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The House of Commons and India 1874–1880

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 March 2011

Extract

“Parliament”, complained John Bright two years after the transfer of Indian government to the Crown, “cares about India little more than the Cabinet”. Indian affairs continued to attract little attention at Westminster until the advent to power in 1874 of a Conservative administration committed, under Disraeli's leadership, to a vigorous defence of Britain's imperial pre-eminence. The subsequent emergence of India as the focal point of the Prime Minister's imperial ambitions aroused bitter Liberal criticism and ensured a break with the tradition that sought to insulate India from party politics in Britain. It is with the response to these developments of the House of Commons, an integral part of the machinery of Indian government, that this paper is primarily concerned. Following a preliminary examination of the reasons which lay behind Parliament's habitual neglect of India it takes as its particular focus the manner in which the House of Commons fulfilled its responsibility to India at a time when the conduct of Indian affairs became a major political issue.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 1982

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References

NOTES

1 Mills, J. T., John Bright 1811–1899, London, 1903, 62.Google Scholar

2 Hamilton, Lord George, who served as Parliamentary Undersecretary at the Indian Office (18741878)Google Scholar and as Secretary of State for India (1895–1903) claimed that “of foreign or colonial politics, national or imperial aspirations, they [MPs] knew little and cared less”. Hamilton, Lord George, Parliamentary Reminiscences and Reflections 1868–1885, London, 1917, 21. One factor hampering the development of Indian expertise in the Commons was the stipulation that no MP could sit on the Secretary of State's council.Google Scholar

3 There were exceptions, most obviously in Lancashire, and we are told that the advocacy by Henry Fawcett, “Member for Hackney and Hindustan”, of Indian interests “proved a good campaign asset”, and that his constituents were “absorbed in his exposition of Indian affairs.” Holt, W., A beacon for the blind, London, 1886, 227.Google Scholar On the other hand the Irish Nationalist, O'Donnell, F. H., found his digressions on India an electoral embarrassment.Google ScholarO'Donnell, F. H., A history of the Irish parliamentary party, London, 1910, II, 412.Google Scholar

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8 “Such is the ebb and flow of rival exaggeration on Indian matters”, complained one MP, “that in one decade we are denounced in the House as unlikely to leave anything in India except pyramids of beer bottles, while in the next we are assured that we are hopelessly impoverishing the country by our railway and irrigation works.” [Great Britain], Parl[iamentary]Deb[ates], Third Series, CCXV, 1111–12, Commons, 28 04 1873.Google Scholar

9 ibid., CCXIII, 590, Commons, 31 July 1872. Although Fawcett never visited the East he had many contacts there, and when he lost his seat at Brighton in 1874 the sum of £400 was sent from India to pay his election expenses at Hackney. See Holt, , op. cit., 266Google Scholar, and Peto, H., The Late Rt. Hon. H. Fawcett, M.P., London, 1886, 3233.Google Scholar

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19 The term Beaconsfieldism, like that of imperialism, came into widespread use during the late 1870s. At the time they tended to be used pejoratively and were often accepted as interchangeable.

20 The appointment of the aggressive and flamboyant Lord Lytton as Viceroy in the same year was also taken by some Liberals to mark a turning point in Anglo-Indian relations. In Lytton's view, notes Gopal, “the Government of India should remain a despotism conducted in the interests of the British people and particularly, whenever possible, in the interests of the Conservative party”. Gopal, S., British policy in India 1858–1905, Cambridge, 1965, 127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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24 The Times, 23 January 1875. Report of an address by the Secretary of State for India to the Manchester Chamber of Commerce.Google Scholar

25 A count of the House was called for during the debate. The original motion, submitted by Birley, Hugh, Conservative MP for Manchester, called for abolition without delay. Part. Deb., Third Series, CCXXXV, 10251128, Commons, 10 07 1877.Google Scholar

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28 Parl. Deb., Third Series, CCXLVI, 89, Commons, 17 06 1879.Google Scholar In the general election of 1874 the Conservatives had made large gains in Lancashire, and although these successes continued in 1874, when they held 26 of Lancashire's 33 seats, thereafter they lost ground. See Hanham, H. J., Elections and party management: politics in the time of Disraeli and Gladstone, London, 1959, 321–22.Google Scholar

29 Parl. Deb., CCXLVII, 89, Commons, 17 06 1879. It is worth noting that the Liberals repealed the duties on all imported cotton goods in 1882, although by that time the finances of India were in a healthier state and the earlier remissions had undermined the whole system of customs duties.Google Scholar

30 ibid., CCXL, 264–348, 362–438, 499–610, Commons, 20, 21, 23 May 1878.

31 Annual Register, London, 1879, 48.Google Scholar

32 See Cowling, M., “Lytton, the Cabinet, and the Russians, August to November, 1878”, English Historical Review, LXXVI, 1961, 5982;CrossRefGoogle ScholarKlein, I., “Who made the Second Afghan War?”, Journal of Asian History, VIII, 1974, 97121;Google Scholar and Duthrie, J. L., “Some further insights into the working of Mid-Victorian Imperialism: Lord Salisbury, the ‘Forward’ Group and Anglo-Afghan relations: 1874–1878”, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, VIII, 3, 1980, 181208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33 The major debates on the Afghan War were as follows: Parl. Deb., Third Series, CCXLIII, 583,Google Scholar Lords, 5 December; 85–174, Commons, 5 December; 218–99, Lords, 9 December; 310–403, 406–520, 530–622, 639–734, 745–847, 876–943, 968–1035, Commons, 9–10, 12–13, 16–17 December 1878.

34 ibid., CCXLIX, 995–1028, Commons, 14 August 1879.

35 Cited in Cowling, , op. cit., 70.Google Scholar

36 Parl. Deb., Third Series, CCXXXVIII, 1596, 19 03 1878.Google Scholar

37 ibid., CCXXVIII, 506, Commons, 23 March 1876.

38 A curious exception was the interest taken by MPs in the appeals of Indian princes against the Crown. Perhaps one should not discount the charge that they did so in the hope of pecuniary gain. See Parl. Deb., Third Series, CCXLI, 1218, Lords, 11 07 1878.Google Scholar

39 ibid., CCXLII, 48–133, Commons, 23 July 1878. The Act was repealed in 1882.

40 ibid., CXCIV, 1070, Lords, 11 March 1869.

41 ibid., CCXVIII, 993, Commons, 21 April 1874; CCXXVIII, 924, Lords, 31 March 1876; CCXLIII, 662, Commons, 12 December 1878; CCXLII, 1559, Commons, 8 August 1878.

42 Gladstone had resigned the Liberal leadership in 1875 and his indictment of t he Conservatives' external policies did not go unchallenged within the party. Despite these divisions, and t h e anticipation that the general election of 1880 would be closely fought, the Liberals were returned with a comfortable majority: Liberals 353; Conservatives 238; Home Rulers 61.

43 Cited in Bearce, G., British attitudes towards India 1784–1858, London, 1961, 290.Google Scholar