Ismāʿīlīs developed competing interpretations of the imāmate, law and theology, and experienced distinct historical trajectories. For more on these matters see Hollister, John Norman, The Shi'a of India (New Delhi, 1979)Google Scholar; Daftary, Farhad, The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines (Cambridge, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and the various articles on Ismāʿīlīs in Encyclopedia Iranica.
5 Thakkar, Chirayu, ‘Transposing tirtha: Understanding religious reforms and locative piety in early modern Hinduism’, International Journal of Dharma Studies 5, 14 (2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 Slight, John, The British Empire and the Hajj: 1865–1956 (Cambridge, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Report of the Haj Inquiry Committee (Calcutta, 1931).
8 With that said, Faiż-i Rażawiyya subsequent decades saw the further expansion of such organisations in India and Pakistan.
9 Sayyid Muslim Raża, Ruznāma-i Safar-i ʿIrāq-o-Irān (Hyderabad, 1336 [1920]), p. 18.
10 IOR/L/PS/10/77, File 1290/1905 ‘Mesopotamia: Oudh Bequest’ 56r]. By his own account, Lorrimer himself used a stipend of Rs. 200 to “make arrangements of this sort at Kadhimain, Karbala, Najaf and Samarrah” for Indian pilgrims.
11 Muḥammad Karīm Khurāsānī, Kitāb Tanbīhāt al-Jalīyah fī Kashf Asrār al-Bāṭinīyya fī Tārīkh al-Aghākhānīyya wa-l-Buhra (Najaf, 1932).
12 Fuchs, Simon Wolfgang, In a Pure Muslim Land: Shi'ism between Pakistan and the Middle East (Durham, 2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, Justin, Shia Islam in Colonial India: Religion, Community and Sectarianism (Cambridge, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weiss, Max, Shadow of Sectarianism: Law, Shi`ism, and the Making of Modern Lebanon (Cambridge, 2010)Google Scholar.
13 Alessandro Monsutti and Farian Sabahi (eds.), The Other Shiites: From the Mediterranean to Central Asia (Bern, 2007).
14 Justin Jones and Ali Usman Qasmi (eds.), The Shi‘a in Modern South Asia (Cambridge, 2015).
15 Low, Michael Christopher, Imperial Mecca: Ottoman Arabia and the Indian Ocean Hajj (New York, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Slight, The British Empire and the Hajj.
16 Hyder, Syed Akbar, Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory (Oxford, 2006)Google Scholar.
17 Grondelle, Marc van, The Ismailis in the Colonial Era: Modernity, Empire and Islam (New York, 2009)Google Scholar; Mukherjee, Soumen, Ismailism and Islam in Modern South Asia: Community and Identity in the Age of Religious Internationals (Cambridge, 2017)Google Scholar.
18 Of course, the exception is the literature devoted to the Khoja ginans.
19 Engineer, Ashgar Ali, The Muslim Communities of Gujarat: An Exploratory Study of Bohras, Khojas, and Memons (New Delhi, 1989)Google Scholar.
20 Aḥmad, Ashraf al-Dīn, Ṭabaqāt-i muḥsinīyya (Calcutta, 1893)Google Scholar.
21 Papanek, Hanna, ‘Pakistan's Big Businessmen: Muslim Separatism, Entrepreneurship, and Partial Modernization’, Economic Development and Cultural Change 21, 1 (Oct., 1972), pp. 1–32Google Scholar; Markovits, Claude, ‘Muslim Businessman in South Asia c. 1900–1950, in Claude Markovits, Merchants, Traders, Entrepreneurs: Indian Business in the Colonial Era (Basingstoke and New York, 2008), pp. 105–127CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22 Damodaran, H., India's New Capitalists: Caste, Business, and Industry in a Modern Nation (Basingstoke, 2008), p. 297CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Timur Kuran and Anantdeep Singh, ‘Economic Modernization in Late British India : Hindu-Muslim Differences’, Economic Research Initiatives at Duke (ERID) Working Paper 53 (2010), pp. 1–50; Anantdeep Singh, ‘The Divergence of the Economic Fortunes of Hindus and Muslims in British India: A Comparative Institutional Analysis’ (Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Southern California, 2008).
23 Sood, Gagan, India and the Islamic Heartlands: An Eighteenth-Century World of Circulation and Exchange (Cambridge, 2016), p. 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
24 Jones, Justin, Shi'a Islam in Colonial India: Religion, Community and Sectarianism (Cambridge, 2012)Google Scholar.
25 Blank, Jonah, Mullahs on the Mainframe: Islam and Modernity among the Daudi Bohras (Chicago, 2001), p. 283Google Scholar.
