^{page 274 note 1} Προς δɛ Τραιανον ɛς την Ρωμην ɛλθοντα πλɛισται σαι πρɛσβɛιαι παρα βαρβαρων αλλως τɛ κα Ινδων αφικοντο' καΙ θɛας … ɛποιησɛν ɛν αις θηρια…χιλια κα μνρια ɛσφαγη τ δραιανος τονς παρα των βασιλɛων αφικνουμɛνονς ɛν τψ βονλɛντικψ θɛοΠαπασθαι ɛποιɛι—Dio. Cassius, L. 68, 156; IIv. s13 p. Bekker.

^{page 274 note 2} “Quin etiam Indi Bactriani Hyrcani legatos miserunt justitiatanti imperatoris compertā.”—Aurelian Victor, Epit. xvi.

^{page 274 note 3} Perinde timore ejus adventus. … legationes undique solito ooius concurrebant. … nationibus Indicia certatim cum donis optimates mittentibua ante tempus abusque Divis et Serendivis, Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii., 7, 277, p. i; but Zonaras Εχρηματιζɛ ɛ κα πρɛβισν ɛκ ιαφορων ɛθνων σταλɛισι προς τον Λωννστιον.

^{page 274 note 4} Εν παντῳ δɛ χρονῳ (A.D. 530,) και πρɛσβɛυτης Ινδων μɛτα δɛτα αατɛπɛμφθη ɛν κωνσταντινονπολɛι when John of Cappodicia (v. Smith, Biog. Diet.) was praetorian exarch. Malala, p. 477.

^{page 275 note 1} Dio Chrysostom, time of Trajan, speaks of it as second only to Rome, πολις δɛντɛρα των υπο τον ηλιον, Oratio xxxii., 669, 70 p; while Coamas calls it Μɛτιστη παλς.—Montfaucon, Nova Collectio Patrum, I., 124.

^{page 275 note 2} See Hadrian's letter to the Consul Servianus in Flavius Vopiscus: “ Genus hominum seditiosissimum, vanissimum, impurissimum: civitas opulenta dives fӕcunda… utinam melius esaet movata civitas… huic ego cuncta concessi… et in fllium Verum multi dixerunt, et de Antinoo quee dixerunt comperisse te credo.”—Augustse Scriptores, 234, II. Dio Chrysostom speaks of the turbulent sneers, and mocks, and angry hisses with which they greeted both king and private man, ονκ ɛδɛσα τον μɛτɛρον θρουν ουδɛ τον τɛλωτα,ουδɛ την ορτην,υνδɛ συριτμους,ινδɛ τα σκωμματα ος παντας ɛκπληττɛτɛ…κα ιδιωτην κα βασιλɛα, id., p. 664; and that this had estranged the emperors we may gather from p. 687,ɛις υποψιαν αυτονς κηθ' ύμων ητατɛτω Also p. 700, Reiske ed. And AmmianuBMarcellinus “Sed Alexandria in internis Beditionibus diu aspere fatigata.”—xxii., 16§, 207 p.

^{page 275 note 3} Ersch and Gruber, Encyclopedie, art. Palmyra. Not, however, forgetting that between India and Palmyra trade already existed; for Trajan, having descended the Tigris, ɛπ αυτον τον ωκɛανον ɛλθων…και πλοιον τι ɛς Ινδιανπλɛον ιδων.—Cassius, L. 67, c. 28.

^{page 275 note 4} Of works treating of India belonging to this period we have—The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (A.D. 81, 96); Prolog, de Auct. Perip., p. xcvii., L. Geog. Minor, ed. Didot—a manual of Roman, or rather Egyptian, trade with India; a really original work, the result of the author's own observation and experience as a merchant and supercargo. The Geography ofPtolemy (A.D. 138, 161) the first work which makes the circuit of Ceylon, and names the harbours and headlands on its coast, its rivers, mountains, and towns. The Expedition of Alexander and the Indica of Arrian (A.D. 150, 160), both compilations, but the compilations of a man of sense and critical acuteness—the one made up from the cotemporary histories of Alexander, the other from the narratives of Megasthenes, Eratosthenes, and Nearchus. We have besides notices of India and Indian manners Bcattered through several of the numerous treatises of Plutarch and the orations of Dion Chrysostom (A.D. 100), anda longer, and somewhat satirical description of India in his Oratio in Coeienis Phrygire; but both drew their information from the common storehouse; and Dion, in his India, as the true pays de Cocagne, merely throws together in one piece the various Indian myths which Ctesias so willingly collected and believed. Among the writers of this age we may also, though with some hesitation, cla3s Q. Curtius (Smith's Biog. Diet., 1 v.), and Dionysius Periegetes (Geog. Min. Proleg., 18 p. II., Didot); but neither had of himself any knowledge of India. The first merely copied and compiled from the old historians of Alexander, and the second, as well in his Bassarika as in his Periegesis, is original ? only in sofar as he connects the known country of India with the exploits of Bacchus. He says of himself—

cν γαρ μοι βιος ɛστι μɛλαιναων ɛπι νηων

ουδɛ μοι ɛμποριη πατρωιος,ονδ ɛπι ταττην

ɛρχομαι, οια τɛ πυλλοι —709 vv.

