^{page 53 note 1} Epig. Birm. (Government Press, Rangoon), Vol. I, Part II (1920Google Scholar, Reprint 1960), Old Mon Inscrs. I to VIII; Vol. III, Part I (1923), Inscr. IX (Palace inscription).

^{page 53 note 2} The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma, transl. Tin, Pe Maung and Luce, G. H. (Oxford University Press, 1923Google Scholar; Reprint, Rangoon University Press, 1960).

^{page 53 note 3} For the Singhalese invasion of Burma, see Cūḷavaṁsa, II, ch. 76, vv. 10–75 (P.T.S. translation, Geiger and Rickmers, Colombo, 1953, pp. 64–70); Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. III, Part 6, pp. 312–325, Devanagala inscription edited by DrParanavitana, S.Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 4} For the fall of Pagán, and failure of the Mongols to take Myinzaing, see Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, t. IX, no. 4, 09–12 1909, pp. 633–680Google Scholar (Ed. Huber, “La Fin de la Dynastie de Pagan”); J. Siam Society, Vol. XLVII, Pt. 1, 06 1959Google Scholar; Vol. XLVI, Pt. 2, Aug. 1958 (G. H. Luce, “The Early Syām in Burma's History”).

^{page 54 note 1} For indications of the range of Mon-Khmer speech, see Skeat, W. W. and Blagden, C. O., Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula (London, Macmillan, 1906), Vol. II, Part IV, “Language”, pp. 379–775Google Scholar; Grierson, G., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. I, Part II (Calcutta, 1928)Google Scholar, “Comparative Vocabulary”; Luce, G. H., Bulletin of the Burma Historical Commission, Vol. II, 1961, pp. 277–320Google Scholar, with map and charts of Austroasiatic Languages.

^{page 54 note 2} For Dvāravatī, see Cædès, G., Les États hindouisés d'Indochine et d'Indonésie (new Ed., Paris, 1964), pp. 145–7Google Scholar; Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam, Part II, Inscriptions de Dvāravatī, de Çrīvijaya et de Lāvo (2nd. Ed., Siam Society, 1961)Google Scholar; Dupont, P., L'Archéologie Mône de Dvāravatī (Paris, 1959)Google Scholar. For the Chinese texts, see J. Burma Research Society, Vol. XIV, Part II, 1924, pp. 178–182Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 3} For the Pyū (Tircul) and Śrí Kṣetra, see J.B.R.S., Vol. XXII, Part II, 1932, p. 90Google Scholar; XXVII, Part III, 1937, pp. 239–253; XXIX, Part III, 1939, pp. 264–282 (with references to Chinese texts and archaeological works given in the notes).

^{page 54 note 4} For Paul Pelliot's note on the Man-shu, see BEFEO, t. IV, 1904, p. 132, n. 5Google Scholar. For a full translation of the text, see Man Shu (Book of the Southern Barbarians), Data Paper No. 44, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York (12 1961)Google Scholar.

^{page 54 note 5} See J.B.R.S., Vol. XLII, Part 1, 1959, pp. 75–112Google Scholar, “Old Kyauksè and the Coming of the Burmans”.

^{page 55 note 1} e.g. Sīlavaṁsa, , Rājavaṇ-kyô (a.d. 1520)Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 2} G.P.C., p. 55. Jātātôpuṁ Rājavaṇ, p. 54.

^{page 55 note 3} On Kyundaw island (Prañtawsā klwan) a brick inscription with five lines in Old Mon has been found; on the east bank, of course, Old Mon inscriptions are plentiful, both at Pagán and Prome.

^{page 55 note 4} Man-shu, ch. 4 (transl. p. 43).

^{page 55 note 5} In 1196–8, in his Pagán Dhammarājaka stone inscription, Jeyyasūra II claimed as his conquests “towards the East: along the east bank of the Salwan river”, and to the West “Macchakiri (the ‘Fish Mts.’ Arakan Yomah), the Bahuvaṇṇa toṅ (‘Many-coloured Mts.’?), Patikkarā and Tikka….”. Patikkarā is Mainamati, W. of Comilla in East Bengal.

