¹ Geograph. India. 1. xv. c. 73, also Damasceni, Frag. 91; Frag.'Hist. Græc. iii. v. 419. p. Didot.

² 'Ouζ ɛκ μɛν τηζ ɛπιστοληζ πλɛιουζ δηλουσθαι, ⋯υζιδɛιν, ϕνσι, τοηζ δ'αλλουζ ὑπο μη;κουζ των λιαϕθαπňυαι το πδɛου. Ut supra.

* Was parchment or some prepared skin used for writing on by the ancient Hindus? All the MS. I have seen (from Birmah) were on palm leaves. And there is a passage in Hiouen Thsang which would indicate that the leaf of the Talas was used in his time for that purpose. “Lea feuilles des TAla (Borasaus flabelliformis) sont longues, larges, et d'une couleur luisante. Pans tous les Royaumes de l'Inde il n'y a personne qui n'en recueille pour éerive, iii. v., 148 p.

³ Καϊ ɛτοιμοζ ɛιο διοδον τɛ παρɛχɛιν, οπη βουλɛται, συμπραττɛιν ⋯αη καλωζ ɛχɛι. Ut supra.

⁴ Ζαρμανοχηγαζ Ινδοζ απο Βαρυοσηζ κατα τα πατρτα Ινδωυ ɛθν ɛαυτον] απαθντισαζ κɛιται.

⁵ Carmen Seculare 55, 6 (written about 17 B.C.); Ode 14, L. iv. (13 B.C), and Ode 12, L. i. (22 B. C. according to Bentley, 19 B.C. according to_Donatus); here the speaks of “Subjectos… Seres et Iudos.”

⁶ Ut supra 4, c. Και ⋯ι νυν δɛ ɛξ Αιγυπτιου πλɛοντɛζ ɛμπορικοι τῳ Νɛιλῳ και τῳ Αραβιῳ κολπῳ μɛχρι τηζ Ινδικηζ σπανιοι μɛν κα⋯ πɛριπλɛυκασι μɛχρι του Гαγγου, κα⋯ ⋯νδɛν προζ ἱστοριαν των τοπων χρησιμοἱ, κακɛιθɛν δ αφ'⋯νοζ τοπου καἱ παρ' ⋯νοζ βασιλɛωζ Пανδιονοζ κα⋯ αλλου (κατ' αλλουζ, Groskurd) Пωρου, ηκɛν ὠζ καισαρα τον Σɛβαστον δωρα κα⋯ πρɛσβɛ⋯α καἱ ⋯ κατακαυσαζ Αθηνησ⋯ σοΦ⋯σαρ ⋯ Καλανοζ Αλɛξανδρῳ την τοιμυτην θɛαν ɛπιδɛιξυμɛνοζ. I have taken πρɛδβɛιυ as πρɛβɛια, and I think the sense requires it. The other twlo editions I have Consulted give πρɛσια, which their Latin versions reuder “legatio.”

⁷ Hist. Rom. iv. c. 12, ad calcem “Indi cum gemmis et margaritis elephantes quoque inter munera trahentes nihil magis quam longinquitatem vise imputabant quam quadriennio impleverant.”

⁸ Augustus 21c. “Qua virtntis moderationisque fama, Indos etiam ac Scythas auditu modo cognitos pellexit ad amicitiam suam populique Roniani ultro per legatos petendam,”

