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How were young Muslim minds shaped? A critical study of the kuttāb in Medieval Islam
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2021
Abstract
In medieval Islamic times and afterwards, the kuttāb was a modest institution for elementary education, with most emphasis being placed on learning the Qurʾān by heart―hence a ‘Qurʾānic school’ in English. Thus far, the topic of the kuttāb has been addressed by only a few modern works, leaving inadequately researched a number of critical related issues. This article is an attempt to give insights into the intellectual development of Muslim pedagogy in such archetypal primary schools. It looks into the teaching programmes and methods adopted for that intellectual preparation as well as their assumptions, rationales, implications, and consequences. The kuttāb's objectives are usually thought of as being universally identical, to help in the formation of a good Muslim. The picture, however, was more multifaceted, and the objectives, as well as means of their realisation, were moulded based on what a ‘good Muslim’ would mean according to those in command. Administrating the katātīb was a source, and a symptom, of competitive rivalry between the different intellectual tendencies in medieval Islam, who jostled for control over these critically significant institutions. The article thus delves into the intellectual, cultural, and socio-economic contexts in which primary education materialised and was practiced in pre-modern Islam.
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- Research Article
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- Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 32 , Special Issue 1: Situating Sanskrit after the Sultanates , January 2022 , pp. 141 - 185
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- Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Royal Asiatic Society
References
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21 See Landau, “Kuttāb”, pp. 568–569; Sahin, Abdullah, “Critical Issues in Islamic Education Studies: Rethinking Islamic and Western Liberal Secular Values of Education”, Religions 9 (2018), pp. 1–29 (p. 3)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tan, Charlene, “Colonialism, Postcolonialism, Islam, and Education”, in Handbook of Islamic Education, (eds.) Daun, Holger and Arjmand, Reza (Cham, 2018), pp. 1–12Google Scholar; Baiza, “Islamic Education”, p. 18. See also Kadi, Wadad, “Education in Islam—Myths and Truths”, Comparative Education Review 50 (2006), pp. 311–324 (p. 313)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On how the Muslims in his time responded to calls for modernisation of traditional Islamic education, and Islam in general, see Marmaduke Pickthall, “Muslim Education”, Islamic Culture 1 (1927), pp. 100–108. On the cultural repercussions of “the juxtaposition of inherited Islamic and borrowed or enforced Western secular educational cultures”, see Sahin, “Critical Issues”, pp. 1–29.
22 Landau, “Kuttāb”, p. 568.
23 See Abū ʿAlī b. Sīna, K. al-Siyāsa, (ed.) ʿAlī M. Isbir (Jableh, 2007), p. 88; Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, (ed.) ʿAbd Allāh M. al-Darwīsh, 2 vols (Damascus, 2004), ii, pp. 354–355; Abū Bakr b. al-ʿArabī, Aḥkām al-Qurʾān, (ed.) Muḥammad ʿA. ʿAṭā, 2nd revised edition, 4 vols (Beirut, 2003), iv, p. 349.
24 See Khalīfa Hājjī, Kashf al-ẓunūn ʿan asāmī al-kutub wa-l-funūn, (ed. and translated) Gustavus Flügel, 7 vols (Leipzig and London, 1835–1858), i, p. 29; Zakariyyā al-Anṣārī al-Luʾluʾ al-naẓīm fī rawm al-taʿallum wa-l-taʿlīm (Cairo, 1901), p. 5.
25 This opinion is held by Ibn Sīnā (Siyāsa, pp. 83–84); Ibn Khaldūn (Muqaddima, ii, p. 353); al-Ghazālī (Iḥyāʾ, p. 955); and Ibn al-Ḥājj al-ʿAbdarī, al-Madkhal, 4 vols (Cairo, n.d.), iv, pp. 295, 299. See also Tritton, “Muslim Education in the Middle Ages”, p. 82.
26 Al-Ghazālī, Mīzān al-ʿamal, (ed.) Sulaymān Dunyā (Cairo, 1964), p. 227. See also al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, p. 955; Günther, “Be Masters”, pp. 381–382; K. M. El Bagir, “Al-Ghazālī's Philosophy of Education: With Special Reference to Al-Iḥyāʾ, Book 1” (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1953), pp. 171–172.
27 Al-Haythamī, Majmaʿ al-zawāʾid wa-manbaʿ al-fawāʾid, (ed.) M ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā (Beirut, 2001), ḥadīth no. 515; Abū Ṭāhir al-Jīṭālī, Qanāṭir al-khayrāt, (eds.) S. Kasrawī Ḥasan and Kh. Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Samīʿ, 3 vols (Beirut, 2001), i, pp. 102–103. See also Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī, Minhājj al-mutaʿallim, (ed.) Aḥmad ʿInāya (Damascus, 2010), pp. 88–89; al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, p. 50.
28 Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, (ed.) M. al-ʿArūsī al-Maṭwī (Tunis, 1972), p. 81.
29 See Kh. Semaan, “Education in Islam: From the Jāhiliyya to Ibn Khaldūn”, The Muslim World 56 (1966), pp. 188–198 (pp. 191–192).
30 According to some medieval Muslim pedagogues, a genuine scholar is advised not to be engaged with such ‘distractions’ as marriage and having children.
31 On the proper age for a child to start attending the kuttāb, see al-Kattānī, Tarātīb, ii, pp. 201–202; M. ʿAṭiyya al-Abrāshī, al-Tarbiya al-islāmiyya wa-flāsifatuhā, 3rd edition (Cairo, 1976), pp. 187–188. Students were usually asked to leave the kuttāb at the age of puberty (around 13 or 14 years old), except for those who were outstandingly promising. See Rāshid Saʿd al-Qaḥṭānī, Awqāf al-sulṭān al-Ashraf Shaʿbān ʿalā al-ḥaramayn (Riyadh, 1994), p. 97; Hujjat Waqf al-sulṭān al-Ghūrī, as cited by Saʿīd ʿA. ʿĀshur, al-Mujtamaʿ al-miṣrī fī ʿaṣr salāṭīn al-mamālīk, 2nd revised edition (Cairo, 1992), p. 169; M. Asʿad Ṭalas, al-tarbiya wa-l-taʿlīm fi al-islam (Cairo, 2014), pp. 74–75; Shalabī, Tarbiya islāmiyya, pp. 201–203.
32 See Gilliot, “Introduction”, p. xxxiii.
33 Richard W. Bulliet, “The Age Structure of Medieval Islamic Education”, in Education and Learning in the Early Islamic World, (ed.) Claude Gilliot (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2012), pp. 39–51 (p. 51).
34 Al-Jāḥiẓ, al-Bayān wa-l-tabyīn, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Salām M. Hārūn, 7th edition, 4 vols (Cairo, 1998) i, p. 248. See also other views of al-Jāḥiẓ on the foolishness of schoolmasters in Ibn al-Jawzī, Akhbār al-ḥamqā wa-l-mughaffalīn, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Amīr Muhannā (Beirut, 1990), pp. 149–152; Shihāb al-Dīn al-Abshīhī, al-Mustaṭraf fī kul fann mustaẓraf, (ed.) M. Khayr al-Ḥalabī, 5th edition (Beirut, 2008), pp. 691–692.
35 On this book, see Gilliot, “Introduction”, p. xlv. See also Ṭawṭaḥ, Tarbiya, pp. 131–132.
36 Abū Bakr al-Warrāq, K. al-ʿālim wa-l-mutaʿallim, (eds.) Rifʿat Fawzī and ʿAlī ʿA. Mazīd, 2nd edition (Cairo, 2001).
37 Examples are: al-ʿĀlim wa-l-mutaʿallim by Ibn Ḥibbān al-Bustī (d. 354/965); Akhlāq al-ʿulamāʾ by Abū Bakr al-Ājurrī (d. 360/ 970); al-ʿĀlim wa-l-mutaʿallim by Aḥmad b. Abān al-Andalusī (d. 382/992); al-ʿĀlim wa-l-mutaʿallim by Ibn Sīda (Abū al-Ḥasan al-Mursī) (d. 458/1066). Apart from al-Ājurrī's, all these works are missing.