^{page 55 note 6} J.B.R.S., Vol. XLII, Part I, 1959, pp. 110–112Google Scholar, “Kyanzittha's possible connection with Kyaukse”.

^{page 56 note 1} G.P.C., p. 104.

^{page 56 note 2} The so-called “Myazedi inscriptions” (face, Burmese, Epig. Birm., I, I, p. 25)Google Scholar say that in a.b. 1628, that is a.d. 1084, he came to the throne and reigned for 28 years, say a.d. 1112, when he was “sick unto death”. A less reliable Early Ava inscription (List 73, A 28) speaks of his successor, Cañsū I, in a.d. 1151, as having been on the throne for 37 years: this would make a.d. 1114 as the year of his accession. Splitting the difference, I take 1113 as the probable date of Kyanzittha's death. For the Jātāpuṁ reference, see Jātātôpuṁ, ed. Tin, U Hla (Rangoon, 1960), pp. 39–40, Nos. 42–4Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 3} G.P.C., pp. 65–7.

^{page 56 note 4} G.P.C., pp. 92–3.

^{page 57 note 1} Epig. Birm., I, II, p. 162, Inscr. VIII B¹⁶.

^{page 57 note 2} List of Inscriptions found in Burma (Rangoon, 1921)Google Scholar, Serial No. 49 (A 18, Mandalay Palace Shed, Stone 5, line 4, Alleged date s. 469/a.d. 1107).

^{page 57 note 3} List 50a (A 19, Mandalay Palace Shed, Stone 4, Obverse, line 1, Alleged date s. 473/a.d. 1111).

^{page 57 note 4} G.P.C., pp. 70–5.

^{page 57 note 5} Epig. Birm., I, II, Inscr. I, Face B, line 44 (spa sutūm).

^{page 57 note 6} Mahāther Arahan, Epig. Birm., III, I, Inscr. IX, A 11. 6, 25, 35, 40, 43–6; D 1. 4; G II. 21, 35, 41, 43.

^{page 57 note 7} Epig. Birm., I, I, pp. 22 (1. 19), 24 (1. 23), 47 (11. 22–3), 49 (1. 25), 55 (1. 18), 62 (1. 15).

^{page 57 note 8} See Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 56: The Ānanda Temple at Pagan, by Duroiselle, C. (Delhi, 1937), Plate VII, 3, 4Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 9} List 277, PPA 250–2, 11. 1–7. Alleged date.s. 610/a.d. 1248. Stone from Izagona monastery, Minnanthu. Now removed to Nandaminya temple.

^{page 58 note 1} See J.B.R.S., Vol. XII, Part 1, 1922, pp. 39–45Google Scholar, “A Cambodian (?) Invasion of Lower Burma—a comparison of Burmese and Talaing Chronicles”.

^{page 58 note 2} États hindouisés… (1964 ed.), pp. 251–3.

^{page 58 note 3} G.P.C., pp. 86–7. Fragments of Aniruddha's fifty-Buddha tablets have been found in the interior of Bawbawgyi pagoda, Śrī Kṣetra: see Arch. Surv. Ind. Annual Reports, 1908, pp. 41–2; 1912, p. 144 and PL LXVIII, fig. 2; Arch. Surv. Burm., 1912, p. 13; 1913, p. 16.

^{page 58 note 4} Krapaṅ. In Old Burmese it is mentioned in inscriptions dated a.d. 1198, 1266 and 1278 (Inscrs. of Burma, Portfolios I, 63a¹⁶; II, 216³³; III, 289¹⁰). In Middle Mon it occurs in the Pegu Kalyāṇī inscriptions as Krabaṅ (Epig. Birm., III, II, Face A²², pp. 92, n. 6, 188, n. 8), and as Kabbaṅganagara in the corresponding Pali.