⁹ Hist. Rom. L. 9, 58 p. ii., Bekker A. V. 734, B. C.18. Augustus being then in Samos Π⋯μπολλαι, λν, πρɛλβɛ,ιαι προζ, αυτον, αοικ,μτο, και οι προκνρμκɛμλαμɛμοι πρυτɛπομ οιλιαμ τολɛ ɛς πɛιλαμτο, λωρα πɛμυαμτɛζ αλλα τɛ και τιλρɛιζ πρωτομ τοτɛ τοιζ πωμαιζ, ɛλλνλιμ, οοθɛισαζ, και τι και μɛιρακιομ τοτɛ τοιζ Ρωμαιιζ νομισω δ'οτι κα⋯ τοι ɛλλνλιμ, βɛλνοιɛι και ɛλαλπιɛɛμ… ɛιζ λουμωμ ζαλμαμοζ … ɛλτɛ και ɛζ ɛπωɛιɛιμ τομ δɛ Αυλυ (και δαπ ɛκɛισɛ ηλθɛν) αποθαντɛ καιπω. ωζ øασζ ɛμνηθη τɛ τα τοιν καιπɛρ ουκ συ ττ και πυλι ɛαντοξ ξωγτα ɛζλωκɛν

¹⁰ Suetonius, without going into detail, casually confirms this initiation of Augustus at Athens “Namque Athenis iiiitiatus, &c,” Aug. c. 93. But allowing that Augustus” was initiated at Athens at this time, it does not follow that this Hindu was initiated with him, though such an initiation would be no impossible proceeding in a Buddhist priest.

¹¹ I have not cited Eusebius, because in Maius' and Zohrab's edition of his Canon Chronicon, founded on an old Armenian version, there is no allusion whatever to our embassy. I observe also that Scaliger's edition makes the same double and confused mention of it, and in the very same words that does George the Syncell's Chronographia, from which Scaliger large'y borrowed. Knowing then how Scaliger made up his edition of the Canon Chron. I suspect that even supposing a notice of our embassy in the original work, and this is doubtful (Maius' Pref. xviii), such a notice could not well have existed in the shape in which it now appears. Georgiu i then, and Scaliger's Canon Chronicon under the 188th Olymp. state, τοτɛ κα⋯ παντων ⋯ των ǀνδων βασιλɛυζ ɛπɛκηρυκɛυστο φιλοζ Αυγυστυ Ƴɛνɛσθαι (καισυμμαυοζ) then going back to the 185th 01. they tell of the death of Anthony and the capture of Lepidus, and how Augustus then became sole emperor, and how the Alexandririans compute the years of Augustus, and then add Πανδων ⋯ των Ινδων βασιλɛυς φιλος Αυγυστου κα⋯ δυμμαυος πρɛσβɛνɛται. Georg. Syncellus Byzant. Hist. Nietrahr. 588, 9, ib.

¹² Indi ab Augusto amicitiam postularunt, 188th Olyin. Migne ed.

¹³ Interea Csesarem apud Tarraconem citerioris Hispanise urbem legati Indorum et Scytharum toto orbe transmisso tandem ibi invenerunt, ultra quod queerere non possent, refuderuntque in Csesarem Alexandri Magni gloriam; quem sicut Hispanorum Gallorumque legatio in medio Oriente apud Babylonem contemplatione pacis adiit, ita huno apud Hispaniam in Occidentis ultimo supplex cum gentilitio munere eous Indus et Scytha boreus oravit.” Orosius. Hist. vi. c. xii.

¹⁴ I don't overlook the προκηρυκɛυσαμɛνοι φροτɛρον øιλιαν τοτɛ ɛσπɛισαντο of Dio Cassius, nor the ɛπɛκηρνκɛνσατο of Georgius. But with regard to the first, is it, looking at the context, possible to conceive that those προκηρυκɛυσαμɛττι were other than those who τοτɛ ɛσπɛισαντο, and who were at Antioch 22 B.c. and who then probably gave notice of their mission by herald ? With regard to the second, I have but to observe that the ɛπɛκηρυκɛυατο belongs to the 188th Olymp. or 26 B.c, and cannot consequently refer to a previous embassy.

¹⁵ “Propter festinationem quam ipse hi Chronici præfatione fatetur.” Maius, Can. Chron. Præf. xix.

¹⁶ Smith's Diet, of Greek and Horn. Biog. Art. Orosius.

¹⁷ Vid. supra, note 3.