38 See Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 90; id., “Principles of Teaching”, pp. 72–73.
39 Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, pp. 110–111; id., “Principles of Teaching”, pp. 74–75.
40 Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 111.
41 Günther, “Be Masters”, p. 371 (nt. 9).
42 Ch. Pellat, “Al-Djāḥiẓ”, in EI2, ii (1991), pp. 385–387; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 110.
43 Al-Jāḥiẓ, Rasāʾil al-Jāḥiẓ, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Salām M. Hārūn, 4 vols (Cairo, 1964–79), iii, p. 128.
44 Pellat, “Al-Djāḥiẓ”, p. 385; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 111.
45 Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, Muʿjam al-udabāʾ: irshād al- arīb ilā maʿrifat al-adīb, (ed.) Iḥsān ʿAbbās, 7 vols (Beirut, 1993), v, pp. 2101–22 (especially 2103); Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist, (ed.) Riḍā Tajaddud, 10 vols (Tehran, 10 parts in 1, 197?), v, pp. 208–212; Pellat, “Al-Djāḥiẓ”, p. 385.
46 The Barmakīds were traditionally considered to be majūsī converts, but they were likely of Buddhist origin (associated with the Greek Bactrian Buddhist culture), although their exact provenance has always been shrouded in mystery. Some prefer to refer to them as an Iranian-Assyrian family.
47 See, for example, Ibn al-Ḥājj, Madkhal, ii, p. 122.
48 See Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 355.
49 The achievement of completing the memorisation of the Qurʾān, on the other hand, was called ‘ḥidhāq’. It is derived from the root ḥadhaqa, to ‘master [something]’.
50 On these celebrations, see Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, p. 204; Ibn al-Ḥājj, Madkhal, ii, pp. 331–334; ʿĀshur, al-Mujtamaʿ al-miṣrī, p. 168–169.
51 Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, p. 199.
52 Al-Jāḥiẓ, [Min] Kātib al-Muʿallimīn, in Rasāʾil al-Jāḥiẓ, iii, pp. 25–51 (pp. 32, 36, 38–39).
53 For more details on these types of mathematics, see Gunther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 123, n. 57.
54 Al-Jāḥiẓ K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 39. Al-Jāḥiẓ also dedicated a separate chapter to the secrets of effective writing and authorship. See al-Jāḥiẓ, K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 39–42.
55 Ibid., p. 45.
56 Gunther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 116.
57 Al-Jāḥiẓ, K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 45.
58 Ibid., pp. 45–48.
59 Some, however, date the beginning of the ʿAbbasid decline from the time of provincial autonomy in the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd.
60 See Rasāʾil al-Jāḥiẓ, i, pp. 1–86; iii, pp. 161–220.
61 Al-Jāḥiẓ, K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 45.
62 Ibid, p. 48.
63 Al-Jāḥiẓ, K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 49.
64 See Rasāʾil al-Jāḥiẓ, iv, pp. 253–258. See also: i, pp. 3–14.
65 Pellat, “al-Djāḥiẓ”, p. 385.
66 Al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, pp. 68–69; id., Minhājj, p. 92.
67 Ibn Ḥazm, Risālat Marātib al-ʿulūm, in Rasāʾil ibn Hazm al-Andalusī, (ed.) Iḥsān ʿAbbās, 4 vols (Beirut, 1983), iv, pp. 59–90 (p. 65).
68 Ibn Ḥazm, Fiṣal (M. Ibrāhīm Naṣr and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿUmayra eds.), v, p. 39.
69 Nonetheless, the literary oeuvre of the Ibn Ḥazm, himself a harsh critic, was bitterly criticised by Abū Bakr b. al-ʿArabī, who was not bashful to undertake this critique despite the former having once been the shaykh of his own father.
70 See R. Arnaldez, “Ibn Ḥazm”, EI2, iii (1986), pp. 790–799.
71 According to al-Ghazālī, a parent should send his son to the teacher when he is four years, four months, and four days old: Minhājj, p. 76. Later scholars commented on this; see al-Kattānī, Tarātīb, ii, p. 201.
72 The word ghulām or ṣabiyy (pl. ṣibyān) is commonly used in the literature to refer to kuttāb pupils.
73 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, p. 65.
74 Ibid., pp. 76–77.
75 Ibn ʿArabī, Risāla fī kunh mā-lā budd li-l-murīd minh (Cairo, 1910), pp. 48–49.
76 Burhān al-Islām al-Zarnūjī, Taʿlīm al-mutaʿallim ṭarīq al-taʿallum, (ed.) Marwān Qabbānī (Beirut, 1981), p. 110. For a more detailed warning against ingratiating oneself with the rulers, see Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-Shawkānī, Adab al-ṭalab wa-muntahā al-arab, (ed.) ʿAbd Allāh b. Yaḥyā al-Surayḥī (Beirut, 2008), pp. 86–89.
77 Al-Ghazālī: Minhājj, p. 92. The same ḥadīth is also mentioned by al-Zarnūjī, Ṭarīq al-taʿallum, p. 126. In his epistle, Ayyūhā al-walad, al-Ghazālī warned students against association with, accepting gifts from, or even seeing the rulers. Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī, Ayyuhā al-walad, (ed.) ʿAlī al-Qaradāghī, 4th edition (Beirut, 2010), pp. 144–145.
78 Al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, p. 43.
79 On this particular topic see, Ibn Saḥnūn; Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 82–83; Abū al-Ḥasan al-Qābisī, al-Risāla al-mufaṣṣala li-aḥwāl al-mutaʿallimīn wa-aḥkām al-muʿallimīn wa-l-mutaʿallimīn, (ed. and trans. into French) Aḥmad Khālid (Tunis, 1986), pp. 98–125; Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, pp. 202–203; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, pp. 108–109; Ṭalas, al-Tarbiya wa-l-taʿlīm fi al-islām, pp. 72–74.
80 See, for example, Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 103–104; al-Qābisī, Risāla mufaṣṣila, pp. 144–145; Kadi, “Education in Islam”, p. 313.
81 Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Jahshayārī, K. al-Wuzarāʾ wa-l-kuttāb, (eds.) M. al-Saqqā, I. al-Ibyārī and ʿA. Shalabī (Cairo, 1938), p. 212.
82 The oldest surviving waqf deeds go back to the third/ninth century.
83 On the role of waqfs in maintaining the learning institutions in general in medieval Islam, see George Makdisi, “Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh-Century Baghdad”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 24 (1961), pp. 1–56; Talal Al-Azem, “The Transmission of Adab: Educational Ideals and their Institutional Manifestations”, in Philosophies of Islamic Education: Historical Perspectives and Emerging Discourses, (eds.) Nadeem Memon and Mujadad Zaman (New York, 2016), pp. 112–126 (p. 115).
84 The word ‘maʿlūm’ continued to be used, alone, to mean a set (lit. agreed or named) payment, wage, or price.
85 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥlat Ibn Jubayr (Beirut, 1964), p. 245. See also Semaan, “Education in Islam”, p. 195; Tritton, “Muslim Education”, p. 86.
