² Qian, Sima, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, trans. Watson, B. (Hong Kong New York, 2nd rev. ed., 1993), II, pp. 140–1.Google Scholar

³ Cleaves, , Secret History, pp. 141, 144.Google Scholar See also Gervers, M., Schlepp, W., “Felt and ‘Tent Carts’ in the Secret History of the Mongols” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 7/1 (04, 1997), pp. 94–5.Google Scholar

⁴ See the recent study of Spinei, V., Ultimele Valuri Migratoare de la Nordul Mǎrii Negre şi al Dunǎrii de Jos (laşi, 1996).Google Scholar There is a school of thought, however, which would place Turkic peoples in the Western Eurasian steppelands before the migrations set into motion by the activities of the Hsiung-nu, and identifies them with Scythian peoples, see the works of Miziev, I. M., Istorija Balkarii i Karačaja s drevnejšix vremën do poxodov Timura (Nal'čik, 1996)Google Scholar and his earlier Šagi k istokam étničeskoj istorii Central'nogo Kavkaza (Nal'čik, 1986)Google Scholar which I have seen only in an abridged Azeri translation: Mizi-ulu, İsmail, Merkezi Gafgaz'm Etnik Tarihinin Köklerine Doğru, çev. Eliyarli, S., Abdulla, M. (Istanbul, 1993).Google Scholar The question of the primordial habitat (Urheimat, prarodina, anayurdu) of the Turkic peoples remains problematic. The general consensus is that it is to be found in Inner Asia, in the Southern Siberian (Altay)-Lake Baykal region, perhaps extending into Western Siberia, see Golden, P. B., Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (Wiesbaden, 1992), pp. 124–6Google Scholar for a discussion of these issues.

⁵ Bartol'd, V. V. (Barthold, W.), Dvenadcai' lekcij po istorii tureckix narodov Srednej Azii in V. V. Bartol'd, Sočinenija (Moskva, 1963–1977), V, p. 86;Google Scholar Golden, , Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, pp. 184–5.Google Scholar

⁶ See al-Marwazî, , Ṭabâ'i al-Hayawân: Sharâf al-Zamân Tahir Marvazî on China, the Turks and India, trans, ed. Minorsky, V. F. (London, 1942), Arabic, p. 18/trans. pp. 29–30.Google Scholar

⁷ For examples of Qarluqs and Qipčaqs in the Mongol armies of conquest, see Kadyrbaev, , Tjurki i irancy v Kitae i Central'noj Azii XIII–XIV vv. (Alma-Ata, 1990), pp. 45–6.Google Scholar On the antipathy of the nomads to statehood, see Bartol'd, , Dvenadcat' lekcij in his Sočinenija, V, pp. 22–3;Google Scholar Khazanov, A. M., Nomads and the Outside World (Cambridge, 1983, 2nd ed., Madison, 1994), pp. 151–2;Google Scholar Golden, P. B., “The Qipčaqs of Medieval Eurasia: An Example of Stateless Adaptation in the Steppes” in Seaman, G., Marks, D., Rulers From the Steppe. State Formation on the Eurasian Periphery (Los Angeles, 1991), pp. 132–157.Google Scholar

⁸ Déer, J., Pogány magyarság keresztény magyarság (Budapest, 1938), pp. 10–16.Google Scholar On the structure of Eurasian (esp. Turkic) tribal unions, see Pritsak, O., “Stammesnamen und Titulaturen der Altaischen Völker” Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher, 24 (1952), pp. 52–4Google Scholar and his “The Distinctive Features of the Pax Nomadica” Popoli delle Steppe in XXXV Settimana di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo (Spoleto, 1988), II, pp. 747–788;Google Scholar Eberhard, W., Conquerors and Rulers. Social Forces in Medieval China (Leiden, 1970), pp. 113–117.Google Scholar