¹⁸ Tουτο πολλος ɛτɛσιν αλλος Iνλοζ ɛν Aθηυαιζ Kαισαρι δυυων ɛποιησɛν και δɛικνυται το μɛ ημɛιον Iνλου καλουμɛυου. Alexa dri vita, vitæ iii. 1290 p.

¹⁹ “Solebat etiam citra speetaoulorum dies, si quando quid novitatum dignumquo cognitu advectum esset, id extra ordinem quolibet loco publieare: ut rhinocerotem apud septa, tigrim in scenâ, anguem quinquagiuta cubitorum pro Comitio.” Augustus 43 c.

²⁰ Augustus Q. Tuberone, Paulo Maximo coss. iv. Nonas Maias Theatro Marcelli dedicatioue tigrim primus omnium Romso ostendt in cavea mansuefactum: Divus vero Claudius simul quatuor. Plin. Hist. Nat. viii. 25.

²¹ Indisclie Alterthumskunde 59, 60 p. iii.

²² Surely the Greek legends on Indian coins, where the sovereign's name, which could not have been copied from any existing die, is found with its proper inflexions, as e. g. on the coins of Azes 50 B.C. BaΣIAEωZ BAΣIAEωN MEγAAογ AZογ (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua 325), would indicate that in the N. W. provinces of India the Greek language was not utterly forgotten: and if we could believe that our embassy came from the Punjab, we would take it for granted that its Greek letter was composed there.

²³ Arrian speaks of a δɛωøοροζ όλοζ, extending, evidently from the context, in the direction of India through Bactria. Exp. Alexand. iii. L. 21 e.

²⁴ v. Mansiones Parthicce Isidori Characeni. Geograph. Minor’ iv. Didot ed., and a short account of another route for goods in Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi., xix.

²⁵ Lassen ut supra ii. 411 p. corrected by note 8, p. 813. Kadphisea wahrscheinlich Indien 24 v. Christi G. eroberte imd etwa 14 Jahren nachher starb. Wilson, Ariana Antiqua places him, however, “ not earlier than the commence, ment of the Christian æra,” and seems to have misunderstood Lassen when he adds tint “Lassen proposes the end of the 1st century as the terra of the kingdom of Kadphises, 353 p. As to the extent of his dominions, Lassen ib. 818 p. observes “Seine Beinahme, Beherrscher der Erde, macht Anspriiche auf ein ausgedehntes Reich. Diese Anspriiche miissen auf Kabulistan und das Punjab beschrankt werden.”

²⁶ Lassen ut supra iii. 60 p.

²⁷ For the serpents of Guzerat see Fortes Oriental Memoirs i. 480: for the partridges of the Nerbudda, the black kind are striking from their beauty, none remarkable for their size, id. 501. Might the partridge of the embassy, large as a hawk, have been the jungle fowl which Forbes describes as having something of the plumage of the partridge.

²⁸ As the kingdom of Pandya according to the Periplus Eryth. Anony. is the S. Deccan and extends from Nelkunda, Nehsuram, to Komar, Cape Comorin (54, 58 § Didot ed.)wesee how with the encrease in the direct trade the name Pandion should become better known at Alexandria than that of Porus, and at length take its place.

²⁹ The prevailing form of the Hindu religion in the south of the Peninsula was at the commencement of the Christian sera and some time before it, most probably that of Siva. Hist. Sketch of Pandya. Roy, Wilson Journal. As. Soc. iii. 204pGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Vincent's Commerce of the intients, ii. 407. It is perhaps as well to state, that from a note of Wilson's in his sketch of Pandya, it seems that the Harivansa and Agni Purana make Pandya of the line of Puru; but that as he is not so specified in the Vishnu Purana, Wilson is of opinion that “his insertion is the work of more recent authorities.” Journal, Roy. As. Soc. iii. No. 1 noteGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Barygaza was the port of Ongein and may have belonged to it, Eνι δɛ αυτΥ (Inesthuic regioni) και ɛξ ατολ⋯ζ πολιζ δɛγομɛνη Οζηυñ ɛν υ και τα βασιλɛια προτɛρον ην, αø νζ πα ———— ɛιζ Βαρυγαζα καταøɛρɛται. 48 §.