86 Ibn Jubayr, Riḥla, p. 27. See also Shalabī, Tarbiya islāmiyya, p. 298.
87 Ibn Wāṣil, Mufarrij al-kurūb fī akhbār Banī Ayyūb, (eds.) Jamāl al-Dīn al-Shayyāl, Ḥasanayn M. Rabīʿ and Saʿīd ʿA. ʿĀshūr, 5 vols (Cairo, 1957), i, p. 284.
88 See Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Riḥlat Ibn Baṭṭūṭa al-musammāh ‘tuḥfat al-nuẓẓār fī gharāʾib al-amṣār wa-ʿajāʾib al-asfār’, 2 vols (Cairo, 1904), i, pp. 67, 75.
89 See al-Qaḥṭānī, Awqāf al-Ashraf Shaʿbān, p. 97, 119–120. See also Hujjat Waqf Shāhīn al-Ḥasanī al-Ṭawāshī, as cited by Fāṭima M. al-Mubārakī, “Dawr al-muḥtasib fī al-ḥadd min ẓāhirat al-ʿunf fī al-katātib fī al-Ḥijāz fī al-ʿaṣr al-mamlūkī wa-l-dawla al-suʿūdiyya al-thālitha”, Majallat Qiṭāʿ al-Dirāsāt al-Insāniyya 21 (2018), pp. 358–92 (p. 367). On this waqf deed (ḥujja), see also al-Mubārakī, “Dawr al-muḥtasib”, pp. 384–385. On the role of waqfs in funding the educational institutions in the Mamlūk period, see Shalabī, Tarbiya, pp. 364–373. See also ʿĀshur, al-Mujtamaʿ al-miṣrī, p. 167.
90 Abū Shāma al-Maqdisī, al-Rawḍatayn fī akhbār al-dawlatayn, 2 vols (Cairo, 1870), ii, p. 241; ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Nuʿaymī, al-Dāris fī tārīkh al-madāris, (ed.) Jaʿfar al-Ḥasanī, 2 vols (Damascus, 1948), i, p. 92.
91 Shawqī Abū Khalīl, al-Ḥaḍāra al-ʿarabiyya al-islāmiyya wa-mūjaz ʿan al-ḥaḍārāt al-sābiqa, 2nd edn (Damascus, 2002), p. 459.
92 Caroline Williams, Islamic Monuments in Cairo: The Practical Guide (Cairo, 2002). p. 15; Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Islamic architecture in Cairo: An introduction (Cairo, 1989), p. 16; id, “Sabīl: 2 As an Architectural Term”, in EI2, viii (1995), pp. 679–83; C. E. Bosworth, “Sabīl: 1 As a Religious Concept”, viii (1995), p. 679; Jonathan P. Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social History of Islamic Education (Princeton, 2014), p. 47.
93 A post in medieval Islam that is fairly equivalent to the agoranomos (‘market inspector’) in Greek civilisation. See Jonathan Berkey, “The Muḥtasibs of Cairo Under the Mamluks: Towards an Understanding of an Islamic Institution”, in The Mamluks in Egyptian and Syrian Politics and Society, (eds.) Michael Winter and Amalia Levanoni (Leiden, 2004), pp. 245–276; Kristen Stilt and M. Safa Saraçoǧlu, “Hisba and Muhtasib”, in The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Law, (eds) Anver M. Emon and Rumee Ahmed (Oxford, 2018), pp. 327–355.
94 See Ṭalas, al-Tarbiya wa-l-taʿlīm fī al-islām, pp. 60, 67. Ḥisba, however, is said to have appeared as early as the time of the caliph ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb.
95 Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 89.
96 Abū Bakr b. al-ʿArabī, al-ʿAwāṣim min al-qawāsim fī taḥqīq mawāqif al-ṣaḥāba baʿd wafāt al-nabiyy ṣallā Allāh ʿalyahi wa-sallam, (ed.) Muḥibb al-Dīn al-Khaṭīb (Beirut, 2010), p. 178.
97 Landau, “Kuttāb”, p. 568.
98 Al-Mubārakī, “Dawr al-Muḥtasib”, p. 372–376.
99 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Shayzarī, Nihāyat al-rutba fī ṭalab al-ḥisba, (ed.) al-Sayyid al-Bāzz al-ʿArīnī (Cairo, 1946), pp. 103–104; Ibn Bassām, Nihāyat al-Rutba fī Ṭalab al-Ḥisba, (ed.) Husām al-Dīn al-Samarrāʾī (Baghdad, 1968), pp. 161–162; Ibn al-Ikhwa (Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Qurashī), Maʿālim al-qurba fī aḥkām al-ḥisba, (eds.) Muḥammad M. Shaʿbān and Ṣiddīq A. al-Muṭayʿī (Cairo, 1976), pp. 260–262.
100 The same outlook on education as a gradual process was also called for by Ibn Saḥnūn and Ibn Sīnā. See A. K. Mirbabaev, “The Development of Education: Maktab, Madrasa, Science and Pedagogy - Part One: The Islamic Lands and Their Culture”, in History of civilizations of Central Asia: Volume IV: The Age of Achievement: A.D. 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century - Part Two: The Achievements, (eds.) C. E. Bosworth and M. S. Asimov (Paris, 2000), pp. 31–43 (p. 34). On the importance of gradual advance in teaching, see Abū Bakr b. al-Sunnī, Riyāḍat al-mutaʿallimīn, (ed.) Niẓām M. Yaʿqūbī (Manama, 2015), p 126; Sālik A. Maʿlūm, al-Fikr al-tarbawī ʿind al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, 2nd edition (Damanhour, 1993), p. 208.
101 See al-Shayzarī, Niyāyat al-rutba, pp. 103–105; Ibn Bassām, Niyāyat al-rutba, p 162; Ibn al-Ikhwa, Maʿālim al-qurba, p. 262. See also Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, p. 201; A. Gilʿadi, “Individualism and Conformity in Medieval Islamic Educational Thought: Some Notes with Special Reference to Elementary Education”, Al-Qanṭara 26 (2005), pp. 99–121 (pp. 116–117).
102 Al-Shayzarī, Niyāyat al-rutba, pp. 104–105.
103 Ibn al-Ikhwa, Maʿālim al-qurba, p. 260; Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, p. 203.
104 Tājj al-Dīn al-Subkī, Muʿīd al-niʿam wa-mubīd al-niqam (Beirut, 1986), p. 101.
105 Ibn al-Ḥājj, Madkhal, iv, pp. 295–299.
106 Ḥazāwira is the plural of ḥazawwar.
107 See Ibn Māja, Sunan, (ed.) M. Fuʾād ʿAbd al-Bāqī, 2 vols (Cairo, n.d.), ḥadīth no. 61; al-Bayhaqī, al-Sunan al-kubrā, (ed.) M. ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā, 3rd edition, 11 vols (Beirut, 2003), ḥadīth no. 5292.
108 Ibn al-Aʿrābī, K. al-Muʿjam, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Muḥsin al-Ḥusaynī, 3 vols (Dammam, 1997), ii, p. 485.
109 Al-Lalikāʾī, Sharḥ uṣūl iʿtiqād ahl al-sunna wa-l-jamāʿa, (ed.) Nashʾat al-Miṣrī, 2 vols (Alexandria, 2001) i, pp. 445–446 (no. 932); Abū Nuʿaym al-Aṣbahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyāʾ wa-ṭabaqāt al-aṣfiyāʾ, 10 vols (Beirut, 1996), ix, p. 8.