^{page 276 note 1} See de Odenato XIV., the Duo Gallieni HI., the Claudius XII., Trigint. Tyran., Trebeli. Pollio., and Aurelian's letter to the Senate, excusing the appearance of Zenobia in his triumphal procession. Vopisci, Hist. Aug. Script., and note 9 to 32 c, vii. L., of Eusebiiis, Eccl. Hist., Heinichen's ed.

^{page 277 note 1} In general rendered “And there are Indians,” &c. I subjoin the whole passage:—κα των Σαρμανων ο Αλλοβιοι προσατορɛυορɛνομɛνοι,ουτɛ πολɛις οικονσιν,δρπɛρ οι νυν Ετκραηται καλουμɛνοι.ɛισι δɛ των Ινδων ο τοις Βουττα πɛθομɛνοιπαραττɛλμασιν τν δɛ ς ύπɛρβολην σɛμνοτητος ɛις θɛον τɛτιμηκασι —Stromata, I. XT. I beg attention to the ambiguity of the last paragraph.

^{page 277 note 2} Bραχμαι . . . . ουτɛɛμΨυχον ɛδθιουσιν, ουτɛ οινον πινουδιν' αλλ' οβιοι προσατορɛυορɛνομɛνοι,ουτɛ πολɛις οικονσιν,δρπɛρ οι νυν Ετκραηται καλουμɛνοι. ɛισι δɛ των Ινδων, γυμνοι διαιτωνται πɛριμηνυουσι, κα σɛβονσι τινα πυραμιδα ὐφ' ν οστιɛα τιτιοι, ο τοις Βουττα πɛθομɛνοιπαραττɛλμασιν τν δɛ ς ύπɛρβολην σɛμνοτητος ɛις θɛον τɛτιμηκασι ιυ ταρ μοι βιος ɛστι μɛλαιναων ɛπι νηων ουδɛ μοι ɛμποριη πατρωιος, τουτων σημɛωσɛως των μɛλλοντων προμιυτɛυɛαθαι τνα—ib. iii., vii.

^{page 277 note 3} In the Prabodhatschandrodaja is an allusion to this observance. The scholar asks of his master why the observers of religious rites eat but one meal in three days. “Wenn Essen und Trinken die Hauptaufgabe des Menscheu ist…denn warum wird … das Leben … durch Bussübungen … wie in 3 Tagen nur eïn Mal speisen, gequält?”—Hirzel's Tr.,23 p., and Menu vi.,18,&c.

^{page 278 note 1} Ad Alexandrinos, ρω γαρ ου μονον Ελληνας παρ ὑμιν, ουδ Ιταλονς,&c.&c. αλλα κα Βακτριους,κα Πɛρσας, κα Ινδων τινας,ι συνθɛωνται καπαρɛισιν καστοτɛ ὑμιν.—Orat., xxxii., 672 p., Reiske ed.

^{page 278 note 2} The term Sarmanai, as the name of a Hindu sect, was first used by Megasthenes, and is found in Strabo and Clemens cited above; that of Samanseoi belongs to Alexander Polyhistor, and is found in Clemens, in the same section, and just before the passage relating to the Gymnosophists which I have given in the text, and in Cyril, cont. Julianum iv., but is in both writers the name of the philosophers or priests of Bactria, and copied from Polyhistor. After Clemens, who lived at the close of the second and beginning of the third century, it is used by Bardeaanes, A.D. 217, to designate, for the first time, so far as we know, the Buddhist priests of India, and in the same sense by Origen (A.D. 244, 249), and lastly, by Hieronymus, close of the fourth century (Epistles, cont. Jovian, pt. i., tr. ii., xxxix.), but expressly borrowed from Bardesanes. But to show that both Clemens and Cyril have been writing from the same authority, I will place their words side by side, observing that Cyril expressly quotes from the Pythagorick symbols of Polyhistor.

Προɛστησαν διαυτης (φιλοσοφιας) Αιγυπτων τɛ ι προφητα ∆σσυριων οι χαλδαναιοι, κα Γαλατων ι Δρυιδαι, καἰ Σαμαναιοι Βακτρων, κα Κɛλτων ι φιλοσοφησαντɛς κα πɛρσων ι μαγοι … Ινδων τɛ ιГυμνοσοφισται . . . . Σκυθης δɛ κα Αναχαρσις ην.— Stromat I.