⁹ Thus, Porphyrogenitus, Constantine, De Administrando Imperio, ed. Moravcsik, Gy., trans. Jenkins, R. J. H., Dumbarton Oaks Texts, 1 (Washington, D.C., 1967), pp. 174, 175,Google Scholar in his chapter on the joining of the Qabars to the Hungarian tribal union, remarks that “because in wars they show themselves strongest and most valorous of the eight clans, and are leaders in war, they have been promoted to be first clans.” Németh, Gyula, A honfoglaló magyarság kialakulása (Budapest, 1930), pp. 234–235Google Scholar suggests that they were given this (most exposed) position because they were the most recent to join the confederation. The T'ang-shu reports (Chavannes, E., Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux (St Petersburg, 1900, reprint: Paris, 1941), p. 94;Google Scholar Kjuner, N. V., Kitajskaie izvestija o narodax Južnoj Sibiri, Centra'noj Azii i Dal'nego Vostoka, Moskva, 1961, p. 33)Google Scholar that the Uyğurs, after having subjugated the Basmil and Qarluqs “always form their advance guard from these two tribes” when going out on campaign. Obviously, the intent was to have new (and perhaps unreliable) forces bear the brunt of the enemies attack.

¹⁰ Morgan, D., The Mongols (Oxford, 1987), p. 89.Google Scholar

¹¹ Togan, İ., Flexibility and Limitation in Steppe Formations. The Kerait Khanate and Chinggis Khan (Leiden, 1998), pp. 8, 11–12.Google Scholar

¹² Cleaves, , Secret History, pp. 132–133.Google Scholar

¹³ Kyčanov, E. I., Očerki istorii tangutskogo gosudarstva (Moskva, 1968), pp. 315–330;Google Scholar Allsen, T., “Ever Closer Encounters: The Appropriation of Culture and the Apportionment of Peoples in the Mongol Empire” Journal of Early Modern History, 1 (1997), pp. 17–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ Sultanov, T. I., Kočevye plemena Priural'ja v XV–XVII vv. (Moskva, 1982), pp. 15, 31;Google Scholar Piščulina, K. A., Jugovostočnyj Kazaxstan v seredine XIV–načale XVI vekov (Alma-Ata, 1977), p. 233.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Allsen, , “Ever Closer Encounters,” Journal of Early Modern History, 1 (1997), pp. 2–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar for an overview of this question.

¹⁶ On the nököd, see Vladimircov, B. Ja., Obščestvennyj stroj mongolov (Leningrad, 1934), pp. 87–88;Google Scholar Ratchnevsky, P., Genghis Khan. His Life and Legacy, trans. ed. Haining, T. N. (Oxford, 1992), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Togan, , Flexibility, p. 11,Google Scholar has suggested that Cinggis Qan, using his personal retinue, “created his own polity as a third and overwhelmingly popular alternative” to the powerful Kereyid and Naiman early monarchic, confederations. He was joined by those tribes who were otherwise “disenfranchised” and were willing to become part of a non-tribal army and by Muslim merchants.

¹⁸ Togan, , Flexibility, pp. 117, 121.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Togan, , Flexibility, pp. 137–140, 146.Google Scholar

²⁰ ad-Dîn, Rašîd, Jâmi' at-Tavârîx ed. Rowšan, M. and Mûsavî, M. (Tehran, 1373/1994), I, p. 74.Google Scholar Jâmî' at-Tavârîx ed. Karîmî, B. (Tehran, 1338/1959), I, p. 55.Google Scholar

²¹ Vladimircov, , Obščestvennyj stroj, pp. 63, 108–9, 125–6, 130–1;Google Scholar Togan, , Flexibility, pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

²² Vladimircov, , Obščestvennyj stroj, pp. 72–74.Google Scholar

²³ For these definitions see Lessing, F. et al. , Mongolian-English Dictionary (3rd ed., Bloomington, 1995), pp. 112, 646, 876;Google Scholar Doerfer, G., Türkische und Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen (Wiesbaden, 1963–1975), I, pp. 160ff.Google Scholar Pelliot, P., Hambis, L., Histoire des campagnes de Gengis Khan (Leiden, 1951), I, pp. 85–6Google Scholar made this correction some time ago, rendering ötegü boġol as “esclaves ancestraux, c'est-à-dire dont les services remontent à plusiers générations.” These “slaves,” however, retained freedom of mobility.

²⁴ Rašîd ad-Dîn, ed. Rowšan, , Mûsavî, , I, pp. 66, 321, III, p. 2286;Google Scholar Vladimircov, , Obščestvennyj stroj, pp. 63–4.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Fëdorov-Davydov, G. A., Obščestvennyj stroj Zolotoj Ordy (Moskva, 1973), pp. 36–8Google Scholar also has a discussion of this term and the literature dealing with it. He is not that certain that this term denoted a “bound vassal” but notes that Rašîd ad-Dîn discusses various types of vassalage and dependency and points to differences, in this respect, between nomadic and sedentary populations brought into the Činggisid state.