110 Ibn Abī Shayba, al-Muṣannaf, (ed.) M. ʿAwāma, 26 vols (Jeddah, Dār al-Qibla, Beirut, 2006), ḥadīth no. 38677.
111 Abū Bakr b. Hārūn al-Khallāl, al-Sunna, (ed.) ʿAṭiyya al-Zahrānī, 7 vols, (Riyadh, 1989–99), v, p. 120 (no. 1768).
112 Ibn ʿAsākir, Tārīkh Madīnat al-Salām wa-akhbār muḥaddithīhā wa-dhikr quṭṭānihā al-ʿulamāʾ min ghayr ahlihā wa-wāridīhā, (ed.) Bashshār ʿA. Maʿrūf, 17 vols (Beirut, 2001), vi, p. 575.
113 Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs fī ṭabaqāt ʿulamāʾ al-Qayrawān wa-Ifrīqiya wa-zuhhādihim wa-nussākihim wa-siyar min akhbārihim wa-faḍāʾilihim wa-awṣāfihim, (eds.) Bashīr al-Bakkūsh and M. al-ʿArūsī al-Maṭwī, 2nd edition, 2 vols (Beirut, 1994), ii, pp. 425–427.
114 Abū al-ʿAbbās b. ʿIdhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib fī ikhtiṣār akhbār mulūk al-Andalus wa-l-Maghrib, (eds.) Bashshār ʿAwwād and Maḥmūd B. ʿAwwād, 4 vols (Tunis, [n.d.]), i, pp. 168–173.
115 In ancient Greece, the term paideia was used to denote rearing and education of the Greek citizens.
116 See Günther, “Principles of Teaching”, p. 72. See also id., “Be Masters”, p. 368.
117 On such different intellectual groups and their influences on education, see Ḥasan ʿAbd al-ʿĀl, al-Tarbiya al-islāmiyya fī al-qarn al-rābiʿ al-hijrī (Cairo, 1978), pp. 96–101; Bahiyy al-Dīn Zayyān, al-Ghazālī wa-lamaḥāt ʿan al-ḥayā al-fikriyya al-islāmiyya (Cairo, [n.d.]), pp. 3–30; Maʿlūm, al-Fikr al-tarbawī ʿind al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, pp. 46–50.
118 Al-Jāḥiẓ, K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 44. See also Gunther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 116.
119 A good example is the list of books that Ibn al-ʿArabī recommended as significant readings for ‘boys’: ʿAwāṣim (ed.) al-Khaṭīb, p. 178.
120 Ibid.
121 See Abū Khalīl, Ḥaḍāra, p. 434.
122 Al-ʿĀlim wa-l-mutʿallim: Riwāyat Abī Muqātil ʿan Abī Ḥanīfa raḍiya Allāh ʿanhumā, (ed.) M. Zāhid al-Kawtharī (Cairo, 1949). On this work see, Joseph Schacht, “An Early Murciʾite Treatise: The Kitāb al-ʿĀlim wa-l-mutaʿallim”, Oriens, 17 (1964), pp. 96–117; Günther, “Principles of Teaching”, pp. 73–74.
123 Gérard Lecomte, “Le livre des règles de conduite des maîtres d’école par Ibn Saḥnūn”, Revue des études Islamiques 21 (1953), pp. 77–105; Eǧitim ve öǧretimin esaslari: Ādābu'l-muallimīn, (transltion) M. Faruk Bayraktar (Istanbul, 1996); ʿA. Shams al-Dīn, al-Fikr al-tarbawī ʿind Ibn Saḥnūn wa-l-Qābisī; S. M. Ismail, “Muhammad Ibn Saḥnūn: An Educationalist and a Faqīh”, Muslim Education Quarterly 12 (1995), pp. 37–54.
124 Volume II of Ibn al-Hājj's Madkhal includes a chapter (pp. 305–334) entitled “Faṣl fī Dhikr Ādāb al-Muʾaddib [A Chapter on the Rules of Conduct for the Schoolmaster]”, where he addresses the muʾaddib al-ṣibyān as such.
125 Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn mimmā dawwana Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn ʿan abīh, (ed.) Ḥasan Ḥusnī ʿAbd al-Wahhāb (Tunis, 1931).
126 See, in particular, Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, pp. 92–110.
127 See Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 94–137. For interesting scenes of the kuttāb classes, as depicted on (late) medieval Muslim earthenware and manuscripts, see Baer, “Muslim Teaching Institutions”, pp. 73–102.
128 Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, pp. 96–97; id., “Be Masters”, p. 370.
129 Gilliot, “Introduction”, p. xliii.
130 Lecomte, “Règles de conduite des maîtres d’école”, p. 81.
131 M. Talbi, “Saḥnūn”, EI2, viii (1995), pp. 843–845 (p. 844); Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 92.
132 See Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs i, pp. 443–444; ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik wa-taqrīb al-masālik li-maʿrifat aʿlām madhhab Mālik, (ed.) Muḥammad al-Ṭanjī, 2nd edition, 8 vols (Rabat,1983), iv, pp. 204–205; Ismail, “Muhammad Ibn Saḥnūn”, p. 37.
133 Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs i, pp. 444–445; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, pp. 93–94.
134 On Saḥnūn, see Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs, i, pp. 345–375; ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik, iv, pp. 45–88; Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi-l-wafayāt, (eds.) Aḥmad al-Arnaʾūṭ and Turkī Muṣṭafā, 29 vols (Beirut, 2000), xviii, pp. 158–159; Abū al-ʿArab Muḥammad b. Tamīm and Muḥammad b. al-Ḥārith al-Khushanī, Ṭabaqāt ʿulamāʾ Ifrīqiya, (ed.) Muḥammad b. Shanab (Beirut, n.d.), pp. 101–104; Talbi, “Saḥnūn”, pp. 843–845; Jonathan E. Brockopp, “Saḥnūn b. Saʿīd (d. 240/854)”, in Islamic Legal Thought: A Compendium of Muslim Jurists, (eds) O. Arabi, S. Spectorsky and D. Powers (Leiden, 2013), pp. 65–84.
135 Talbi, “Saḥnūn”, p. 845. See also Abū Isḥāq al-Shīrāzī, Ṭabaqāt al-fuqahāʾ, (ed.) Iḥsān ʿAbbās (Beirut, 1970), pp. 156–157; ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik, iv, p. 51.
136 In Roman times, Tunisia was known as Africa. See Richard St. Barbe Baker, Sahara Conquest (Cambridge, 1966), p. 47.
137 For more details on Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn's biography and literary oeuvre in general, see Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs, i, pp. 443–458; ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik, iv, pp. 204–221; Ibn Tamīm, Ṭabaqāt, pp. 1291–32; G. Lecomte, “Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn”, in EI2, vii (1993), p. 409; Ismail, “Muhammad Ibn Saḥnūn”, pp. 37–54; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, pp. 92–95; id., “Principles of Teaching”, p. 76; Camilla Adang, “Intra- and Interreligious Controversies in 3rd/9th Century Qayrawān: The Polemics of Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn”, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 36 (2009), pp. 281–310.
138 See Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs, i, p. 443; ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik, iv, p. 207; Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History – Volume 1 (600–900), (eds.) David Thomas and Barbara Roggema (Leiden, 2009), pp. 738–739; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 94.
139 Lecomte, “Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn”, p. 409.
140 ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik, iv, pp. 55–69 (especially. pp. 55–57); Ibn ʿIdhārī, Bayān, i, pp. 150–151; Ibn Tamīm, Ṭabaqāt, p. 102; Brockopp, “Saḥnūn b. Saʿīd”, pp. 72–76 (especially p. 75). See also Abū Bakr al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs, i, pp. 355–357; Talbi, “Saḥnūn”, p. 844.
141 See also ʿIyāḍ b. Mūsā, Tartīb al-madārik, iv, pp. 212–215; Ibn Tamīm, Ṭabaqāt, p. 131; Lecomte, “Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn”, p. 409.