26 For example, the Khoja jamāʿat in Zanzibar remitted Rs. 60,000 to Bombay as early as the 1870s when the Khoja population on the island was still relatively small. ‘Great Britain and Zanzibar’, in British and Foreign State Papers, 1871–1872, Vol. LXII (London, 1877), p. 1094.
27 An Account of the Khoja Sunnat Jamaat Bombay (Karachi, 1969).
28 Thareen, SherAli, Defending Muḥammad in Modernity (Notre Dame, IN., 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
29 For example, compare how the Twelver Khoja polemicist, Edaljī Dhanajī Kābā, writes about the Bohras and Ismāʿīlī Khojas: Edaljī Dhanjī Kābā, Khojā Komnī Tavārīkh Kōmnī Tavārīkh (Amreli, 1912), pp. 136–148.
30 This is not to deny that such polemics exist, only that the preponderance of Bohra and Khoja works concern the policing the boundaries of the jamāʿat.
31 Jamel Velji, ‘Bohra’, in Encyclopedia of Islam, (ed.) Judan Eduardo Campo (New York, 2009), p. 111.
32 Blank, Mullahs on the Mainframe, pp. 49–51.
33 Of course, religious conflicts among Bohras in earlier centuries had led to the emergence of separate ʿAlavī and Sulaimānī Bohra communities.
34 Muḥammad ʿAbbās Rifāʿat Shīrwānī, Qalāyid al-javāhir fī aḥvāl al-bavāhir: dar aḥvāl-i ṭāiʾfa-yi mazhab-i Ismāʿīlīyya, mulaqqab bi ʿumdat al-akhbār ([Bombay]: 1301 [1883]), p. 24.
35 The role of the jamāʿat in Bohra commercial success has long been hinted at in passing, see Salvadori, Cynthia, Through Open Doors: A View of Asian Cultures in Kenya (Nairobi: Kenway Publications, 1989), p. 259Google Scholar.
36 Abdul Qaiyum Mulla Habibullah, His Holiness Doctor Syedna Taher Saifuddin Saheb, Dai-ul-Mutlaq of Dawoodi Bohra ([Bombay, [196-?]), p. 12.
37 The case has been dissected at length by Purohit., Teena The Aga Khan Case: Religion and Identity in Colonial India (Cambridge, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
38 Green, Nile, Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the Western Indian Ocean, 1840–1915 (Cambridge, 2011), Chapter 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
39 A useful survey of these conflicts is Michel Boivin, La rénovation du shi'isme ismaélien en Inde et au Pakistan: d'après les écrits et les discours de Sultan Muhammad Shah Aga Khan (1902–1954) (London, 2003), Chapter 10.
40 Margret Frenz, ‘Doing Well but Also Doing Good? East African Indian Merchants and their Charitable Work’, in Knowledge and the Indian Ocean: Intangible Networks of Western India and Beyond, (ed.) Sara Keller (Cham, 2019), pp. 173–189.
41 See the following missal to the Khoja jamāʿats in Poona and Rangoon threatening excommunication, Sarkar, Mawlana, The Khoja Shia Imāmi Ismaili Council (Poona): Rules and Regulations (Poona, 1913)Google Scholar.
42 Khojā śiā isnā aśrī jamātnā kāydā buk (Mumbai, 1901).
43 Akhtar, Iqbal, The Khōjā of Tanzania: Discontinuities of a Postcolonial Religious Identity (Leiden, 2016), p. 97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
44 For example, see ‘Karbalā’, Rāhe Najātnō Vadhāro, Vol. 26, [Unknown issue], (1337 [1921]), pp. 68–71.
45 Fattah, Hala Mundir, The Politics of Regional trade in Iraq, Arabia, and the Gulf, 1745–1900 (Albany, 1997), pp. 199–201Google Scholar; Anscombe, Frederick, The Ottoman Gulf: The Creation of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar (New York, 1997)Google Scholar.
46 Özcan, Azmi, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 1877–1924 (Leiden, 1997), p. 113Google Scholar.
47 Çetinsaya, Gökhan, The Ottoman Administration of Iraq, 1890–1908 (London, 2006), p. 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
48 Bağdād Vilāyet Sālnāmesi (Baghdad, 1907), p. 234; pp. 279-280; 289-290. An ice factory - presumably that operated by the Bohra firm, Abdul Ali & Co., (discussed below) - is mentioned on p. 208.
