^{page 413 note 1} Gold Medallist of the Royal Geographical Society, author of Travels and Researches in South-Western China.

^{page 413 note 2} They were exhibited by me at the Seventh International Congress of Orientalists at Vienna on the 29th Sept. 1886, with some oral remarks which I am sorry to say were rather badly reported. At the request of Dr. H. Kern of Leiden, through our learned friend Dr. R. Rost, I had two proof-sheets of fac-simile of two manuscripts communicated to this well-known scholar, who has thought fit to forestall the publication by my friend Baber and myself by putting forth an article on them. See his Handschriften uit het eiland Formosa, pp. 360–369 of Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke AJiademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 3de Reeks, Deel iii. Amsterdam, 1887.

^{page 417 note 1} Globus, 1877, t. xxxi. p. 233; Girard de Rialle, Formose el ses habitants (a most valuable paper in Revue d'Anthropologie, 1885, t. viii. pp. 58–77, 247–281), p. 254.

^{page 417 note 2} The Aborigines of Formosa, in China Review, Vol. iii. pp. 181–184.

^{page 418 note 1} “The Middle Kingdom” (Williams), vol. ii. p. 436.

^{page 419 note 1} Goÿ should probahly be written Goij, as in Modern Dutch.

^{page 420 note 1} Equivalent to 48 per cent. per arnum.

^{page 421 note 1} This portentous sum probably means 112 ounces of silver.

^{page 421 note 2} Compare tokat in No. II. with togot in No. VIII.

^{page 421 note 3} We know from No. III. that sopau means a picul, and tau means a bushel. But they are probably Chinese words. Still sopau may be native Formosan.

^{page 422 note 1} This seal is bilingual, one half being Chinese, in square form, with the meaning ‘carefully stamped’; and the other half being Manchu, but too defaced to be legible.

^{page 422 note 2} Compare kit bagh, No. II . line 6; and pagh in the middle of Nos. V. and VI.

^{page 424 note 1} For the positions of Kagee and Changhwa, see “Handy and Eoyal Atlas,” W. & A. K. Johnston, 1881, Map 29.

^{page 425 note 1} From an inspection of the stamps or seals, I am inclined to think that the words San yuan, translated ‘three dollars,’ should be regarded as a proper name.

^{page 427 note 1}

^{page 428 note 1}

^{page 428 note 2}

^{page 428 note 3}

^{page 428 note 4}

^{page 428 note 5}

^{page 428 note 6}

^{page 429 note 1} This was the usual device intended to prove the validity of the copy held in hand by each of the two parties. The translation of the Chinese text in Mr. E. C. Baber's note says:—“A joint amicable agreement executed in duplicate, each party holding one copy in proof.”

^{page 430 note 1}

^{page 431 note 1}

^{page 432 note 1}

^{page 432 note 2}

^{page 432 note 3}

^{page 432 note 4}

^{page 432 note 5}

^{page 432 note 6}

^{page 432 note 7}

^{page 433 note 1}

^{page 433 note 2}

^{page 433 note 3}

^{page 433 note 4}

^{page 433 note 5} As in Amoy.

^{page 433 note 6} Like the preceding.

^{page 433 note 7} On seal No. 2, year 1737, in the second MS. Also stamped on the v. vi. MSS. of 1741.

^{page 434 note 1} On seal No. 18.

^{page 434 note 2} Vid. above, E. C. Baber's note on Nine Formosan Manuscripts.

^{page 434 note 3} Dr. O. Dapper, Gedenkwardig bedriff der Nederlandsche Oost Indische Maatschappij in China, Amst., 1670, mentions: Sinkkam, Tanakam, Beklawan, Soelang, Mattou, Tiverang, Fovorlang, Takkeis, Tornap, Terenip, and Assoek.

^{page 434 note 4} On seals No. 3, 8, 9.

^{page 434 note 5} As in Amoy. In current Chinese it means a hamlet, a parish ; originally it was the altars of the gods of the land.

^{page 434 note 6} Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, p. 748.

^{page 434 note 7} On seals No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 9.

^{page 434 note 8} Vid. seal No. 9.

^{page 434 note 9} As might be inferred from the MSS. ii., v.-vi.

^{page 434 note 10} On seal 6; MS. ii. (1737).

^{page 435 note 1} Vid. below § 70.