^{page 58 note 5} See Duroiselle, , A.S.B., 1915, pp. 14–17Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 6} G.P.C., p. 92. Cf. Vidhura Jātaka (Cowell's transl., VI, 135).

^{page 58 note 7} Pṣa Krom. See Epig. Birm., III, II, pp. 196–9. The corresponding Pali is Kambojâpaṇa (Ko, Taw Sein, “A Preliminary Study of the Kalyani Inscriptions of Dhammacheti, 1476 a.d.”, Bombay, 1893Google Scholar, reprint from Indian Antiquary, p. 11).

^{page 58 note 8} a.b. 1600–01/a.d. 1056–7 (Epig. Birm., III, II, pp. 187–8).

^{page 58 note 9} Two types of seated Lokanātha votive tablets are either signed by Aniruddha or connected with his dedications: (i) at Pagán Shwegugyi; at Kanthit village near Yézagyo, Pakôkku; and at Hsutaungbyi pagoda, Kanbè, E. of Twanté (see Mya, U, Votive Tablets of Burma, Part I, Pls. 2 and 3, pp. 9–10)Google Scholar; (ii) at Paunglin, Minbu (ibid., Pl. 69 and p. 52); at Pagán, near the Seinnyet group (A.S.I., 1930–34, Part II, PI. XCIXc).

^{page 59 note 1} G.P.C., pp. 96–7. U Kala's Chronicle omits this list; but U Wun points out to me that it is given, with a few variants, in Thirimahazeyyathu's Kawilakkhaṇadīpanī-kyam: (a.d. 1865).

^{page 59 note 2} Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. IV, 358 (trāp) and 359 (paṇḍit) inscriptions. The king's name is clearest at Pl. 358³⁶ (6th line from the end)—Ma'kuta; and Pl 359² (main section)—Mukuta.

^{page 59 note 3} See Mya, U, A.S.I., 1935, p. 48Google Scholar; 1930–34, Part I, pp. 192–3; Part II, Pl. CXIe.

^{page 59 note 4} Report in a letter from a colleague of mine on the Burma Historical Commission. The tablet is one of the fifty-Buddha type, found S.W. of Légyun-hsimi cetiya, Mergui.

^{page 59 note 5} Bull. de la Com. Archéol. de l'Indochine, 1909, p. 237 and fig. 28; 1910, p. 153; Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. V, 548a and Index of Plates; Mya, U, V.T.B., I, PL 39 and p. 28Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 6} A.S.B., 1924, pp. 38–40, para. 41; 1959, Pl 31; Mya, U, V.T.B., I, Pls. 79, 80 and pp. 57–60Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 7} Cūḷavaṅsa, II, ch. 76, vv. 10–75. While Nagaragiri Kitti (Nuvaragal of the Devanagala inscription) captured Bassein and Pagán, the chief commander Ādicca captured “the port of Papphālama” near the isthmus of Kra. Cœdès identifies it with the Māppappālam mentioned among the a.d. 1025 conquests of Rājendracola I in his Tanjore inscription (États hindouisés …, p. 262).

^{page 59 note 8} Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. 1, 19, 11.7–8, s. 558–560/a.d. 1196–8. This Burmese inscription, the first extant one of a Burmese king, has been edited, and will appear in Bulletin of the Burma Historical Commission, Vol. III.

^{page 59 note 9} Cūlavaṁsa, I, ch. 58, w. 8–10.

^{page 60 note 1} ibid., ch. 60, vv. 4–8. Confirmed by the Tamil/Grantha inscription of Polonnaruva, dated between 1137 and 1153. See Wickremasinghe, , Epig. Zeylan., II, pp. 242–255Google Scholar, Inscr. No. 40.

^{page 60 note 2} Cūḷavaṁsa, I, ch. 60, v. 22.

^{page 60 note 3} G.P.C., pp. 104–5, 109.