49 Selim Deringil, ‘The Struggle Against Shi'ism in Hamidian Iraq, A Study in Ottoman Counter-Propaganda’, Die Welt des Islams XXX (1990), pp. 45–62.
50 Jaʿfar Bāqir Āl Maḥbubah Al-Najafī, Māḍī al-Najaf wa-ḥāḍiruhā (Najaf, 1955).
51 Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ḥussain Karbalāʾī Karnātakī Hindī, Taz̲kirat al-ṭarīq fī maṣāʾib ḥujjāj bayt Allāh al-ʿatīq: Shavvāl 1230-Jamādī al-Ūlā 1232 (Qom, [2007 or 2008]), p. 108.
52 See the numerous references to the firm in the pages of The Levant Trade Review from 1911.
53 IOR/L/MIL/17/15/41/3, ‘Handbook of Mesopotamia. Vol. II. 1917’, p. 379.
54 IOR/L/PS/10/188, ‘Sir G. Lowther to Sir Edward Grey: Enclosure in No. 1’, in Mesopotamia: Baghdad affairs. Miscellaneous, p. 133.
55 IOR/L/PS/10/188, ‘Enclosure 20 in No. 1: Statement of Faiz Muhammad-ibn-Noor Muhammad, British Subject, in the Service of Messrs. Abdul Ali Brothers, Bagdad’, Mesopotamia: Baghdad affairs. Miscellaneous, pp. 155–156.
56 IOR/L/PS/10/188, ‘No. 1 Sir G. Lowther to Sir Edward Grey’, in Mesopotamia: Baghdad affairs. Miscellaneous, p. 142.
57 IOR/L/PS/10/188, ‘Enclosure 4 in No. 1 - Messrs. Abdul Ali Brothers to Consul-General Lorimer’, Mesopotamia: Baghdad affairs. Miscellaneous, p. 151.
58 IOR/L/PS/10/570, No. S-148 of 17, p. 115.
59 NAI (National Archives of India), Progs., Nos, 820-X, 1923, ‘Saiyid Saifuddin Mulla of Dawoodi Bohra respecting the ill-treatment of certain Bohra pilgrims at the shrines in Kerbala’.
60 Māṇekjī, Irān ane Irāk-mã Musāpharī (Karachi, 1922), pp. 141–142.
61 Kaykhusro Ardaśīr Phīṭr, Irān-Irāk Musāpharīnī Ghāīḍ (Printer Unknown, 1931), p. 195.
62 IOR/L/PS/10/531/2, ‘Telegram from Viceroy - 2 November 1918’, in ‘Mesopotamia: Banking Facilities’, p. 136.
63 ‘Introduction’, in A Modern History of the Ismāʿīlīs: Continuity and Change in a Muslim Community, (ed.,) Farhad Daftary (London, 2011), p. 8.
64 ‘Khak-i Shafa’, in Encyclopaedia of Ismāʿīlīsm, (ed.) Mumtaz Ali Tajddin Sadik (Karachi, 2006).
65 H.H. The Agha Khan, G.C.S.I., ‘The Turkish Treasury Bonds’, The Comrade (1 March 1913), pp. 182–3.
66 Cited in Devji, Faisal, Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea (Cambridge, Mass, 2013), p. 71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
67 Durham University, Abbas Hilmi II Papers, HIL/88/31-39.
68 E.J. Lakphati et al. (eds.), Imānnī Rośanī (Bombay, 1919 [?]), pp. 15–17.
69 Aga Khan III: Selected Speeches and Writings of Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah, Vol. 2, p. 911.
70 Mumtaz Ali Tajddin Sadik, 101 Ismaili Heroes: Late 19th Century to Present Age, Vol. 1 (Karachi, 2003), p. 16.
71 ‘Pharamān 212 muṃ’, Kalāme Imāme Mubīn: yānē, Nūr Maulānā Hājar Imāmna Pavitra Pharamāno, Ī.S. 1911 thī 1951 Sudhīnī, Vol. 2 (Bombay, 1952 [?]), p. 42.