'Ιστορɛι γουν Αλɛξανδρος Πολυιστωρ ɛν τῳ πɛρι Πυθαγορικων συμβολων … ɛφιλοσοφησαν κα παρ' Αιγυπτιοις ι κɛκλημɛνοι προφηται κα Ασσυριων χαλδαιοι, κα Γαλατων οι Δρυιδαι κα ɛκ Βακτρων των Πɛρσων Σαμαναιι, κα Κɛλτων ουκολιγοι, κα παρα Πɛρσαις ι Μαγοι, κα αυτος Αναχαρσις παρα Σκυθαις.—Cyril cont. Julian, L. XV, (A.D. 37 ?)

^{page 278 note 3} Bardesanes we examine at length presently.—Origen, cont. Celsum, I. 24, speaking of the innate force of words, ώς τισι χρωνται ΑιΥυπτιων ι σοφοικα των παρα Πɛρσαις ματων ύι λοτιοι,κα των παρ Ινδοις φιλοσοφουνΤων Βραχμανɛς η Σαμαναιοι—Hieronymus, “Bardesanes vir Babylonius in duo dogmata apud Indos Gymnosophistas dividit, quorum alterum appellat Bragmanos, alterum Samanceos.” See, however, Schwanbeck in Milller's Hist. Grsec. Tr. 437 p. HI, v., and Lassen Ind. Alterthum, III. v., 355–6 pp.

^{page 279 note 1} Philostratus published his Apollonius after the death of the Empress Julia Domna, as he himself states, consequently some time after A.D. 217. V. Dio Cassius, L. 78, 6, 24.

^{page 279 note 2} Ælian flourished A.D. 225.

^{page 279 note 3} Descript. iv. ɛις το Ινδου αταλμα, On the statue of an Indian, evident'y; and not, On the statue of the Indus, as Lassen renders it.—Ind. Alt. HI., 73. Callistratus wrote about A.D. 250.

^{page 280 note 1} Porphyry, de Abstinentia, iv. 17.

^{page 280 note 2} Ινδοι δι ɛπι της βσιλɛιας της Αντωνινου Του ɛξ ητησαντοStobseus Physica, i., 54. Gaisford's ed. This reading proposed sHeeren, and adopted by Gaisford, necessarily, it seems to me, brings down our embassy to the reign of Elagabalus (A.D. 218, 222) the only Antonine who can be described as of Emesa. Lassen, however, (ut sup., III., 348,) is of opinion that it wag addressed to Antoninus Pius (A.D. 158, 181, an error for 138, 151), but as hisreference is to Heeren's ed., whose emendation I presume he adopts, I cannot conceive how he arrives at this conclusion.

^{page 280 note 3} Megasthenes, ag quoted by both Arrian and Strabo, bad some indistinct notion that the Indian sophistai, or some of them, were not so bound to caste as the other Indians.But Arrian so puts it as if the whole Brahman caste was open. Μουνον σφισιν ανɛιται σοφιστην ɛκ παντος τɛνɛος τɛνɛοθαι, and that because of the austerity of their lives.—Indica, xi., 7, xii., 9. Fr. Hist. Græc, II., 427, 429 pp. Didot ed. Strabo, on the other hand, that no man can exercise two trades, except he be a philosopher, πλην ɛι Των φιλοσοφων τιςɛιη and this because of their virtue.— ib., p. 430. Diodorus omits the passage: doubtless it was ambiguous.

^{page 280 note 4} AXtiroupyqrotΑλɛτουρτητηοι τιρ οντɛς ι φιλοποφοι πυσης ὐπυυργιας, ονθ' ɛτɛρωτ κυριɛυουοιν ονθ υφ' ɛΤɛρων δɛσποζονται.—Diodorus, II., 400; Fr. Græ. II., 405 p. Menu says, “A king, even though dying, must not receive any tax from a Brahman learned in the Vedas.”—cvii., 133. ‘The temple lands (of Buddhist priests) were invariably free from royal duty.”—Hardy, Monachism, 68 p.

^{page 280 note 5} “ Buttermilk may be swallowed, and every preparation of buttermilk,” 10 §. “And every mess prepared with barley or wheat, or with dressed milk,” 25 §, v. c, Menu.

^{page 281 note 1} “Let him eat green herbs, flowers, roots, and fruits,” &c, 13 §. “Let him not eat the produce of plowed land,” 16 §, vi. c. of the Anchorite ed. But as a Sannyasi, “an earthen water-pot, the roots of large trees, coarse vesture, total solitude,—these are the characteristics of a Brahman set free,” 44 § ib.

^{page 281 note 2} The Brahman student must “abstain from flesh meat,” 177 §, ii., ib. “The Manava Dharma affirms that the Brahman who eats flesh loses instantly his rank.” —Tr. Rl. As.'Soc, 163 p., iii. v.

^{page 281 note 3} As anchorite, “Let him live without external fire,—wholly silent,” vi. 25, ib. As Sannyasi, “Alone let him constantly dwell for the sake of his own felic'ty, observing the happiness of a solitary man—without a companion,” ib., 42.

^{page 281 note 4} Samanaioi, from the Pali Sammana, found first in Clemens Alexandrinus from Polyhistor, and applied to the priests of Bactria.