³² Forbes in the plates to his Oriental Memoirs, gives a statue of Buddha (Tie calls it of Paravant) which he saw at Cambay, and of Buddhist figures on columns at Salsette. Hiouen Thsang, in noticing the state of Buddhism in Barygaza and Ougein, speaks of it as on the decline, iii. 154, as flourishing in Guzerat, ib. 165, and in the Konkan, ib. 147.

³³ Not always so. The Periplus tells us that Kαλλιɛνα (hodie Calliani non longe a Bombay distans) ɛπι των Σαραγανον του πρɛσβυτɛρου χρονωυ χρονωυ ɛμποριον γ ι ομɛιον. μɛτα γαρ το κατασχɛιν αυτηιν Σανλανη ɛκωλυθη ɛλτι πολυ, και γαρ τα ɛκ τυχηζ τοουζ τουζ τοπουζ ɛιλβαλλοντα πλοια μɛτα øυλακηζ ɛιζ Bαρυλαζα ɛισαχɛται. 52 § with the note.

³⁴ See preceding note.

³⁵ For this account of Palmyra I have consulted Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 2 1; Gibbon's Roman Emperors, c. xi. vol. i.; Heeren's Manual of Ant. Hist. 34B, 57 p p.; the Art. Zeuobia Smith's Gk. and Rom. Biog. Diet., and t h e Art. Palmyra by Flúgel, and Peliiographie iv. 2, by Gesenius, Ersch. Gruber's Eneyclopedie.

³⁶ Palmyra——velut terris exemta a rerum Naturâ privatâ sorte, inter duo imperia summa, Romanorum Parthorumque, et prima in discordia semper utrumque cura. Plin. ut supra—privatâ sorte, sui juris.

³⁷ Anthony sent out a body of cavalry to surprize and plunder Palmyra, μικρα μɛν ɛπκαλων αυτοιζ, ύτι Pωυ κατ πασθυαιων και παρθυαιωνm οντɛζ ɛøορι, ɛζ ɛκατɛρουζ ɛπιλɛιωζ ɛιιξου, ɛμπορι χαρ οντɛζ καιμιζουσωγ τυ Aραβια διατιθɛχται ɛυ Pωμιωγ. Appian de Bell. Civ. v. ix. Appian attributes this expedition to a desire for plunder only. I suspect it was rather undertaken in the interests of Alexandria.

³⁸ Strabo states that in tho time of the Ptolemies some 20 ships only (xvii. L. i. e. VOL. XVII. 130) ventured to cross the Indian seas, but that the trade had so greatly increased that he himself saw at Myos Hormus 120 ships destined for India, L. ii. v. c. 12 §.

³⁹ Vincent's Commerce of the Antients ii. 53, and Periplus 27 c.

⁴⁰ Denique et Græcas scripsit historias ——— Quarum caussa veteri Alexandria Museo alterum additum ex ipsius nomine; institutumque ut quotannis in altero Tυρρηνικων libri, altero Kαρξηλονιακων;, diebus statutis, velut in auditorio recitarentur. Suetonius Claud. 42 c.

⁴¹ “Captus autem modulatis Alexandrianorum laudationibus, qui de novo commeatu Keapolim eonfluxerunt, plures Alexandria evocavit” Nero 20 c.

⁴² Auctoritas et quasi majestas qusedam, ut scilicet inopinato et adhuc novo Principi deerat: hsec quoque accessit. E plebe quidam luminibus orbatus, item alius debili crure, sedentem—adierunt, orantes opem valetudinis, demonstratam a Serapide per quietem.—Cum vix fides esset—ideoque ne experiri quidem audiret, hortantibua amicis palam pro concione utrumq: tentavit, nee eventus defuit. Vespasianus, id. 7 c. The same miracles are related by Tacitus; but in Tacitus, Vespasian is only mystified. Hist. iv. 81.