72 I base this on my knowledge of several Twelver Khoja firms from Zanzibar to Madagascar.
73 IOR/R/15/2/349 ‘File 9/8 Japanese trade activities in the Persian Gulf’ [26r] (51/70); IOR/L/PS/12/3400 Coll 28/6 ‘Persia; Diaries: Khuzistan (Ahwaz) Diaries Jany 1931 – 1937.’ [564r] (1138/1548)
74 Philip Shenon, ‘B.C.C.I.'s Best Customer Is Also Its Worst Customer’, The New York Times, 6 August 1991, Section D., p. 1.
75 The history is briefly chronicled at https://www.faizepanjetani.com/ (accessed 1 June 1 2020).
76 In 1984 the Indian police raided the offices of the trust on the pretext that it was a “havala den, a racket by which delivery of foreign currency is made abroad in return for the payment of a high exchange price in Indian rupees.” This was done in return for Saudi Arabian Hajj visas. Coomi Kapoor, ‘Foreign exchange scandal involving Dawoodi Bohra Haj pilgrims breaks out’, India Today (30 September 1984).
77 ‘Phayje Husenī ṭrasṭ’, Pākistānī Dāudī Vohrā Vastī Patrak (Karachi, 1966), pp. 118–119.
78 Ibid.
79 ‘Fazalhussain Mulla Haiderbhoy and another—Plaintiffs. vs. Abdullabhoy Shaikh Ismailji and another—Defendants. Suit No. 1227 of 1946, decided on 2nd August 1950’, The Dominion Law Reporter, Nagpur, Vol. VI, Bombay High Court (Nagpur, 1951), pp. 39–47.
80 Bohras & the Waqf Act: being a plea for the application of The Mussalman Waqf Act of 1923 to the Dawoodi Bohra Community in the Bombay Presidency and elsewhere (Burhanpur, 1929), p. 13.
81 ‘New Borah High Priest: A Personal Sketch’, Times of India (7 April 1906), p. 7.
82 Musajī, Adamjī, Rāhe Karbalā (Karachi, 1924)Google Scholar.
83 Mīr Asad ʿAlī Khān, Irāq wa Īrān: yaʻnī, safarnāma-i maqāmāt-i muqaddasa (Ḥaidarābād, 1931), p. 60.
84 Ibid., p. 79.
85 Ibid., p. 72.
86 I purchased this item on consignment from a bookseller in India, but unfortunately the book was misplaced by the seller in the process of shipment. I am therefore unable to provide full bibliographic information about it, but I can verify its authenticity.
87 ʿAbd Allāh Ḥussain Hākīmjī Buṭwāla, Dalīlul Hujjāj (Mumbai, 1328 [1908]).
88 Ibid., p. 3.
89 Ibid., pp. 4–5. A key part of the Bohra itinerary in Mecca was Jannat al-Muʿallā, the cemetery destroyed by the Saudis in the 1920s, see pp. 6–7.
90 Ibid., p. 39.
91 Musajī, Rāhe Karbalā, p. 8.
92 Ibid. See advertisements in first unnumbered pages.
93 Ibid., p. 6.
94 Ibid., p. 12
95 Ibid., p. 20.
96 Ibid.
97 Ibid., pp. 20–21.
98 Ibid., p. 20.
99 Ibid.
100 Ibid., p. 24.
101 Ibid.
102 Ibid., p. 64–65.
103 ʿAbd al-Majīd Daryābādī, Safar-i Ḥijāz: Ḥajj va ziyārat kā mufaṣṣal va mukammal hidāyat nāma (Aʿẓamgaṛh, 1931), pp. 40–41.
104 Musajī, Rāhe Karbalā, pp. 36, 72.
105 ʿAbd al-Razzāq Ḥasanī, Tārīkh al-wizārāt al-ʿIrāqīyyah, Vol. 4 (Ṣaida, 1953), p. 17.
106 Habibullah, His Holiness Doctor Syedna, p. 12.
107 Several Palestinian newspapers in the late 1930s published articles on the dāʿī al-muṭlaq's visit to Palestine, Damascus and Cairo and the donations he made. Some even featured a front-page article with photos. See ‘ʿAẓima Sulṭān al-Bohra fī Filasṭīn’ and subsidiary articles in Filasṭīn (6 May 1937).
108 Diqin, Muḥammad, Kiswat al-Kaʿbah al-muʿaẓẓamah ʿabr al-tārīkh (Cairo, 1986), p. 57Google Scholar.
109 Zakī Mubārak, Al-Taṣawwuf al-Islāmī fī al-ʿAdab wa al-ʿAkhlāq (Beirut, 2020), p. 370.
110 Samīr ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd Ibrāhīm (ed.), Yawmīyāt riḥlah fī al-Ḥijāz, 1348 H / 1930 M, Ghulam Rasul Mehr (Riyadh, 1417 [1996 or 7]), p. 69.