^{page 281 note 5} “The priest can only possess three robes,” 66 p. “Prom the commencement of his novitiate he is shaved,” 112 p. “The wearing of the robe is imperative,” 114, 122. Hardy, East. Monachism.

^{page 281 note 6} The regular and usual mode of obtaining food is “to take the alms bowl from house to house,” Hardy, ut sup. 94, but as we may gather from the Sacred Books of Ceylon and the Legend of Anepidu (Hardy, Monachism, 68 p., and Buddhism, 218 p.), land and food were also provided by kings and rich men for monasteries; indeed, under certain circumstances, thepriest is enjoined to refuse the food “that is given statedly to a temple.” Id., Monachism, p. 97.

^{page 281 note 7} So in the legend of Samgha: “Au bout de quelque temps le son de la plaque de metal qu'on frappe pour appeler les Religieux s'€tant fait entendre, chacun d'eux tenant son vase a la main vient s'asseoir a son rang.”—Burnouf, Introd & l'Hist du Bouddhisme, 320 p

^{page 282 note 1} Onesecritus says, when suffering from disease, Αισχιστον δ' αυτοις νομιςɛθαι νοσον σωματικην τον δ υπονοηαντα καθ αυτου τουτο ɛξατɛιν ξαντον δια πυρος νησαντα τον.—Strabo, xv., 65. Pomponius Mela more generally, “At ubi senectus aut morbus incessit, procul a cseteris abeunt mortemque … nihil anxie expectant … Prudentiores … non expectant earn sed ingerendo semet ignibus lseti et cum gloria arcessunt.”—III., vii., 40. “On voit… dans l'Inde des homines se bruler sur un bucher.… Cet usage vient de la croyance … a la mgtempsychose.”—Reinaud, Eel. des Voyageurs Arabes, I., 120 p. Yet Menu rather discountenances, except in sickness, voluntary deaths. “If he has an incurable disease,” (for an example see Radja-Tarangini, i., 311—12. Note,) “let him advance in a straight line towards the invincible N.B. point, feeding on air and water till his mortal frame totally decay,” vii., 81; but 45 ib., “Let him not wish for life, let him expect his appointed time as a herd expects his wages.” Similarly the Buddhist. “The rahats do not desire to live, nor do they wish to die; they wait patiently for the appointed time.”—Hardy, E. Mon., 287. But from the answer of Punna (Purna) to Buddha, “There are some priests who from various causes are tired of life, and they seek opportunities whereby their lives may be taken, but this course I shall avoid,” (id., Buddhism, 260 p.); and from the fact that the perfected priest when “at the point of death would cause his body to be spontaneously burnt” (id., Monachism, 261), we may presume that voluntary deaths among priests, even in Buddha's time, were not unfrequent and permissible on some occasions, i.e., were, as among the Brahmans, not very strictly prohibited, and that Megasthenes very fairly states both the doctrine and the practice, 'Ονκ ɛιναι δυτμα φησι αντους ɛξαγɛιν τους δɛ ποιουντας τουτο νɛαικονς ρινɛσθαι,—Geog. Hist. Grsec, II., 439.

^{page 283 note 1} Megasthenes ascribes no particular virtue to the death by fire: it is merely the death preferred by fiery spirits, τους δɛ πυρωςɛις ɛις πνρωθουμɛνους ib.

^{page 283 note 2} The Relation des Voyageurs Arabes, 9th century, thus describes one of these self-immolations. The man “se met à courir dans les marchès ayant devant lui des cymbales et entouré de sa famille et ses proches.” … A crown of burning coals is placed upon his head.… “Le homme marche la tête eu feu… et pourtant il marche comme si de rien n'était et on n'apercoit sur lui aucun signe demotion: enfin, il arrive devant le bucher et s'y prficipite.”—Reinaud, i. 122.

^{page 283 note 3} Sarmanai, Sans. Cramaná, used by Megasthenes and his copyists.

^{page 283 note 4} From Strabo, xv., I. 61.

^{page 283 note 5} The shaved head would imply a Buddhist priest, described in the Prabodhatschandrodajaas “Kahlgeschirner, Kopfbüschelverzierter, Haarausraufer,” 39 p., and whoever compares the whole account of this shaved Brahman, how he came to Alexander and followed him to the end, with Onesecritus’ story of Calanus—save that no mention is made of this Brahman's voluntary death—will be inclined to think that he and Calanus are one and the same person.—Strabo, xv., I., 65.

^{page 283 note 6} Strabo, ib., 66.

^{page 283 note 7} Strabo, xv. T. Diodorus Siculus, II., 35. Arrian, Indica, vii.

^{page 284 note 1} Menu, III., 124, &c., §.