^{page 435 note 2} On seal No. 5 (MS. ii.), stamped also on MSS. v.-vi., cf. the remarks above § 6 and below § 70.

^{page 435 note 3} Wells Williams, o.c., p. 906.

^{page 435 note 4} In Corean tumak is a head man, a sort of mayor in the villages. Cf. Dictionnaire Coréen-Français,. p. 487a (Yokohama, 1880, 4to.)Google Scholar, where it is rendered by other Chinese characters, a fact which shows that the title of office is not a Chinese one. The same may be the case in Formosa, and the Chinese characters may only be a happy hit at a phonetic and ideographic rendering.

^{page 435 note 5} On seals No. 16 and 19.

^{page 436 note 1} On seals No. 17 and 18.

^{page 436 note 2} On seal No. 20.

^{page 436 note 3} Dr. H. Kern has favoured me, since the ahove was written, with the following remarks: “The writing as well as the spelling recalls the Dutch way of writing in the seventeenth century, as might be expected. We find amongst other proofs the same propensity to use lc and c promiscuously in some cases, e.g. matictic and matiktik; the ÿ with dots, etc. It is not a little interesting to find that the Formosan had in 1737 not yet forgotten the lessons of their Dutch, teachers.” (Leiden, 6 Nov. 1886.)

^{page 436 note 4} Catalogo delta lingue conosciute e notizia della lora affinita e diversita.

^{page 436 note 5} Adrien Balhi, Atlas Ethnographique du Globe, n. 397.

^{page 437 note 1} Historical and Geographical Description of Formosa, London, 1704, 8vo.Google Scholar

^{page 437 note 2} Some of them are Japanese, badly figured.

^{page 437 note 3} Alfabete des Gesammten Erdkreises aus der K. K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei in Wien, 2te Auflage, Wien, 1876, 4to.Google Scholar

^{page 437 note 4} Through the kind office of Capt. Theo. Grimal de Guiraudon.

^{page 437 note 5} Orientalische und Occidentalische Sprachmeister, Leipzig, 1748, p. 114.Google Scholar

^{page 437 note 6} Vid. below, § 77.

^{page 437 note 7} Vid. below, § 78.

^{page 438 note 1} In Auers'sche Vaterunser Sammlung, the last words are mikagna. Amen; while in the text in character the words are mikakna. Amen.

^{page 438 note 2} The title of this scarce little book is given in Adelung's Mithridales, i. 578, thus: “Soulat i A.B.C. u.s.f. Katechismus in Formosanischer-Sprache d. Rob. Junius, Delft, 1645, in. 12, s. 24.”

^{page 439 note 1} Cf. Gray, A., The Maldive Islands, with a Vocabulary taken from François Pyrard de Laval, 1602–1607, in J. R. A. S. Vol. X. pp. 173–209.Google Scholar

^{page 439 note 2} Cf. DrTaylor, Isaac, The Alphabet, vol. ii. pp. 357–358.Google Scholar

^{page 440 note 1} Cf. Taylor, G.The Aborigines of Formosa, in China Review, vol. xiv. p. 198Google Scholar. Also my article A Native Writing in Formosa (the Academy, 9th April, 1887).

^{page 441 note 1} Nos. v. vi. vii. §§ 9, 10, above.

^{page 441 note 2} Cf. My Beginnings of Writing, i. 37.

^{page 441 note 3} Shwoh lin collection, Bk. 28. These three works are noticed in A. Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature, pp. 52, 38, 48.

^{page 442 note 1} Same collection and book as the preceding. The two cover only fifteen fols.

^{page 442 note 2} A. Wylie, Notes, p. 23.

^{page 442 note 3} Ta ming y t'ung tchi.

^{page 442 note 4} Ming shi, chap. 332.

^{page 442 note 5} E. Bretschneider, Chinese intercourse with the countries of Central and Western Asia in the fifteenth century.

^{page 443 note 1} ; L. de Rosny, Les peuples Orientaux connus des Anciens Chinois, p. 82. His little French book, otherwise interesting, must not be used without great caution, as the author has trusted too much the uncritical compilers, Chinese and Japanese, of late date, instead of resorting to the original works and statements.

^{page 443 note 2} This report is reproduced in A. R. Colquhoun's and J. H. Stewart Lockhart's Sketch of Formosa, p. 164.

^{page 443 note 3} L'Abbé Favre, Note sur la langue des Aborigènes de l'île Formose, p. 496. See below § 96.