^{page 60 note 4} ibid., pp. 100–4. The last syllable of the rebel's name is from Sanskrit/Pali kāṇa, “blind in one eye”. In Burmese kan: it has come to mean blind in both.

^{page 60 note 5} See the late Ava inscription, List 346b (A 8), the reverse of Stone 9 at Mandalay Palace Shed, lines 1 to 10. Although the date is obscure, and the Pagán king is named Narapaticañsu, I think this inscription may contain an element of truth. It is echoed in later Mahāmuni Copies, List 114 and List 348.

^{page 61 note 1} The Chronicles agree that Kyanzittha was succeeded by his grandson, though his own dear son was alive and well. Yet there is no hint of ill-will, jealousy or usurpation. Rājakumār completed his masterpiece, Myinkaba Kubyaukgyi temple, in the reign of his nephew. To explain this, they have recourse to Indian folklore: a love-story based on the Kaṭṭahāri Jātaka (No. 7), or the loves of Śakuntalā and king Dusyanta in the Mahābhārata; and blandly eke this out by corrupting the nephew's title “Thettawshé” (“Long-life”), into “Chettawshé” (“Long Navel”)!

^{page 61 note 2} Nīrājana. See Bhattasali, N. K., Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum (1929), pp. 174–7Google Scholar, and Pl. LXII (a), “Revanta”. For Revanta, see also Banerjea, J. N., The Development of Hindu Iconography (Calcutta, 1956), pp. 442–3Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 3} Epig. Birm., I, II, Inscr. I, Face B, 11. 22–38.

^{page 62 note 1} ibid., Inscr. I, A¹⁷, B⁶; III, C¹⁰; V³⁴; VI²².

^{page 62 note 2} First version: Epig. Birm., I, II, pp. 147–152 (Inscr. No. VI).

^{page 62 note 3} Second version: (i) ibid., pp. 143–7 (Inscr. No. V, “Phayre Museum, Rangoon”, originally from Myatheindan pagoda, Ayetthèma, under Mt. Kelāsa: see Tin, Pe Maung, J.B.R.S., Vol. XXVIII, Part 1, 1938, pp. 92–4)Google Scholar. (ii) Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. V, 549; stone in situ at Kyaik Tè pagoda, 1½ miles S.W. of Alugālé village, 3 miles N. of Taungzun.—Blagden's Inscriptions III and IV (Epig. Birm., I, II, pp. 131–143) have the same version, but are undated.

^{page 62 note 4} Third version: Epig. Birm., I, II, pp. 90–130, Pagan Shwézigôn inscription (I), and its fragmentary duplicate (II), now Stones 5 and 4 at Pagán Museum (see Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. V, 552–4).

^{page 62 note 5} Epig. Birm., I, II, Inscr. I, Face C, 11. 16–22.

^{page 63 note 1} G.P.C., pp. 80–3.

^{page 63 note 2} Man-shu, ch. 10 (transl., p. 92), where “Big Ears Kingdom” is said to have close and friendly relations with the “Little Brahmans” of the Hukong Valley. The Sak tribes, Kặdu and Ganan, now living near the source of the Mu River, are still remarkable, I think, for big ears. Kantū Ṅa Nā krī, “Big-eared Kadu,” are mentioned in the great Htupayôn and other inscriptions (List 963a²³, a.d. 1442), in contrast to the Kasañ Ṅa Nā lhī, “Small-eared Manipuris”.

^{page 63 note 3} For Pagán references to Tagaung (Chinese T'ai-kung) and the Sak and Kantū (Chinese Chien-tu) see my “Note on the Peoples of Burma in the 12th-13th century a.d.”, Census of India 1931, Vol. XI, Burma, Part I— Report, pp. 297–8 J.B.R.S., Vol. XLII, Part I, 1959, pp. 56–60Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 4} For the “Sak-Lui Group” of Tibeto-Burman languages, see Grierson, , Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 27–8Google Scholar; Vol. III, Part III, pp. 43 follg. McCulloch, W. (Account of the Valley of Munnipore and of the Hill Tribes, Calcutta, 1859)Google Scholar recorded their Andro and Sengmai dialects.