142 See al-Mālikī, Riyāḍ al-nufūs i, pp. 455–458; Lecomte, “Muḥammad b. Saḥnūn”, p. 409; Günther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 94.
143 Although now missing, this work is referred to be al-Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ, (ed.) Shuʿayb al-Arnaʾūṭ and others, 29 vols (Beirut, 1981–88), xv, p. 58. See also Maḥmūd Qumbur, Dirāsāt Turāthiyya fī al-tarbiya al-islāmiyya (Doha, 1985), p. 17; Yaḥyā Ḥ. Murād, Ādāb al-ʿālim wa-l-mutaʿallim ʿind al-mufakkirīn al-muslimīn (Beirut, 2003), p. 97; Gilliot, “Introduction”, p. xlv.
144 See Abū Bakr b. al-Sunnī, Riyāḍat al-mutaʿallimīn, pp. 135–137.
145 It was mentioned by Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 356. See also Risāla ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī (Mālik al-Ṣaghīr), (ed.) Aḥmad M. al-Ṭahṭāwī (Cairo, 2005), pp. 15–16.
146 See Qumbur, Dirāsāt Turāthiyya, p. 18; Yaḥyā Murād, Ādāb al-ʿālim, p. 97; Khalīl Ṭawṭaḥ, al-tarbiya ʿind al-ʿarab, p. 130 ff.
147 This book was mentioned by: Ibn Bashkuwāl, al-Ṣila, ed. Ibrāhīm al-Abyārī, 3 vols (Cairo, 1989), i, p. 75; Ismāʿīl al-Baghdādī, Īḍāḥ al-maknūn fī al-dhayl ʿalā ‘Kashf al-ẓunūn’, 2 vols (Istanbul, 1945), i, p. 4.
148 See H. R. Idris, “Al-Ḳābisī”, in EI2, iv (1997), p. 341.
149 On the book of al-Qābisī, see Ibrahim Salama, Bibliographie analytique et critique touchant la question de l'enseigment en Egypt depuis la période des mameluks jusq’à nos jours (Caire, 1938).
150 (eds.) Aḥmad J. al-Badawī and Rābiḥ Bunār (Algiers, 1975).
151 See Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, al-Ayyām (Cairo, 2013), pp. 27ff.; Fatima Mernissi, Dreams of Trespass: Tales of a harem girlhood (Reading, MA, 1995), p. 96. The New Cambridge History of Islam, iv, p. 671.
152 Cf. Sobhi Tawil, “Qurʾānic Education and Social Change in Northern Morocco: Perspectives from Chefchaouen”, Comparative Education Review 50 (2006), pp. 496–517 (pp. 498, 503–505); Tahir Abbas, “Traditional and Modern Muslim Education at the Core and Periphery: Enduring Challenge”, in Handbook of Islamic Education, (eds) H. Daun and R. Arjmand (Cham, 2018), pp. 1–12. Even the school supplies in the medieval katātīb, such as the writing tablet and the calamus, remained strikingly the same. On the writing tools in the time of the Prophet and the ṣaḥābīs, see al-Kattānī, Tarātīb, ii, pp. 166–168 (as well as the following references in this footnote). On katātīb in the modern times, see Landau, “Maktab”, pp. 196–197; ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Tijānī, al-Katātīb al-qurʾāniyya bi-Nadrūma min 1900 ilā 1977 (Algiers, 1983). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf b. Duhaysh, al-Katātīb fī al-Ḥaramayn al-Sharīfayn wa-mā ḥawlihimā (Makka, 1986); ʿĀrif A. Ismāʿīl, Tārikh nashʾat al-taʿlīm wa-intishārih wa-taṭawwurih fī Taʿizz (Taizz [?], 2018); A. Miṣbāḥ Suḥaym, “Ḥayāt al-katātīb wa-adabiyyāt al-taʿlīm al-dīnī fī Lībyā”, Majallat Uṣūl al-Dīn 2 (2017), pp. 329–359. On the katātīb under the Ottomans, see, for example, Muhannad Mubayyiḍīn, “Mulāḥaẓāt ḥawl taʿlīm al-ṣibyān fī madīnat Dimashq fī al-ʿahd al-ʿuthmānī: 922-1337/1516-1918”, al-Majalla al-Urduniyya li-l-Tārīkh wa-l-Āthār 6 (2012), pp. 110–134; Mabrūk B. al-Daʿdar, “al-Katātīb: nashʾatuhā wa-anmāṭuhā wa-atharuhā fī taʿallum wa-taʿlīm al-qurʾān al-karīm”, in Faʿāliyyāt al-Muʾtamar al-Duwalī al-Thānī li-Taṭwīr al-Dirāsāt al-Qurʾāniyya (Riyadh, [n.d.]).
153 Al-Ahwānī, Tarbiya, pp. 97–98.
154 See Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 75ff; al-Qābisī, Risāla mufaṣṣila, pp. 92ff; al-Ghazālī, Ihyāʾ, p. 957. This view was also held by al-Shāfiʿī. See Abū al-Barkāt al-Ghazzī, al-Durr al-naḍīd fī adab al-mufīd wa-l-mustafīd, (ed.) Abū Yaʿqūb al-Miṣrī (Giza, 2009), p. 111.
155 Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, p. 102; al-Qābisī, Risāla mufaṣṣila, pp. 113–114; al-Ghazālī: Iḥyāʾ, p. 956. See also Ṭalas, al-Tarbiya wa-l-taʿlīm fī al-islām, pp. 59–60.
156 See Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 134–135; al-Qābisī, Risāla mufaṣṣila, pp. 118–119.
157 See supra as well as al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, p. 956.
158 Ibn Abī Zayd, Risāla, p. 16; al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, pp. 48–50.
159 See al-Dārimī, Sunan, (ed.) H. Salīm al-Dārānī, 4 vols (Riyadh, 2000), ḥadīth no. 3388.
160 Al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, p. 50.
161 See Baiza, “Islamic Education”, p. 5.
162 See Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 94–99; al-Maghrāwī, Jawāmiʿ al-ikhtiṣār, pp. 17–25.
163 On the parts of the Qurʾān which were usually memorised by children, see al-Qasṭallānī, Irshād al-sārī li-sharḥ ‘Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī’, (ed.) M. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Khālidī, 15 vols (Beirut, 2016), xi, pp. 309–310; Mubayyiḍīn, “Mulāḥaẓāt ḥawl taʿlīm al-ṣibyān”, pp. 121–122.
164 See, in this regard, Y. Mahnaz Faruqi, “Contributions of Islamic Scholars to the Scientific Enterprise”, International Education Journal 7 (2006), pp. 391–399 (pp. 392–393).
165 Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, pp. 75–83. See also al-Ghazālī, Minhājj, p. 77.
166 William Graham and Navid Kermani, “Recitation and Aesthetic Reception”, in The Cambridge Companion to the Qurʾān, (ed.) Jane D. McAuliffe (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 115–142 (p. 121)
167 On how penmanship in particular was taught and practised in the katātīb, see Shihāb al-Dīn al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab fī funun al-adab, 18 vols, (Cairo, 1923-55[?]), ix, p. 216. See also Tritton, Materials on Muslim Education, p. 73; Baer, “Muslim Teaching Institutions”, p. 86.
168 Ibn Ḥazm did not recommend a thorough study of grammar, unless it was the learner's plan to make it his career: Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 66–67. Surely, however, Ibn Ḥazm, like al-Jāḥiẓ, was advising against high-level grammatical arcana, rather than the ‘preliminary knowledge of grammar and Arabic language’ that is here meant. Studying grammar as a formal discipline to understand language is like putting the cart before the horse in primary education, particularly in children's native language, as they naturally learn from listening and repeating, particularly through engagement in stories and narratives. In this connection, see also Ibn Rajab al-Ḥanbalī, Bayān faḍl ʿilm al-salaf ʿalā ʿilm al-khalaf, (ed.) Muḥammad b. Nāṣir al-ʿAjmī, 2nd edition (Riyadh, 1986), pp. 32, 40.