²⁷ Vladimircov, , Obščestvennyj stroj, pp. 68, 98“9;Google Scholar Togan, , Flexibility, pp. 112–116;Google Scholar Krader, L., “Feudalism and the Tatar Polity of the Middle Ages” Comparative Studies in Society and History, I/1 (10, 1958), pp. 82–3.Google Scholar

²⁸ Tapper, R., Frontier Nomads of Iran. A Political History of the Shahsevan (Cambridge, 1997), p. 8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ Jagchid, S., “The Kitans and Their Cities” Central Asiatic Journal, XXV/1–2 (1981), p. 71Google Scholar who notes that the Qitan invaded Chinese lands, “looted the cities and towns and brought back artisans and peasants as booty to strengthen their nomadic economy.” See also, pp. 83–4.

³⁰ Wittfogel, K. A., Fêng, C-S., History of Chinese Society. Liao (907–1125) (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, N.S., 36, 1946, Philadelphia, 1949), pp. 46–50, 86ff. 193.Google Scholar

³¹ Wittfogel, Fêng, History, pp. 540–541,Google Scholar see also Barfield, J., The Perilous Frontier. Nomadic Empires and China (Oxford, 1989), pp. 174–175.Google Scholar

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³³ Crone, P., Slaves on Horses. The Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 37–38, 53, 55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁴ Janhunen, J., Manchuria. An Ethnic History (Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, 222, Helsinki, 1996), p. 101;Google Scholar Barfield, , The Perilous Frontier, p. 253.Google Scholar On the complexities of Manchu socio-political organization, see Crossley, P. K., The Manchus (Oxford, 1997), pp. 6–8, 24–30.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cleaves, , Secret History, p. 173;Google Scholar Rašîd ad-Dîn, ed. Rowšan, and Mûsavî, , I, pp. 143–144, ed. Karîmî, B., I, pp. 109–110;Google Scholar Grousset, R., L'empire mongol (Paris, 1942), pp. 199–201;Google Scholar Trepavlov, V. V., Gosudarstvennyj stroj Mongol'skoj imperii XIIIv. (Moskva, 1993), pp. 47–50.Google Scholar

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³⁷ See Golden, , Introduction, pp. 404–406;Google Scholar Abramzon, S. M., Kirgizy i ix étnogenetičeskie i istoriko-kul'tumye svjazi (Leningrad, 1971), pp. 10–70;Google Scholar Baktygulov, Dž., “Formirovanie kyrgyzskogo naroda” in Asankanov, A. et al. (eds.), Kyrgyzy. Étnogenetičeskie i étnokul'tumye processy v drevnosti i srednevekov'e v Central'noj Azii (Biškek, 1996), pp. 164–179.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Semënov, A. A., “Očerk kul′turnoj roli ujgurov v mongol′skix gosudarstvax” in Sadvakasov, G. S. et al. (eds.), Materialy po istorii i kul′ture ujgurskogo naroda (Alma-Ata, 1978), pp. 32–34, 38–39;Google Scholar Allsen, , “The Yüan Dynasty,” pp. 266–267;Google Scholar Kadyrbaev, , Očerki, pp. 88–89, 120–121.Google Scholar On “Central Asians” in Yüan government service, see Farquhar, D. M., The Government of China under Mongolian Rule (Stuttgart, 1990), pp. 34–35Google Scholar and sections on the Uyğurs, Qarluqs, Qipčaq-Qangli et al. Among the chiliarchies {minggġan) and guards units there were Alano-As (Asud), “Muslims,” Tanguts, Koreans, Jürčens and the Turkic Qipčaq-Qangli and Qarluqs, see Farquhar, , Op. cit., pp. 245ff.Google Scholar