^{page 63 note 5} In 1963 members of the Burma Historical Commission visited North Arakan and recorded a dialect spoken at Bawtala and other Sak villages north of Buthidaung.

^{page 63 note 6} Man-shu, ch. 6 (transl., pp. 61–2.)

^{page 63 note 7} Votive tablets of ten Earth-touching Buddhas, signed by Aniruddha, have been found at Nwatélè deserted village, a mile from Nga-o, at the top of the Shweli bend in the far north of Möng Mit. It is the northernmost point where his tablets have yet been found. See Mya, U, V.T.B., I, Pl. 68 and p. 51Google Scholar; A.S.B., 1948, pp. 8–9. A number of tablets signed by Śrī Bajrābharaṇa (Saw Lu) have been found, U Mya tells me, a few miles S. of Nwatélè, at the old walled city of “Kanthida” in the Forest Reserve near Pyindaung village. Others have been found at Ôdôk pagoda, Tagaung.

^{page 63 note 8} List 50a, ll. 1–5. See n. 3, p. 57, supra.

^{page 63 note 9} Sung-shih (a.d. 1343), ch. 489 (“P'u-kan kingdom”). Cf. the Ling-wai-tai-ta of Chou Ch'ü-fei (a.d. 1178), ch. II, f. 11 r°-v°; and the Chu-fan-chih of Chao Ju-kua (a.d. 1225), ch. A, pp. 10–11.

^{page 64 note 1} Pagán Museum, Stones 1, 2, 6, 7, 8 and 9. Epig. Birm., III I, Inscr. IX, pp. 1–68. Blagden, editing this difficult inscription in England, was given inadequate information and inaccurate measurements of the stones. His order of the faces (or half-faces) runs from A to S. My own conclusions have been checked independently, by two other members of the Burma Historical Commission. The proper order, we believe, should be as follows: S, N, R, Q, O, P; B, C, D, A; H, E, F, G; J, K, L, M, Interspersed in these are six illegible half-faces, which were not supplied to Blagden.

^{page 64 note 2} Epig. Birm., I, II, pp. 153–168.

^{page 64 note 3} ibid., pp. 152–3.

^{page 64 note 4} ibid., p. 156, Inscr. VIII, A, 1–2. In 1, 1 Blagden doubtfully read the name of the work of merit as Nirbbāna-mūlabajraparyamahāwihār, but adds in a note that wihār is “entirely conjectural”. I should emend cetī, since there can be no doubt that the reference is to the Shwezigôn pagoda, and not to a monastery.

^{page 64 note 5} ibid., pp. 137–8, Mrakan Inscr. III, D, 11. 11–12, Mahānirbbān Lak-chuy-khi-riy; p. 143, Alampagan Inscr. IV; see Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. V, 551b, 11. 16–17, Mahānirbbān Alaṁbagālik(?).

^{page 64 note 6} Inscr. VIII, A, 1–3.

^{page 65 note 1} Archaeol. Dept. Negative 405 (1905–6). See Bull. Burm. Hist. Com., Vol. II, 1961, p. 282Google Scholar, and plate facing it. The Chronicles (see G.P.C., p. 156) attribute both Mrakan reservoir and library (“Setkudaik”) to Kyazwa, a later king of Pagán. But the Mon inscription (till recently in situ) proves that Kyanzittha was the donor. The Chronicles still remember the reference to the “winged birds” near the end of the inscription. Kyanzittha's love of birds is evidenced frequently elsewhere.