169 I will investigate this topic in detail in a forthcoming article provisionally entitled “Medieval Muslim Katātīb between Independent Thinking and Rote Learning”.
170 See Gilʿadi, “Individualism and Conformity”, pp. 104–105.
171 On Ibn al-ʿArabī, see Saʿīd Aʿrāb, Maʿa al-qāḍī Abī Bakr ibn al-ʿArabī (Beirut, 1987), pp. 9–49; J. Robson, “Ibn al-ʿArabī”, in EI2, iii (1986), p. 707.
172 Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 355.
173 Ibn Saḥnūn, Ādāb al-muʿallimīn, p. 106; al-Qābisī, Risāla mufaṣṣala, p. 133. See also al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, pp. 43, 50.
174 Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, al-Itqān fī ʿulūm al-Qurʾān, (eds.) Shuʿayb al-Arnāʾūṭ and M. Shaykh Muṣṭafā, (Beirut, 2008), pp. 384–389.
175 Al-Qābisī, Risāla Mufaṣṣila, p. 117.
176 See Aʿrāb, Maʿa al-qāḍī Abī Bakr, p. 160.
177 This is the range of age that he then recommended as a most suitable for the memorisation of the Qurʾān (supra).
178 It should be noted, in this connection, that only very few among the Prophet's Companions are reported to have memorised the whole of the Qurʾān in his time. See al-Kattānī, Tarātīb, i, pp. 105–107. See also Shalabī, Tarbiya, pp. 50–51.
179 Ibn al-ʿArabī, Aḥkām al-Qurʾān, iv, p. 349.
180 See al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, p. 50.
181 See Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bayān wa-l-taḥṣīl wa-l-sharḥ wa-l-tawjīh wa-l-taʿlīl fī masāʾil ‘al-Mustakhraja’, (eds.) M. Ḥajjī and others, 2nd edition, 20 vols (Beirut, 1988), xviii, p. 287; al-Nafarāwī, Fawākih, i, p. 50; al-Kattānī, Tarātīb, ii, p. 202.
182 See al-Qasṭallānī, Irshād al-sārī li-sharḥ Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhari, (ed.) M. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Khālidī, 15 vols (Beirut, 2016), xi, p. 309.
183 In medieval Arabic literature, ‘the Maghreb’ was usually used to refer to Algeria and Morocco as well as the Muslim communities of Sub-Saharan Africa. Sometimes, both Libya and Tunisia (i.e. all lands west of Egypt) were included.
184 Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, pp. 353–355. Later, “some calligraphy and a smattering of arithmetic were added in some katātīb in Turkey as well as in Iran, where also Islamic history and fragments of Persian poetry (e.g. from Saʿdī and Ḥāfiẓ’) were occasionally included, from the 7th/13th century onwards […]”. Landau, “Kuttāb”, p. 568.
185 See also Graham and Kermani, “Recitation”, p. 121; Tritton, “Muslim Education”, p. 85. Cf. Gilʿadi, “Individualism and Conformity”, pp. 103–105. This thinking on the importance of teaching the children ‘useful knowledge’, particularly religious principles and good manners, before they would be assaulted by bad manners, is also theorised by Ibn Abī Zayd (Risāla, pp. 15–16); Ibn Sīnā (K. al-Siyāsa, p. 83); and al-Ghazālī (Minhājj, p. 76). Cf. the best habits a child should be instilled with according to Ibn al-Ḥājj (who also cites Ibn al-ʿArabī's missing Marāqī al-zulaf): Madkhal, iv, pp. 295–299. See also Tritton, “Muslim Education”, pp. 82–83.
186 Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 355.
187 See Ahmed Khaled, “Caractère Génial du Système Educatif d'Ibn Khaldoun”, in Revue Pédagogique (1963).
188 Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 254.
189 Ibid.
190 See M. Talbi, “Ibn Khaldūn”, in EI2, iii (1986), pp. 825–831 (p. 827); Allen J. Fromherz, Ibn Khaldun: Life and Times (Edinburgh, 2011), pp. 60–96; Robert Brunschvig, La Berbérie orientale sous les Ḥafṣides des origines à la fin du XVe siècle: Tome II (Paris, 1947), pp. 391–392; al-Abrāshī, Tarbiya islāmiyya, p. 274–275.
191 Gunther, “Be Masters”, p. 369. See also id, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 90.
192 The Brethren of Purity and their pedagogical approach have been discussed by a number of studies. See, for example, Louis Gardet, “Notion et principes de l'éducation dans la pensée arabo-musulmane”, Revue des études islamiques 44 (1976), pp. 1–16; ʿAbd al-Amīr Shams al-Dīn, al-Falsafa al-tarbawiyya ʿind Ikhwān al-Ṣafā min khilāl rasāʾilihim, (Beirut, 1988). See also Liana Saif, “Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ's Religious Reform and Magic: Beyond the Ismaʿili Hypothesis”, Journal of Islamic Studies 30 (2019), pp. 34–68.
193 Rasāʾil ikhwān al-ṣafā wa-khullān al-wafā, (ed.) Khayr al-Dīn al-Ziriklī, 4 vols (Cairo, 1928), iii, p. 60.
194 For English translation, see Constantine K. Zurayk, The Refinement of Character (Beirut, 1968). On the educational effect of Ibn Miskawayh and his work, see Günther, “Principles of Teaching”, pp. 80–82; Nadia Jamal al-Din, “Miskawayh (A.H. 320–421/A.D. 932–1030)”, Prospects: The Quarterly Review of Comparative Education 24 (1994), pp. 131–152.
195 On his, see Ibn Miskawayh, Tahdhīb, p. 288 (n. 1).
196 See Ibn Miskawayh, Tahdhīb, pp. 288–95. Al-Ghazālī's subchapter on educating children is clearly informed by this chapter of Ibn Miskawayh. See al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, pp. 955–958.
197 Ibn Miskawayh, Tahdhīb, p. 290.
198 Ibid., pp. 289–291.
199 The concept that learning arithmetic and geometry makes people truthful though may seem esoteric to the modern reader. However, it is certainly an interesting philosophical concept. Mathematics ultimately deals with a simulacrum of reality (i.e. a conceit or lie) rather than reality itself.
200 Ibn Miskawayh, Tahdhīb, pp. 282–283.
201 He is said to have authored some 450 works. On Ibn Sīnā's life and intellectual venture, See, among others, Dimitri Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Avicenna's Philosophical Works, 2nd revised edition (Leiden, 2014); William E. Gohlman, The life of Ibn Sina: A Critical Edition and Annotated Translation (Albany, 1974).
202 See Ibn Sīnā, K. al-Siyāsa, pp. 7–12; Mirbabaev, “Development of Education”, p. 34; Gilʿadi, “Individualism and Conformity”, p. 115.
203 Abū ʿAlī al-Ḥusayn b. Sīnā, al-Qānūn fī al-ṭibb, (ed.) M. Amīn al-Ḍannāwī, 3 vols (Beirut, 1999), i, p. 220. See also Mirbabaev, “Development of Education”, p. 34; Günther, “Be Masters”, pp. 378–379. According to one ḥadīth quoted by al-Ghazālī, education, or rather disciplining (taʾdīb), should begin once the child is six years of age: Iḥyāʾ, p. 681. See also Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, p. 200. According to Ibn al-Ḥājj al-ʿAbdarī, a child should be sent to the maktab when he is seven years old―not before: Madkhal, ii, pp. 315–316. See also Tritton, “Muslim Education”, p. 82.