⁴² A History of the Moghuls of Central Asia, being the Tarikh-i Rashidi of Mirza Muhammad Haidar, Dughlat, ed. Elias, N., trans. Ross, E. D. (London, 1898, reprint: 1972), pp. 311, 360;Google Scholar Khān, Abu'l-Ġāzī Bahādūr, Šajara-yi Türk, ed. trans. Desmaisons, P. (St. Petersburg, 1871–1874, reprint: Amsterdam, 1970), Čağ. text, p. 275/trans. p. 297.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Juvainî, (ed. Qazwînî, ), I, pp. 56–58/ trans. Boyle, J. A., I, pp. 74–76;Google Scholar Rašîd ad-Dîn/Rowšan and Mûsavî, I, pp. 440–441; ed. Karînû, I, p. 320; Bretschneider, , Mediaeval Researches, II, pp. 40–41.Google Scholar According to the Secret History/Cleaves, pp. 171–172,Google Scholar “Arslan Qan of the Qarlu′ud” submitted to the Mongols without resistance after “Qubilai Noyan” was dispatched to bring him under their control. He was rewarded by being given a Činggisid bride. The Secret History appears to place these events before the submission of the Qirğiz. Juvainî, however, says that Arslan, caught up in the murkey politics of the fading Qara Qitai state, committed suicide in order to secure the succession of his son. The latter then revolted against the Qara Qitai, came to the court of Činggis Qan, submitted and was “received with marks of special distinction.” For a discussion of the campaign against Küčlüg, see Ratchnevsky, , Genghis Khan, pp. 118–119.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Kadyrbaev, , Tjurki i irancy, pp. 35–6.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ P. Buell in his biographical sketch of Sübötei, the great Mongol commander, places these events just after the submission of the Uyğurs, see de Rachewiltz, I. et al. (eds.), In the Service of the Khan. Eminent Personalities of the Early Mongol-Yüan Period (Wiesbaden, 1993), pp. 15–16.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ See the classic account in Barthold, W. (Bartol′d, V. V.), Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion, trans. Minorsky, T., ed. Bosworth, C. E. (3rd ed., London, 1968, reprint: Taipei, n.d.) pp. 400ff.;Google Scholar Bunijatov, , Gosudarstvo, PP. 137–155.Google Scholar On the fate of Terken Khatun and the Khwârazmšâh's family, see an-Nasawî/Bunijatov, Arabic, pp. 49–50/trans. p. 80; Juvainî, II, pp. 199–200/Boyle, II, pp. 465–468.

⁵⁶ Pelliot, , Hambis, (trans. ed.), Histoire des campagnes de Gengis Khan, I, pp. 106–107;Google Scholar Bretschneider, , Mediaeval Researches, I, pp. 302–303;Google Scholar Kadyrbaev, , Tjurki i irancy, p. 42.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Cf. the comments of ad-Dîn, Kamâl Aḥmad al-‘Adîm, ‘Umar b., Zubdat al-Ḥalab min Ta′nx Ḥalab, ed. Dahhân, S. (Damascus, 1387/1968), III, pp. 248ff.;Google Scholar Rašîd ad-Dîn, ed. Rowšan, and Mûsavî, , II, p. 816,Google Scholar ed. Karîmî, I, p. 577; Boyle, J. A. (trans.), The Successors of Genghis Khan (New York, 1971), p. 192Google Scholar mentions several episodes of Khwârazmian pressure on Aleppo.

⁵⁸ Bunijatov, , Gosudarstvo, pp. 187–195;Google Scholar Cahen, Cl., Pre-Ottoman Turkey, trans. Jones-Williams, J. (New York, 1968), pp. 245–246;Google Scholar Sevim, A., Yücel, Y., Türkiye Tarihi. Setçuklu ve Beylikler Dönemi (Ankara, 1989), pp. 167–169;Google Scholar Uzunçarşili, İ. H., Osmanli Tarihi, I (Ankara, 3rd ed., 1972), pp. 73–74Google Scholar and his Anadolu Beylikleri ve Akkoyunlu Karakoyunlu Devletleri (Ankara, 1969), pp. 39, 84.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ On this raid, see the discussion inMarquart, J., Über das Volkstum der KomanenGoogle Scholar in Bang, W., Marquart, J., Osttürkische Dialektstudien in the Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen N.F. 13/1 (1914), pp. 141ff.;Google Scholar Allsen, , “Prelude to the Western Campaigns” AEMAe, 3 (1983), pp. 8–14.Google Scholar

⁶² al-Aṯîr, Ibn, Al-Kâmil fi’t-Ta’rîx, ed. Tornberg, C. J. (Beirut reprint, 1965–1966, which differs in pagnination from the original Leiden, 1851–1876 ed.), XII, pp. 385–386;Google Scholar Rašîd ad-Dîn, ed. Rowšan, and Musavî, , I, p. 534, ed. Karîmî, , I, pp. 381–382.Google Scholar