^{page 65 note 2} See Epig. Birm., Vol. I, Part I. There are two duplicate four-faced pillars. “A”, the more complete, is now Stone 10 at Pagán Museum. “B”, larger and more beautiful, but more fragmented, stands now on the Myazedi platform. But Myazedi pagoda, which adjoins Myinkaba Kubyauk-gyi temple on the east, is a solid stupa of modern date, built within the precincts of the old Kubyauk-gyi temple. The inscriptions relate to the temple, not, of course, to the stupa.

^{page 65 note 3} See “Pagan Myinkaba Kubyauk-gyi temple of Rājakumār (1113 a.d.) and the Old Mon writings on its walls” by Luce, G. H. and Shin, Bohmu Ba, Bull. Burm. Hist. Com., Vol. II, 1961, pp. 277–416Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 4} The “Chitsagôn” trove of “nearly a thousand” votive tablets, found east of the Ananda, includes perhaps the oldest specimens of written Burmese extant. They record offerings of fruits, flowers, woods, etc., rare as well as common, based, it seems, on the Sanskrit Amarakosa. Amongst them are tablets signed by Muggaliputta and Sumedha, whom Duroiselle naturally takes to be the two scholars of the same name mentioned in Rājakumār's inscriptions.

^{page 65 note 5} In Burmese one always speaks of “the 550 Jātakas”; and this is the number in the unglazed West and East Hpetleik series. In the Singhalese recension (e.g. Fausböll's printed edition) there are only 547. The numbering differs from 497 onwards, where the Hpetleik insert 497 Velāma, 498 Mahāgovinda, and 499 Sumedhapaṁita Jātakas. See Bull. Burm. Hist. Com., Vol. II, 1961, pp. 321–330Google Scholar, and list of “Variant Jātaka-titles in early Pagán”.

^{page 65 note 6} The glazed plaques of the Shwezigôn maintain the Hpetleik numbering of the Mahānipāta. In the previous 40 they generally conform to the Singhalese recension; but there is evidence of several other systems of numbering.

^{page 65 note 7} The painted series with ink glosses in the Abèyadana Hall, also maintains the Hpetleik numbering of the Mahānipāta. The Singhalese nipāta system is found in the previous Jātakas, side by side with several other variant systems.

^{page 65 note 8} The stone reliefs in Kyaukku Ônhmin, which probably go back to Aniruddha's reign, add the Miracle at the Ploughing Ceremony, the Tonsure, the Fast, Eating of rice-alms, and Mucalinda Nāga. But many more here may have perished as the result of earthquake.

^{page 65 note 9} Twenty-four main panels line the outer wall of Pāhtothāmya Corridor, and 10 more the front of the Shrine. The last one illustrates the Twin Miracle as performed at Kapilavatthu. Other small panels are (or were) also in the topmost tiers of the Shrine recess.

^{page 66 note 1} Dīgha and Majjhima Nikāya panels line the middle tiers of the walls of the Shrine in Pāthtothāmya; they line the top tier of the inner Corridor walls in Nagayôn. The small Saṁyutta Nikāya panels (mostly the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Vagga) are in the pockets between niches and windows on the outer wall of Nagayon Corridor. These are not easy to identify.

^{page 66 note 2} See main panels on the W. and S. inner walls of the Corridor.

^{page 66 note 3} Mahāsamaya and Āṭāndāṭiya Suttas of Dīgha Nikāya (N. inner Wall). Maṅgala and Metta Suttas of Sutta Nipāta (N. outer wall).

^{page 66 note 4} Mon Bo Kay, Conservator of Pagán, first identified the main series in the Corridor-niches: alternate Buddha-reliefs in both inner and outer walls present, in regular order, the 28 Buddhas, starting from Taṇharikara in the N. inner wall, N. W. corner. All sit in dhyāna mudrā, with predellas below showing the future Gotama receiving the prophecy.

^{page 66 note 5} Ānanda temple.—See Duroīselle, C., The Ānanda Temple at Pagan (Delhi, 1937Google Scholar, Memoirs of the Archaeol. Surv. Ind., No. 56). The date proposed for the temple on p. 3, c. a.d. 1090, seems to me far too early. It may well be the approximate date of Nagayôn and Abèyadana. In the interval an immense advance has been made, not only in Buddhist studies, but also in architectural majesty.