^{page 284 note 2} “The discipline of a student in the three Vedaa may be continued for thirtysix years in the house of his preceptor, or for half that time,” &c. Menu, III., 1. That on his return home he lived more laxly and elegantly may be gathered from §§ 3, 61, 62, ib., and iv., 34. In the chapter on Diet, from 25—35 §, are the rules to be observed in eating flesh meat. Among the Jains, “A student till he is married should tie only a thread round his loins, with a rag to cover his nakedness.” But “as soon as he is married, then he may dresB properly at his pleasure.”—As. Resear. ix. 248.

^{page 284 note 3} See on the third and fourth Orders. Menu, vi., 6, &c.

^{page 285 note 1} Of the Sannyasi, “Let him repair to the lonely wood, committing the care of his wife to her sons, or accompanied by her, if she chuse to attend him.”— Menu, ib., 3 §.

^{page 285 note 2} Geogr., xv., I., 70.

^{page 285 note 3} In a paper on the Religious Sects of the Hindus, I find that the late Professor Wilson derives the term Pramnse, from Pramana, proof, and inclines to think that they were Bauddhas; the Sarmanai, on the other hand, ascetics generally. As, however, in his latter years he identified, I believe, the Sarmanai with the Buddhist Shamans, his great authority can scarcely be brought to bear against the view I have taicen.—As. Res., xvii., 279, 280 pp.

^{page 285 note 4} So in the legend of Samgha, when in his wanderings he finds a hermitage with 500 Rishis, to avoid receiving him they say one to another, “Continuons de nous livrer a nos occupations ordina'res: ces Cramanas fils de Cakya sont de grands parleurs.”—Burnouf, ut sup., 323.

^{page 285 note 5} Menu, vii., 37, and compare 54 and 58, ib.

^{page 286 note 1} In the Prabod'h Chandrádaya the Digambara is thus described: “His disgustful form is besmeared with ordure, his hair in wild disorder, his body naked andhorrible to the view.”—Act III., Taylor's trs.

^{page 286 note 2} Hardy, Monachism, p. 92.

^{page 286 note 3} Corresponding with the “Mountain and Plain” Brahmans, probably, of Megasthenes.— Strabo, ut sup.

^{page 286 note 4} In the early days of Buddhism, according to the “Book of the Twelve Observances,” (Bumouf, ut sup. 804,) another mode of life prevailed. “L'obligation de se retirer dans la solitude des forets, celle de s'asseoir aupres des troncs d'arbres, celle de vivre en plein air.… sont certainement trois règies primitives.”—Id., 311 p. Hardy says, “It was an ordinance of Buddha that the priests, who were then supposed to dwell most commonly in the wilderness, should, during the three months of the rainy season, reside in a fixed habitation.”—Monachism, 282, and Burnouf, 285, 6.

^{page 287 note 1} “Agrahara est le nom de tout terrain ou de tout village particulifcrement affects aux Brahmanes. Dans le sud de l'lnde … on ne trouve presque pas. d'endroit sans un agrahara habitfi par des Brahmanes seulement.”—Radja Tarangini, I., 348 p., note. Troyer. Trs.

^{page 287 note 2} Tr. Royal Asiatic Society, I., 441.

^{page 288 note 1} Burnouf, Introduction à l'Hiatoire du Bouddhisme, 317 p.

^{page 288 note 2} Id. ib., 253—4 pp. Troyer, in his notes to the Radja-Tarangini, I., 361, 6 pp., describes several sacred and extraordinary fountains in Cashmere which the credulity of the people, favoured by their distance and inaccessibility, may have easily worked up into the lakes of Bardesanes. See also Ctesias' account of a fountain, the waters of which became solid, and when given to drink in water made one tell everything one ever did.—Photius, 147 and 155.

^{page 289 note 1} The Radja-tarangini has a passage which reminds one of this cave and statue. “La possession de la jouissance de la beatitude 6ternelle devient le partage de ceux qui dans l'inte'rieur du sanctuaire de Papasudana (qui dctruit tout p§ch§) touchent l'image de boss de l'fjpoux Uma. La dfiesse Sandya entretieut dans cette montagne aride, l'eau dans laquelle on reconnait ce qui est conforme et ce qui ne lest pas à la vertu et au vice.”—I., 32, 33, Slokas. Of this passage, however, Professor Goldstiicker has favoured me with the following translation:— “There those who touch the wooden image of Siva standing in the interior of the sacred place Papasudana, attain as their reward worldly enjoyment and final bliss, 32. There on the waterless mountain the goddess of twilight (the wife of Siva) places water to show to the virtuous that which will benefit (agree with), and to the wicked that which will injure (disagree with) them,” 33.

^{page 289 note 2} “La rèunion de Civa et de Parvati dans un seul corps est letheme de I'invocation par laquelle commence chaque livre du Eadja-tarangini.… Cette forme est l'objet d'une grande vénération dans l'Inde. Je rappellerai par mi les images… de l'ile d'Eléphanta une statue colossale—représentant Civa moitié homme et moitié femme avec une seule poitrine.”—Radj., II., 326, 328 pp.