⁶³ See discussion in Allsen, , “Prelude to the Western Campaigns” AEMAe, 3 (1983), pp. 10–14Google Scholar and on Mongol manpower recruitment his Mongol Imperialism. The Policies of the Grand Qan Möngke in China, Russia, and the Islamic Lands, 1251–1259 (Berkeley, 1987), pp. 190ff.,Google Scholar Mote, F. W., “Chinese Society under Mongol Rule, 1215–1368” in Franke, H., Twitchett, D., The Cambridge History of China, 6, Alien Regimes and Border States, 907–1368 (Cambridge, 1994), PP. 629–630.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Rašîd ad-Dîn, ed. Rowšan, and Mûsavî, , I, p. 492, 500–503, ed. Karîmî, , I, pp. 356,362–363.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Rašîd ad-Dîn, ed. Rowšan, and Mûsavî, , I, pp. 677ff., ed. Karîmî, , I, pp. 482ff.Google Scholar/Boyle, , Successors, pp. 69ff.;Google Scholar Allsen, , “Prelude” AEMAe, 3 (1983), pp. 14–22;Google Scholar Kadyrbaev, , Tjurki i irancy, pp. 42–44.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ On Činggisid politics surrounding the elevation of Müngke, see Allsen, , Mongol Imperialism, pp. i8ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Amitai-Preiss, R., Mongols and Mamluks. The Mamluk-Īlkhānid War, 1260–1281 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This is the most recent and thorough treatment of the Battle of‘Ayn Jâlût and its aftermath.

⁶⁸ Sâma, Abû, Tarâjim rijâl al-qamayn al-sâdis wa’l-sabi‘ al-ma‘rûf bi’l-ḏayl ‘alâ al-rawdatayn, ed. al-Kawṯarî, M. (Cairo, 1947), p. 208,Google Scholar cited in and translated by Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ See Allsen, T. T., “Changing Forms of Legitimation in Mongol Iran” in Seaman, G., Marks, D. (eds.), Rulers from the Steppe. State Formation on the Eurasian Periphery (Los Angeles, 1991), pp. 223–241Google Scholar which charts the changes in Mongol conceptions with respect to the Ilkhânids in Iran.

⁷⁰ See Juvainî, ed. Qazwînî, , I, p. 31,Google Scholar Juvainî/Boyle, , I, pp. 42–43.Google Scholar See also Barthold, , Turkestan, pp. 392–393;Google Scholar Barfield, , The Perilous Frontier, p. 212.Google Scholar

⁷¹ The standard work on the Ilkhânids is that of Spuler, B., Die Mongolen in Iran (4th rev. ed. Leiden, 1985).Google Scholar The legitimacy of the “il-khanate” is by no means clear. Jackson, P., “The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire” Central Asiatic Journal, 22 (1978), pp. 220–222,Google Scholar suggests that the il-khanate began as “an act of usurpation” that over time (by the reign of Ġazan, 1295–1304) was transformed into an independent khanate. This interpretation is in part countered by Allsen's more comprehensive and nuanced approach, see n. 69.

⁷² Morgan, D., Medieval Persia 1040–1797 (London-New York, 1988), p. 81;Google Scholar Martinez, A. P., “The Īl-Xânid Army” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 6 (1986), pp. 214–216Google Scholar and his “Changes in Chancellery Languages and Language Changes in General in the Middle East, with Particular Reference to Iran in the Arab and Mongol Periods” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 7 (1987–1991), pp. 107–110;Google Scholar Tapper, , Frontier Nomads of Iran, pp. 75–76.Google Scholar

⁷³ Daškevič, Ja. R., “Codex Cumanicus - dejstvitel′no li Cumanicus?” Voprosy Jazykoznanija 2 (1988), pp. 63–64.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ We shall not trace their history here. For a brief overview, see Murgulija, M. P., Šušarin, V. P., Polovcy, Gruzija, Rus′ i Vengrija v XII–XIII vekax (Moskva, 1998)Google Scholar and Golden, , Introduction, pp. 295–296Google Scholar and the literature cited there.

⁷⁵ On the tribes, see Golden, P. B., “Cumanica IV: The Tribes of the Cuman-Qipčaqs” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 9 (1995–1997). PP. 99–122.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ See Erdal, M., Die Sprache der wolgabolgarischen Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1993), pp. 10–22.Google Scholar An overview of ethnic processes in the Middle Volga region is given in Kuzeev, R. G., Narody Srednego Povolž′ja ijužnogo Urala (Moskva, 1992), see esp. pp. 67–80.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See Kuzeev's, R. G. detailed study Proisxoždenie baškirskogo naroda (Moskva, 1974)Google Scholar as well as his Narody Srednego Povolž′ ja noted above.