204 Ibn Sīnā, Siyāsa, p. 84. See also Tritton, “Muslim Education”, p. 83; Shams al-Dīn, al-Madhhab al-tarbawī ʿind Ibn Sīnā, pp. 134–135; Günther, “Be Masters”, p. 380.
205 Ibn Miskawayh, Tahdhīb, p. 290. The same thing was stressed by al-Ghazālī: Iḥyāʾ, p. 956.
206 See Goldziher, “Muslim Education”, p. 201.
207 Ibn Sīna's Kitāb al-Siyāsa, pp. 84–85. See also Mirbabaev, “Development of Education”, p. 34; Günther, “Be Masters”, p. 380; Tritton, “Muslim Education”, p. 83.
208 On post-kuttāb education in Baghdad, for example, see Makdisi, “Muslim Institutions”, pp. 1–56.
209 For the range of scholars’ writings on how knowledge was appraised and classified in medieval Islamic times, see L. A. Bsoul, Medieval Islamic World: An Intellectual History of Science and Politics (New York, 2018); Omar A. Qureshi, “Disciplinarity and Islamic Education”, in Philosophies of Islamic Education: Historical Perspectives and Emerging Discourses, (eds.) Nadeem Memon and Mujadad Zaman (New York, 2016), pp. 94–111; Thomas F. Glick, Steven Livesey and Faith Wallis, Medieval Science, Technology, and Medicine: An Encyclopedia (New York, 2014); Peter E. Pormann, Islamic Medical and Scientific Tradition (London, 2011); Howard R. Turner, Science in Medieval Islam: An Illustrated Introduction (Austin, 2010); Muzaffar Iqbal, The Making of Islamic Science (Petaling Jaya, 2009); Wim Raven and Anna Akasoy (eds.), Islamic Thought in the Middle Ages: Studies in Text, Transmission and Translation, in Honour of Hans Daiber (Leiden, 2008); J. P. Hogendijk, and Abdelhamid I. Ṣabra (eds.), The Enterprise of Science in Islam: New Perspectives (Cambridge, MA, 2003); Bassam Tibi, Islam between Culture and Politics (Basingstoke, 2001); Richard Hovannisian and Georges Sabagh, Religion and Culture in Medieval Islam (Cambridge, 1999); Osman Bakar, Classification of Knowledge in Islam: A Study in Islamic Philosophies of Science 2nd edition (Cambridge, 1998); Fadlou Shehadi, Philosophies of Music in Medieval Islam (Leiden, 1995); ʿAlī ʿAbd Allāh Daffāʿ and John J. Stroyls, Studies on the Exact Science in Medieval Islam (New York, 1984); S. Hossein Nasr, Science and Civilization in Islam (Cambridge, MA, 1968); Iḥsān ʿAbbaṣ, “Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm ʿind al-ʿarab”, al-Mawsim al-Thaqāfī li-Majmaʿal-Lugha al-ʿArabiyya 1 (1983), pp. 67–99; Jalāl M. Mūsā, “Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm ʿind al-ʿulamāʾ al-muslimīn”, al-Muslim al-Muʿāṣir 11 (1984), pp. 11–29; ʿIṣmat Naṣṣār, Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm fī al-falsafa al-islāmiyya (Cairo, 2014).
210 In some Muslim cultures, however, calligraphy evolved to a kind of spiritual pursuit.
211 Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr al-Andalusī, Jāmiʿ bayān al-ʿilm wa-faḍlih, ed. Abū al-Ashbāl al-Zuhayrī, 2 vols (Dammam, 1994), ii, pp. 788–790.
212 Al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, pp. 22–23.
213 See al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, pp. 21–52; id., al-Risāla al-laduniyya, (Cairo, 1910), pp. 5–7, 15–23; id., Mīzān al-ʿamal, pp. 349–360; See also an interesting chapter by al-Ghazālī on “what the public think are among meritorious sciences but they are not”: Iḥyāʾ, pp. 38–41; id., K. Fātiḥat al-ʿulūm (Cairo, 1904), pp. 35–47. On al-Ghazālī's classification of knowledge and its seekers, see Bakar, Classification of Knowledge in Islam, pp. 181–220; Günther, “Principles of Teaching”, p. 84; Yaḥyā b. Sharaf al-Nawawī, Ādab al-ʿālim wa-l-mutaʿallim wa-l-muftī wa-l-mustaftī wa-faḍl ṭālib al-ʿilm, (Tanta, 1987), pp. 23–28. See also al-Ghazzī, Durr, pp. 90–115; ʿAbd al-Bāsiṭ b. Mūsā al-ʿAlmawī, al-Muʿīd fī adab al-mufīd wa-l-mustafīd, (ed.) Aḥmad ʿUbayd (Damascus, 1931), pp. 20–25; Zayn al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī, Munyat al-murīd fī adab al-mufīd wa-l-mustafīd, (ed.) Riḍā al-Mukhtārī (Qom, 1988), pp. 365–83; Aḥmad ʿA. ʿAṭiyya, “Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm ʿind al-Ghazālī”, al-Mawrid 18 (1989), pp. 66–83.
214 See, for example, Jane H. Murphy, “Islamicate Knowledge Systems: Circulation, Rationality, and Politics”, in The Wiley Blackwell History of Islam, (ed.) Armando Salvatore and others (Hoboken, NJ, 2018), pp. 479–498.
215 Al-Jāḥiẓ, al-Bayān wa-l-tabyīn, iii, p. 374.
216 Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, pp. 171–352. See, in particular, how he classified the branches of science: Muqaddima, ii, pp. 171–172, 351–352. See also Yūsuf ʿAddār, “Wāqiʿiyyat taṣnīf al-ʿulūm ʿind Ibn Khaldūn wa-madā ibrāzih li-l takāmul baynahā”, Majallat al-Buḥūth al-ʿIlmiyya wa-l-Dirāsāt al-Islāmiyya 7 (2015), pp. 43–65; Zaynab Riḍwān, “Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm ʿind ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Khaldūn”, al-Majalla al-Ijtimāʿiyya al-Qawmiyya 40 (1983), pp. 131–173.
217 See Ibn Sīnā, Siyāsa, pp. 86–88. See also Tritton, “Muslim Education”, pp. 83–84.
218 Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, al-Fikr al-tarbawī ʿind Ibn Sīnā (Damascus, 2009), p. 103.
219 Mirbabaev, “Development of Education”, p. 35.
220 Al-Muʿjam al-wasīṭ, (eds.) Sh. ʿA. ʿAṭiyya and others, 4th edition. (Cairo, 2004), pp. 525–526. See also Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, iv, p. 2508.
221 See, for example, al-Jīṭālī, Qanāṭir, i, pp. 86–90; al-Ghazzī, Durr, pp. 90–115. See also Rifāʿa al-Ṭahṭāwī, al-Murshid al-amīn li-l banāt wa-l-banīn, (ed.) Munā A. Abū Zayd (Cairo, 2012), pp. 153–175, 187–191.
222 Ibn Sīna, Kitāb al-Shifāʾ, (eds.) Georges Qanawātī, Maḥmūd al-Khuḍayrī and Fuʾād al-Ahwānī (Cairo, 1952), pp. 12–16. See also Eugene A. Myers, Arabic Thought and the Western World in the Golden Age of Islam (New York, 1964), p. 33.
223 See also ʿilm al-ʾāla vs. ʿilm al-ghāya. Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 351.
224 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 61–90. For more on Ibn Ḥazm's outlook on the types of knowledge, see also his al-Taqrīb li-ḥadd al-manṭiq, (ed.) A. Farīd al-Mazīdī (Beirut, 2003), pp. 145–150; id., al-Talkhīs li-wujūh al-Takhlīṣ, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq al-Turkumānī (Götenborg, 2003).