^{page 289 note 3} Τουτον τον αν δριαντα φασι δɛδωκɛναι τον θɛον τῳ ὐιῳ πητικα τυν κοσμον ɛκτιζɛν.—Stobœus, Physica, Gaisford's ed., p.,54. This expression indicates a Christianauthor, and indeed Bardesanes has been identified with the great heresiarch of that name who lived in the second century, and gained so great celebrity by a work on Pate. In this case the Christian author was still living (A.D. 218, 222). Porphyry (A.D. 233, 304), says of the Bardesanes he quotes that “he lived in the time of our fathers.” But the Christian Bardesanes presented bis book, Cedrenus of the eleventh century affirms, to Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138,161), and Epiphanius (ad. Heres., II., 36, II. v., 477 p.) speaks of him as faithful to the Church up to the death of Antoninus Verus (A.D. 169), and of this book as of one of his orthodox works; but this book Eusebius (A.D. 324)asserts (Hist. Eccl., iv., 24,30,) he presented to Marcus Antoninus, and further adds that he wrote it in consequence of the persecution of the Christians by Marcus (A.D. 167, 177), and about the time Soter, Bishop of Rome, died (A.D. 179). Now, from the earliest and latest of these dates, the deaths of Antoninus Pius and the accession of Elagabalus, there elapsed thirty-seven and thirly-nine years respectively, and our author must either have been very young when he wrote his work on Fate, or very old when hepublished his Indica. Again, the Edessene Chronicle (Assomanni, Bib. Orient., i., 47 p., note, and 389, note), gives the precise date of his birth, July 11, A.D. 154. On this authority he must have been seven years Id when Antoninus Pius died, and twenty-fire when Soter. And at twenty-five he might have written his book on Pate, and at sixty-four his Colloquy with the Indian Ambassadors. But of late years this “Book on Fate,” or rather “Book of the Laws of Countries,” has been found in the Syriac original, and was in 1855 published in its entirety by the Oriental Translation Fund, together with a translation by the Rev. Mr. Cureton. The work is in the shape of a dialogue. Two youths, who have been discoursing on “fate, free-will, fore-knowledge absolute,” meet with Bardesanes, and appeal to his superior learning and wisdom. They address him sometimes as lord—a homage paid, perhaps, to his rank and relationship with the Abgari—and sometimes as father, a deference due only to his age and experience. He, too, alludes and appeals to former works of his, p. 5. “For it has been said by me in another place.” When he wrote this work, then, he must have been a man of at least mid age, and either not born, A.D. 154, or his book not written, A.D. 179. Again, in the book itself are allusions which may assist us in fixing its date. In p. 30, “Because as yesterday the Romans took Arabia and abrogated all their ancient laws, and more especially that circumcision with which they circumcised.” Mr. Cureton, Pref. iii., is of opinion that this passage refers to the conquest of Arabia by Marcus Aurelius (Lucius Verus), but of such a conquest by him I find no record, not even in the titles Armeniacus, Parthicus, and Medicus, which the senate so lavishly bestowed on him, and which he afterwards dropped. (Life, Smith's Hist.) But on the other hand, Trajan (Eutropius, viii., 3):—“Arabum regem in fidem accepit,” and “Arabiam postea in provincise formam redegit.” But to this conquest (A.D. 116) could Bardesanes, even A.D. 167, allude as “ of yesterday?” I think not. Severus, however, A.D. 196, again conquered and reduced Arabia to a province (Eutropius, iii., 18). “Arabos simul a lortus est, in ditionem redegit provincise modo.” Aurelius Victor, xx., 14, 15, “Persarum regem, Abgarum subegit, Arabas in deditionem accepit; Severi, Hist. Spartianus, Hist. Aug., I. v., 157 p. But if it is of this conquest Bardesanes speaks, then his book can scarcely have been written till after the death of Severus (A.D. 211), or in the reign of Caracalla (A.D. 211, 217). But as any such date is wide of the several dates ascribed to this work by the early Fathers, and as these dates are themselves wide of one another, and very indefinite, we will examine how far such a date is consistent with the circumstances. The Edessene Chronicle gives the date of his birth so precisely, that I should be loath, except on evidence, to reject it, A.D. 154. His book, as we have seen, indicates that it was written at least in mid-age, perhaps in old age; if written A.D. 214, it would have been written eighteen years after the conquest of Arabia by Severus,—neither too late nor too early for the “but as yesterday,” and when he was sixty years of age,—when he might well quote other works of his own, and be addressed as lord or father. But tradition spoke of this work as having been presented to Antoninus, and hence the embroglio ofdates. For that Bardesanes, a Syrian, and of the Abgari, should know and be known by the Emesene Elagabalus is no way improbable; neither is it improbable that on Elagabalus' nomination to the Empire he should present him, evidently of a religious turn of mind, with a work already of repute, and which was Christian, rather because it was catholic, than because it contained auy special Christian doctrine; nor that when he so presented it, he should address the Emperor as Antoninus—a name he much affected, and by which he was in Syria generally known. But it is also not improbable that the Christians, who so carefully chronicled the interview of Origen with Mammcea, should likewise bruit abroad the honour conferred on this work of Bardesanes, which thus became associated with the name of Antoninus. But the name of Antoninus, as applied to Blagabalus, can scarcely be said to have ever obtained in either Greece or Rome, but see Macrinus Capitolini, vii. Hist. Aug. Script., and in Epiphanius' time was probably only given to Pius and Marcus; what more natural than that our Fathers, when they heard of thig presentation copy, should refer it to one or other of these great Emperors—more especially as the work was not heretical, and should therefore be a work of Bardesanes' younger days ? though so far as that goes, it might just as well have been written by a Jew as a Christian.