111 ‘Anjuman-i-Faize-Panjetani (Pilgrim Institution)’, The Times of India Directory of Bombay (City & Province), including Karachi and Hyderabad State (1940), p. 210.
112 ‘Esmail Abdulkarim Panju’, in The Indian Year Book, Vol. XXXIII, (ed.) Sir Stanley Reed (Bombay & Calcutta, 1947), p. 1087.
113 Khojā Lavjī Jhīṇā Māstar Banāras, Kāshīthī Karbalā (Ahmedabad: Amarsinhji Press, 1922 (?)).
114 Unfortunately, I have not been able to track down this volume.
115 Jhīṇā Māstar, Kāshīthī Karbalā, p. 31.
116 Ibid., p. 34.
117 Ibid., p. 5.
118 Ibid., p. 7.
119 Worth noting is that in some Gujarati texts from this period Imām Ḥussain was described as a “Muharram Mahatma” and his final days a “satyagraha”.
120 Jhīṇā Māstar, Kāshīthī Karbalā, p. 8.
121 Ibid., p. 14.
122 Ibid., pp. 15–16.
123 Ibid., p. 19.
124 The quote is produced in English in the account.
125 Jhīṇā Māstar notifies the reader that he has put the Bohra's remarks in quotes because his Gujarati accent was quite irregular, saying “faij” instead of “faiz” when referring to the Faiż-i Ḥussainī. For the duration of his conversation with the Bohra, Jhīṇā Māstar attempted to replicate his accent, to humorous narrative effect in the text.
126 Ibid., p. 20.
127 Ibid., pp. 34–35.
128 Ibid., p. 24.
129 Ibid., p. 25.
130 Ibid., p. 26.
131 Ibid.
132 Ibid., pp. 26–27.
133 Ibid., p. 29.
134 Ibid.
135 Ibid.
136 Ibid. p. 30.
137 Ibid., p. 26.
138 Ibid.
139 Tajddin, 101 Ismaili Heroes, Vol.1, p. 194.
140 Mīr Asad ʿAli Khān, Irāq wa Īrān, p. 67.
141 Nakash, Yitzhak, The Shīʿīs of Iraq (Princeton, New Jersey, 1995), p. 76Google Scholar.
142 Ibid., pp. 85–90, 247–253.
143 Muḥsin Amīn, “Al-Maulvī Muḥammad Karı̄m bin Muhammad ʿAlī al-Khurāsānı̄,” Aʿyān al-Shīʿa, Vol. 14 (Beirut, 1998), p. 349.
144 Khurāsānī, Kitāb tanbīhāt, p. 3.
145 Ibid., p. 18.
146 Ibid., p. 11. These ‘sources’ appear to have been entirely Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs.
147 For a brief discussion of the press see al-Najafī, Madī al-Najaf, p. 119.
148 Nakash, The Shīʿīs of Iraq, pp. 256–257.
149 Ḥusayn Qulı̄ Jadı̄d al-Islām, Minhāj al-ṭālibı̄n kih radd bar firqah-i hālikah-i Bābı̄yah (Bombay, 1320 [1902]); Muḥammad Mahdı̄ Khān Tibrı̄zı̄, Miftāḥ Bāb al-abwāb (Cairo, 1321/1903-4).
150 Berkes, Niyazi, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (London, 1999), p. 9Google Scholar.
151 Khurāsānī, Kitāb tanbīhāt, p. 11
152 Ibid., see unnumbered first folio.
153 Ibid, p. 3.
154 Ibid., pp. 11, 17.
155 Ibid. pp. 58, 237.
156 Ibid., p. 271.
157 Ibid., p. 315.
158 Ibid., p. 315.
159 Ibid., pp. 238–239.
160 Ibid., p. 315.
161 Ibid., p. 321.
162 Ibid., pp. 321–322.
163 Ibid., p. 322.
164 Ibid., p. 322.
165 Ibid., p. 322.
166 The one-time house of Bahāʾ Allāh near Baghdad, formerly an important Bahāʾī pilgrimage site, was seized by Iraqi authorities in 1925. Walbridge, John, ‘Bahá'í Shrines’, Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 3, (New York, 1989)Google Scholar.