⁷⁹ Tenišev, É. R. et al. (eds.), Jazyki mira. Tjurkskie jazyki (Biškek, 1997), p. 299;Google Scholar Kakuk, Zs., Mai Török nyelvek, I (Budapest, 1976), pp. 58–59.Google Scholar

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⁸² See Piščulina, , Jugo-vostočnjy Kazaxstan, p. 36,Google Scholar who argues that these dislocations delayed the formation of the Qazaq people.

⁸³ Cf. Vostrov, V. V., Mukanov, M. S., Rodoplemennoj sostav i rasselenie kazaxov (Alma-Ata, 1968), pp. 32–36, 41–45;Google Scholar Kuzeev, , Proisxoždenie, pp. 356–359, 466–469;Google Scholar Sümer, , Oğuzlar, pp, 142, 149, 634, 540;Google Scholar Togan, , Flexibility, pp. 124–125.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ See Golden, P. B., “The Religions of the Qipčaqs” Central Asiatic Journal, 42/2 (1998), pp. 180–237Google Scholar and the axhaustive analysis of the conversion tales by De Weese, Devin, Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde (University Park, Pa., 1994).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ For a brief survey of the later Jočid realms see Allsen, , “The Princes of the Left Hand” AEMAe, 5 (1985), pp. 5–40Google Scholar Golden, , Introduction, pp. 297–302;Google Scholar Istorija Kazaxskoj SSR, ed. Nusupbekov, A. N. et al. (Alma-Ata, 1977), II, p. 151;Google Scholar Vásáry, I., Az Arany Orda (Budapest, 1986), p. 130.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ Bartol′d, , Dvendadcat′ lekcij, Sočinenija, V, pp. 148–151, 160–165, 171, 172;Google Scholar Piščulina, , Jugo-vostočnyj, p. 12–13, 39;Google Scholar Kempiners, , “Vaşşâf's Tajziyat” JAH, 22 (1988), pp. 171, 171–8;Google Scholar Manz, B. F., “The Ulus Chaghatay before and after Temür's Rise” Central Asiatic Journal, 27 (1983), pp. 81–2Google Scholar and her The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane (Cambridge, 1989), p. 43.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Secret History/Cleaves, pp. 10, 51, 52.Google Scholar For the history of the Barulas, see Grupper, S. M., “A Barulas Family Narrative in the Yuan shih: Some Neglected Prosopographical and Institutional Sources on Timurid Origins” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, VIII (1992–1994), pp. 11–97.Google Scholar

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⁹⁷ See the Tarikh-i Rashidi/Elias, Ross, P. 148.Google Scholar In his commentary p. 75, Ross remarks that in Mongol jete means “worthless person, ne'er-do-well, rascal,” but notes that he cannot find it in that meaning in the dictionaries. Barthold, (Islorija Kult′umoj žizni Turkestana, Sočinenija, II 1, p. 265)Google Scholar has it as a “Mongol term that corresponds to the Turkish qazaq and signifies a band of marauding outlaws who have broken with state, clan and tribe.” The လağatay-Persian dictionary, Sanglax (f. 205r) renders this term as “ğârat wa tâxt” (“plunder and spoils,” cited in Ando, Sh., Timuridische Emire nach dem Mu‘izz al-Ansâb, Berlin, 1992, pp. 52–53Google Scholar). I have not been able otherwise to find this word in Mongol or in Turkic. It is not related to the Osm. çete “a small, armed unit not part of the army,” which Eren, H. et al. (eds.), Türkçe Sözlük (Ankara, 1988), I, P. 296,Google Scholar derive from Bulgarian (cf. Bulg. četa, an Old Slavic term found also in Russ., cf. Fasmer, M. (Vasmer), Etimologičeskij slovar′ russkogo jazyka, trans. Trubačëv, O. N. (2nd ed. Moskva, 1986–1987), IV, p. 351):Google Scholar “otrjad, phalanx” SirRedhouse, James (A Turkish and English Laxicon, Constantinople, 1870, reprint Beirut, 1974, p. 714)Google Scholar thought it might be an Albanian term and knows it only in the expression çapul çeteye çikmak “to go on a marauding expedition,” çeteci, “a raider.”