^{page 291 note 1} φωσι δɛ ɛξωιρɛτον αύτοις ɛιναι ριαν πητην της αληθɛιας παλυ παντων αρισσην κα θɛιοτην,ξς αυδɛποτɛ τους γɛυσαμɛνους ɛμπιπλασθα.—Dio Chryso. II., 72.

^{page 292 note 1} In the Radja-tarangini, the widow of a Brahman applies to the king to punish the murderer of her husband, and names a Brahman whom she suspects, bnt refuses the ordeal by water. “0 radja, cet homme est connu pour etre verse dans le fameux art de l'eau, il peutsans crainte arrdter le jeu divin.”—iv., 94, 121 p., II. v. Eventually they try the ordeal by flour of rice, and the Brahman is convicted. “Le roi lui infligea toute punition sauf la punition de la mort.” 105.

^{page 292 note 2} Indische Skizzen, 86 p., note.

^{page 292 note 3} Indische Alterthumskunder, III., 351.

^{page 292 note 4} A statue of Siva and Parvati united, or as Ardhanari, is in the Elephanta cave.—Moor's Pantheon, 98 p. And in pi. 7 and 24 of the same work are representations of Ardhanari, two seated and one standing. On each side of the united deities are the bull and tiger, the Nandis of Siva and Parvati respectively, but in pi. 7 interchanged. In all the figures

“Fromthe moon-silvered locks famed Ganga springs;”

but in pl. 7 the goddess is seen personally with the serpent's head over her; all bear the soli-lunar emblem on the forehead, the drum and trident orsword in the hands, and the collar of flowers or skulls about the neck; but on none are to be found the symbolical characters which adorned the statue of Sandanes.

^{page 293 note 1} Perhaps in the N. of India, towards Mount Meru, where also is that cave of Pluto, παρα τοις Αριανοις τοις Ινδικοις, described by Ælian, xvi., 16, with its mystic recesses, its secret paths stretching deep under ground, and leading no one knows whither, but down which, when the people drive them, all sorts of animals willingly hurry, never to return; though who will may hear the bleating of sheep, the lowing of oxen, and the neighing of horses, coining up from the depths of theearth.

^{page 294 note 1} Hist. Nat., vi., 26.

^{page 294 note 2} Κα κοπτον διωρωξ πολιν Αιτυπιτων τɛ κα Αραβων—Strabo, xviii, I., 44.

^{page 294 note 3} “ Sagittariorum cohortibus impositia: ctenim piratse maxime infestant.”— Pliny, ib. πλɛι δɛ ɛις ɛμπορια τουτα μɛταλα πλοια, Periplus, 56 §§; and see also the description of an Egyptian ship in the Indian trade from Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius, 97 p. xvii., Rl. As. Journ.

^{page 294 note 4} I have no direct authority for this; but besides such names on theIndian coast as Byzantium, found also in the Periplus, &c., Ptolemy, speaking of the situation of some Indian town, states that he has it from those who had resided in the country some time, παρα των ɛντɛυθιν ɛισπλɛυσαντων κα χρονον πλɛιστον ɛπɛλθοντμν τους τοπους κα παρα ɛκɛιθɛν αφικιομɛων προς μας.—Proleg.I., xvii. And though much later in time, Procopius says of Abraham, whom the Homerites elected their king, that he was the slave of a Roman, and lived at Adule as (a ship agent or broker). δɛ Αβραμος ούτος χριστιανος ην,δουλοςδɛ Πωμαιου ανδρος,ɛν πυλɛι…Αδονλιδι ɛπι τΥ κατα θαλασσον ɛρτασια.—De Bello Persico, I., 20.

^{page 295 note 1} Vide Strabo, xv., III., 5, and Pliny, vi., 22. Very possibly they sailed up to Vologesia itself, for a passage in the Meadows of Gold, of Massoudi, to which Sir Henry Eawlinson called my attention, speaks of ships from India and China, as, in the 5th century of our era, lying at Hira, a little to the S.W. of Babylon, 247, I., Sprenger's tr., and see also Reinaud's Observations, xxxv. vi. pp., with note I., Relations Arabes.

^{page 295 note 2} Vide Pollio, Hist. Gallieni. Hist. Aug. Script., x., xii., 90, 92 pp.