225 On Ibn Ḥazm and his conception of the sciences, see Anwar G. Chejne, Ibn Ḥazm (Chicago, 1982); Ḥusayn Muʾnis, “Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm kamā yarāh ibn Hazm”, al-Dirāsāt al-Islāmiyya 13 (1966), pp. 263–265; Sālim Yafūt, “Taṣnīf al-ʿulūm ladā Ibn Ḥazm”, Majallat Kulliyat al-Ādāb wa-l-ʿUlūm al-Insāniyya bi-Jāmiʿat Muḥammad al-Khāmis 9 (1982), pp. 53–91.
226 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 78–89.
227 Ibid., p. 62.
228 Here, he means particular types of music, which people in his time believed could turn a coward into a hero and a miser into a generous individual. Also, the perceived hypnotic effect of certain types of Indian music was a subject of controvery among Indian Muslim scholars.
229 It was also criticised by al-Ghazālī: Iḥyāʾ, i, p. 24.
230 Abū Bakr b. ʿArabī, al-ʿAwāṣim min al-qawāṣim, (ed.) M. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāliḥ (Cairo, 2008), p. 353.
231 Ghāyat al-ḥakīm (or Picatrix), a well-known book on the subject, is said to be written by him. This attribution, however, is a matter of much debate.
232 Abū Khalīl, Ḥaḍāra, p. 520.
233 On what was really meant by ‘kimyāʾ’ in medieval Islamic practices, see Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, pp. 310–319.
234 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 61–62.
235 Ibid.
236 Geber was a leading universalist whose scientific oeuvre was later recognised and highly praised by many modern academic authorities including the eminent French polymath, Gustave Le Bon.
237 See, for example, al-Zarnūjī, Ṭarīq al-taʿallum, pp. 63–64.
238 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 69–72.
239 Some earlier texts used the term ‘ʿilm al-najm’. See Ibn al-Sunnī, Riyāḍat al-mutaʿallimīn, pp. 330–333.
240 See Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, p. 80; Ibn Rajab, Faḍl ʿilm al-salaf, pp. 32–39. See also E. S. Kennedy, Astronomy and Astrology in the Medieval Islamic World (Aldershot, 1998); G. A. Saliba, History of Arabic Astronomy: Planetary Theory during the Golden Age of Islam (New York, 1994). On astronomy and astronomical timekeeping in medieval Islam, see Iqbal, The Making of Islamic Science, pp. 54–62.
241 On religion, philosophy and the sciences in Islam, see Bakar, Classification of Knowledge in Islam, pp. 79–82, 137.
242 On natural sciences in Islam, see Bakar, Classification of Knowledge in Islam, pp. 97–99, 139–140.
243 Al-Ghazzī, Durr, p. 115.
244 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, p. 67.
245 See Arnaldez, “Ibn Ḥazm”, pp. 790–799.
246 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, p. 69.
247 On the mathematical sciences in Islam, see Bakar, Classification of Knowledge in Islam, pp. 137–139; Iqbal, The Making of Islamic Science, pp. 48–54; J. L. Berggren, Episodes in the Mathematics of Medieval Islam (New York, 2014).
248 Most probably, Ibn Ḥazm is here referring to Phaenomena, a pioneering treatise by Euclid on spherical astronomy. The compendiums circulating in the medieval period, however, were actually greatly expanded and enhanced interpretations of ancient classical works.
249 On the study of cosmology, cosmogony and cosmography in medieval Islam, see Iqbal, The Making of Islamic Science, pp. 33 ff.
250 See his chapter on “Maṭlab bayān kurawiyyat al-arḍ [Entry on Demonstrating the Sphericity of the Earth]”. Ibn Ḥazm, al-Fiṣal fī al-milal wa-l-ahwāʾ wa-l-niḥal, (eds.) M. Ibrāhīm Naṣr and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿUmayra, 2nd, 5 vols (Beirut, 1996), ii, pp. 241–255.
251 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, p. 69.
252 Ibid. See also Donald R. Hill, Islamic Science and Engineering (Edinburgh, 1993).
253 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 72–73.
254 Al-Ghazālī, Minhājj, pp. 86–7. See also id., Mīzān al-ʿamal, p. 348.
255 Al-Jāḥiẓ, K. al-Muʿallimīn, p. 44. See also Gunther, “Advice for Teachers”, p. 116.
256 Ibn al-ʿArabī, ʿAwāṣim (ed.) al-Khaṭīb, p. 179.
257 Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddima, ii, p. 355.
258 Al-Balādhurī, Jumal min ansāb al-ashrāf, (eds.) Suhayl Zakkār and Riyāḍ Ziriklī, 13 vols (Beirut, 1996), vii, p. 207.
259 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 73–76, 78ff.
260 See al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, i, pp. 24–28; al-Zarnūjī: Ṭarīq al-taʿallum, pp. 64–65.
261 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 63, 83. The same meaning is also conveyed by al-Zarnūjī: Ṭarīq al-taʿallum, p. 68.
262 On the sacred and profane in Islamic law as well as the rights of God and those of humans, see Khaled Abou El Fadl, “The Shariʿah”, in The Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics, (eds.) John L. Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin (New York, 2013), pp. 7–26 (esp. pp. 16–19).
263 The other division is fiqh al-ʿibādāt, ‘laws dealing with matters of ritual’.
264 Al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, p. 24; Ibn Rajab, Faḍl ʿilm al-salaf, p. 41. See also Gerhard Endress, “Mathematics and Philosophy in Medieval Islam”, in The Enterprise of Science in Islam: New Perspectives, (eds.) J. P. Hogendijk, and Abdelhamid I. Ṣabra (Cambridge, MA, 2003), pp. 121–176.
265 Al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, pp. 25–26.
266 See, for example, David A. King, Astronomy in the Service of Islam (Aldershot, 1993); id., In Synchrony with the Heavens, Volume 1 Call of the Muezzin (Leiden, 2004).
267 Sarton, George, Introduction to the History of Science, Volume 1 (Washington, 1927), p. 17Google Scholar.
268 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, pp. 64–65. The same meaning is found in his ‘Mudāwāt al-nufūs’ treatise. See Rasāʾil ibn Ḥazm, i, p. 344.
269 On ʿilm al-hayʾa, see Iqbal, The Making of Islamic Science, p. 12.
270 Ibn Ḥazm, Marātib al-ʿulūm, p. 75.
271 See, for example, al-Ghazālī, Iḥyāʾ, p. 31.
272 See Iqbal, The Making of Islamic Science, pp. 24–27.
273 It is worthy of mention that Roger Bacon recurrently relied on Ibn Sīnā to interpret Aristotle.
274 See Sidelko, Paul, “The Condemnation of Roger Bacon”, Journal of Medieval History 22 (1996), pp. 69–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thorndike, Lynn, “The True Roger Bacon2, The American Historical Review 21 (1916), pp. 237–257CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 468–480. Cf. Shank, Michael H., Galileo Goes to Jail, and Other Myths about Science and Religion (Cambridge, MA, 2009)Google Scholar; Lindberg, David, “Medieval Science and Its Religious Context”, Osiris, 10 (1995), pp. 60–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
275 See Sabra, A. I., “Ibn al-Haytham's Revolutionary Project in Optics: The Achievement and the Obstacle2, in The Enterprise of Science in Islam: New Perspectives, (eds.) Hogendijk, J. P., and Ṣabra, Abdelhamid I. (Cambridge, MA, 2003), pp. 85–118Google Scholar.
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