⁹⁸ Tarikh-i Rashidi/Elias, Ross, pp. 75, text pp. 305–310;Google Scholar Bartol′d, , Dvenadcat′ lekcij, Sočinenija, V, pp. 169–170;Google Scholar Mano, E., “Moghulistan” Acta Asiatica of the Insitute of Eastern Culture, III–IV (Tokyo, 1978), pp. 47–53;Google Scholar Piščulina, , Jugo-vostočnyj, pp, 15, 189.Google Scholar

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¹⁰¹ They functioned similarly in the Mongol world. The Yüan-shih, in its biography of Jürčetai, notes that personal names served as clan names, see Ratchnevsky, P., “Zum Ausdruck ‘T’ouhsia‘ in der Mongolenzeit” in Heissig, W. (ed.), Collectanea Mongolica. Festschrift für Professor Dr. Rintchen zum 60. Geburtstag (Wiesbaden, 1966), pp. 173–174.Google Scholar

¹⁰² SirClauson, Gerard, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century Turkish (Oxford, 1972), p. 824;Google Scholar Redhouse Yeni Türkçe-İngilizce Sözlük (Istanbul, 1979), p. 978.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Clauson, , ED, p. 632;Google Scholar Redhouse, p. 652.

¹⁰⁴ Clauson, , ED, pp. 641, 896.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁶ Clauson, , ED, p. 385;Google Scholar Golden, P. B., “Cumanica IV: The Tribes of the Cuman-Qipčaqs” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 9 (1995–1997), p. 110.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Németh, , A honfoglaló magyarság kialakulása, pp. 32–50, 59–67, 71–72.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Cf. Hathaway, J., The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt (Cambridge, 1997).Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Németh, Gy., “Wanderungen des mongolischen Wortes Nökür ‘Genosse’” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 3 (1952), pp. 1–23.Google Scholar Krader, , ℌFeudalism and the Tatar Policy” Comparative Studies in History and Society, I/1 (10, 1958), p. 87,Google Scholar sees this institution as a “parallel development among people facing similar problems of military and political organization in a period of state formation” rather than the result of diffusion by borrowing.

¹¹¹ Lessing, et al. , Mongolian-English Dictionary, p. 593.Google Scholar

¹¹² Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire 284–602 (Oxford, 1964, reprint: Baltimore, 1986), I, pp. 49–50;Google Scholar Hornblower, S., Spawforth, A. (eds.), The Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd ed., Oxford, 1996), pp. 371–372;Google Scholar Wolfram, H., History of the Goths, trans. Dunlap, T. J. (Berkeley, 1988), p. 101;Google Scholar Bloch, M., Feudal Society, trans. Manyon, L. A. (Chicago, 1961), I, pp. 154, 182;Google Scholar Trubačëv, O. N. (ed.), Étimologičeskij slovar′ slavjanskix jazykov, vyp.5 (Moskva, 1978), pp. 134–135.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁷ Ch′i-Ch′ing, Hsiao, The Military Establishment of the Yüan Dynasty (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), pp. 34–35;Google Scholar Allsen, , Mongol Imperialism, pp. 99–100;Google Scholar Farquhar, , Government of China, pp. 2, 245.Google Scholar The turġa′ud (“day guards,” a term borrowed from Turkic turğaq “watchman, sentry,” see Clauson, , ED, p. 539Google Scholar) who formed one component of the Imperial Guard, at the Kereyid court (in all likelihood a model for Činggis) were often drawn from hostages (see Togan, , Flexibility, p. 75Google Scholar), a source above the fray of inter- and intra-clanal strife.

¹¹⁸ Clauson, , ED, p. 387.Google Scholar Whether it is the precise equivalent of the comitatus among the A-shih-na Türks which, according to the Chinese sources was called Böri (“wolf”) is unclear. But, apparently, it denoted some grouping of officers/retainers close to the ruler, who had executive functions. On the “wolf guard” of the Türks, see Mau-Tsai, Liu, Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Türken (T'u-küe) (Wiesbaden, 1958), I, pp. 8–9;Google Scholar see also Golden, P. B., “Wolves, Dogs and Qipčaq Religion” in Festschrift for Edmund Schütz, Acta Orientalia Hungarica, L/1 (1997), pp. 87–97.Google Scholar

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