^{page 295 note 3} Vide Zosimus, Lib. I., 440.

^{page 295 note 4} Vide M. Aurelianus Vopisci, xxxi. Hist. Aug. Scrip., II., 176.

^{page 296 note 1} If it was brought in stuffs, was it re-made ? Pliny, Philemon Holland's tr. ”The Seres kemb from the leaves of their trees the hoary down—‘Velleraque, ut foliis depeotunt tenuia Seres,’ Georgics II., 121—and when it is steeped in water, they card and spin it, yea, and after their manner make thereof a web; whereupon the dames here with us hare a double labour both of undoing and also of reweaving again this kind of yarn. See what ado there is about it 1 What labour and toil it costeth, and how far fet it is, and all that our ladies and wives when they go abroad in the street may cast &lustre from them and shine again, in their silks and velvets.”—I., 124 p.

^{page 296 note 2} 'Ιματια τα ɛκ μɛταξης ɛν Βηρυτῳ μɛν κα Τυρῳ πολɛσι ταις ɛπι Φοινικη ɛργαζɛσθαι ɛκ παλαιου ɛιωθɛι ι τɛ τουτων ɛμποροι τɛ κα ɛπιδημιουργοι κα τɛχνιται ɛντανθα το ανɛκαθɛν ωκουν, ɛνθɛνδɛ τɛ ɛς γην απασαν φɛρɛσθαι το ɛμπολημα τουτο ξυνɛβαɛνɛν.—Procopius, Hist. Arcana, 25 c, p. 140, and Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv., 9, 7.

^{page 296 note 3} “Quid lineas iEgypto petitas loquar ? Quid Tyro et Sidone tenuitate perlucidas micantes purpurfc, plumandi difflcultate pernobiles.”—Vopiscus, Carinusxx., Hist. Aug. Scrip. That the stuffis from Tyre and Sidon were of silk, I gather from the difficultate plumandi.—χιτων ɛΚ μɛταξης ɛγκαλλωπισι χρυσοις πανταχοθɛν ὠραινμɛνος, à δɛ νɛνομηκασι πλουμμια καλɛιν.—Procopius de Ædificiis, III., 1., 247 p., and Ammianus Marcell., xiv., 9, 7.

^{page 297 note 1} Vide note 2, 273p. supra, fromthe Hist. Aug. Scrp.

^{page 297 note 2} Besides his massacre of the citizens, he compelled all strangers to leave the city, except merchants and τα ɛκνινων παντα διηρπαοσθη.—Dio. Cass., 22 c, 77 L. He also took away the Jua Bulentarium conceded to them by Severus.—id.,17 c, 51 L.

^{page 297 note 3} “Sed Alexandria … internis seditionibus diu aspere fatigata, ad ultimum multis post annis Aureliano imperhim agente, civilibus jurgiis ad certamina interneciva prolapsis, diutisque mseuibus, amisit regionis niaximam partem, quse Bruchion appellabatur, diuturnum prcestantium hominum domicilium.”— Aur. Mar., xxii., 16, 15.

^{page 297 note 4} As Jimilianus, xxi., Tr. Tyranni Treb. Pollio. Saturninus and Firmus, vid. Flav. Vopis., Hist. Aug. Scrip., 123 p., 228, &c, pp., ii. v.

^{page 297 note 5} Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., vii.) tells of the misery and confusion in Alexandria, A.D. 261, the consequence of sedition and civil war; ib. which afflicted it; and ib. 32, of its siege and capture, and the destruction of Bruchium. In the Chron. Canon., under Claudius, A.D. 273, “Alexandria suburbiam post diutinam obsidionem summo, excidio deletum est.”—p. 392 ed. Maius et Zohrab.

^{page 298 note 1} Vopiacus dwells on the wealth of Firmus: “De hujus divitiis multa dicuntur, nam et vitreis quadratnris, bitumine aliisque medioamentig insertis, domum indurisae perhibetur: et tantum habuisse de chartis, ut publice ssepe diceret, exercitum se alere posse papyro et glutino. Idem et cum Blemyis societatem maximam tenuit et cum Saracenis;” and then adds, “naves quogue ad Indos negotiatorias scepe miset: ipse quoque dicitur habuisse duos dentes elephanti pedum denum.”— ib., 230, p. II. Vopiscus describes the wealth of Firmus in so far as it was extraordinary, rare, and with this classes his ships to India. After him I cannot anywhere find that ships went from Alexandria to India.

^{page 298 note 2} “Blemmyis capita absunt vultus in pectore est.”—Pomp. Mela.. I., viii., 60. But Rome was able to form a more correct opinion of them after the triumph of Aurelian in which they figured: “praetor captivos gentium barbarum, Blemyes.… Indi, Bactriani, Saraceni, Pereae.”—Vopiscus, ib., 178, II. The Indi and Bactriani must have been captives from Palmyra.

^{page 298 note 3} Vopiscus, Probus xvii., ib., 221, II.