^{page 66 note 6} See Seidenstücker, K., Süd-buddhistische Studien. I, Die Buddha-Legende in den Skulpturen des Ānanda-Tempels zu Pagan (Hamburg, 1916)Google Scholar; Duroiselle, C., “The stone Sculptures in the Ānanda Temple at Pagan”, A.S.I., 1914, pp. 63–97Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 7} Epig. Birm., I, II, Inscr. VIII, Face A, 11. 4–7.

^{page 66 note 8} I expect this print is taken from Cunningham, A., Mahābodhi, or the Great Buddhist Temple at Buddhagaya (London, 1892)Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 9} Epig. Birm., loc. cit., 11. 7–8.

^{page 67 note 1} Epig. Birm., I, II, Inscr. V, I. 47 (p. 145).

^{page 67 note 2} Inscrs. of Burma, Pfl. V, 549, line 45 (Kyaik Tè pagoda). Cf. n. 3, p. 62.

^{page 67 note 3} Dīṁpavarhsa, VIII, 12; Mahāvamsa, XII, 6, 44–54.

^{page 67 note 4} Epig. Birm., I, II, Inscr. VIII, A., 11. 10–17. Other evidences of Kyanzittha's relations with the Colas are (i) a sentence in Chou Ch'ü-fei's Ling-wai-tai-ta (a.d. 1178), Section on “Chu-nien[Cola] kingdom” (ch. 2, f, 13 v°): “If one wants to go to this kingdom, one should transship from Ku-lin kingdom [Quilon]. Some say that one can also go there from P'u-kan kingdom [Pagán].” (ii) The “Tamil (kleň or klañ) pumpkin”, which appears on several votive tablets of this reign, among the oldest extant writings in Burmese, (iii) A mysterious paragraph in Burmese Chronicles (e.g. G.P.C., p. 106): “At the time of the king's anointing” [A.D. 1086], “the king's generals brought him Tamil-Indian prisoners of war, saying ‘We have conquered the Indian country with Thandaung (“Iron Mt.”) and Nga Thôn Pinlè (“Sea of Ṅa Suṁ”!)’. And he made the Indians live in quarters at Singu.”—Has this some connection with the mutiny of Vijayabāhu's Velaikkara bodyguard in 1085? Had Aniruddha supplied his friend with a token force to join this bodyguard? Had they refused to join the Tamils in their mutiny, and taken active part in the suppression of it?—For the mutiny, see Ceylon University's History of Ceylon, I, Part II, pp. 433–4Google Scholar; Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta, A History of South India (Oxford University Press, 1955), p. 182Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 5} G.P.C, p. 110.

^{page 67 note 6} Gu 201, S. of Hsulégón, E. of the Shwe Chaung, in the rather empty area called Sarapuiy in Old Burmese inscriptions.

^{page 67 note 7} Duroiselle, (The Ānanda Temple at Pagan, pp. 6–8)Google Scholar found the prototype of the Ananda in the vast symmetrical Paharpur monument in the Rājshahi district of N. Bengal (Pauṇḍrayardhana). A nearer and closer model, both for the Ānanda and the “Old Mon” style of Pagán architecture, could be found, I think, in the recent “Mainamati” excavations in the Lai Mai ridge W. of Comilla in East Pakistan. This area, the Patikkarā of Old Burmese, contains the Buddhist Salban Vihāra. “Constructed of brick, the early Salbanpur shrine took the form of a cross measuring 170 ft. from arm to arm and resembling in plan the Paharpur cruciform monument…” (Third Phase of Archaeological Excavations in East Pakistan, p. 2, 01.-03, 1957, Dacca, Public Relations Department)Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 8} Epig. Birm., I, I, “The Myazedi Inscriptions”.