^{page 443 note 4} G. Taylor, The Aborigines of Formosa, l.c. p. 194.

^{page 444 note 1} Sheng-fan in Mandarin Chinese.

^{page 444 note 2} Shuk-fan in M.C.

^{page 444 note 3} Ping-pu-fan in M. C.

^{page 444 note 4} Ya-fan in M.C.

^{page 444 note 5} They had tried to conquer it about 109 B.C., but they were compelled to retire, and leave the aborigines in possession. Cf. Tsien Han shu, bk. 95, reproduced from the earlier She ki, bk. 114, f. 5, art. Min-yueh.

^{page 445 note 1} This important fact, of which I publish the proof in another paper, The Negritos in China, was not known to Prof. De Quatrefages when he wrote his valuable papers on the great extension of this small race.

^{page 445 note 2} The identification of the Chinese Liu K'iu with Formosa was first made by Prof. d'Hervey de St. Denys in Journal Asiatique, Août-Septembre, 1874, Mai-Juin, 1875: Sur Formose et les îles appelées en Chinois Lieou-Kieou.

^{page 445 note 3} Sui shu in Tai ping yü lan Cyclopedia of 983 A.D., k. 784, ff. 6–7.

^{page 445 note 4} .

^{page 445 note 5} The name in Chinese literature of the races non-Mongoloid in type of Central Asia.

^{page 446 note 1} Sui Shu, or ‘Annals of the Sui Dynasty’ (581–618 A.D.).

^{page 446 note 2} Sui Shu; Tai ping yü lan, bk. 734, fol. 7 v.

^{page 446 note 3} Ibid, bk. 784, f. 9 v.

^{page 446 note 4} My friend Prof. Henri Cordier, the author of the valuable Bibliotheca Sinica, has edited the record of his journey.

^{page 446 note 5} Tch' ao ye ts'ien tsai, in Yuen Kien lei han, bk. 231, f. 44.

^{page 447 note 1} Abel Remusat made the mistake, which was corrected by Klaproth in a learned paper quoted below, § 39, n. 4. Dr. Porter Smith, Vocabulary of Chinese Proper Names, has repeated Remusat's error.

^{page 447 note 2} The Kun-lun Kwoh, or Kün-lun country, spoken of in the Nan Y tchi, or ‘Description of the Southern Barbarians’ (ninth century), quoted in the Taï Ping yû lan, k. 789, f. 5, a Cyclopædia of 983 A.D., is nothing more than this mountainous region, and must not be mistaken for any other. It was situate northwards at eighty days’ journey from the Si-erh-ho, an affluent of the Lan tsang Kiang near Talifu (W. Yunnan).

^{page 447 note 3} This is however doubtful. As a word for ‘mountain’ it has a wide extension We find it in the Pgo Karen Kulaung, Sgo Karen Koelong, Munipuri Kalong, Mōn Khalon-Khyan (cf. Siamese Kalohn ‘great’). In my paper On the Cradle of the Shan Race, I have shown that the origin of this race took place near this range of mountains in N. Szetchuen. It may be from this smaller range that the name was extended to the great range of Northern Tibet, if not the reverse.

^{page 447 note 4} Hoang viet dia du chi (a native description of Annam), k. ii. f. 9.

^{page 447 note 5} Ky, Truong Vinh, Histoire Annamite, i. 34.Google Scholar

^{page 448 note 1} T'ang shu-Taï ping yü lan, k. 788, f. 6 v.

^{page 448 note 2} On these two tribes cf. A. H. Keane, in A. R. Wallace, Australasia, pp. 632, 635. The equivalence d = l is a common one.

^{page 448 note 3} In that case the use of the name Künlun is perhaps without value, as that of Kalinga may be not derived from the old appellative we are studying, but only a transferred name through Java or Kaling, from the bold Kalingas of Southern India. Java is Holing in ancient Chinese geographers, Ku T'ang shu, k. 197; Sin T'ang shu, k. 222, ii.; W. P. Groeneveldt, Notes on the Malay Archipelago, pp. 12–13.

^{page 448 note 4} Gaubil, P., Lettre de Poulo-Condore, 1729.Google Scholar

^{page 448 note 5} Journal of an Embassy to the Courts of Siam and Cochin-china, 2nd edit.London, 1829, vol. i. p. 304.Google Scholar

^{page 448 note 6} Col. H. Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 257.

^{page 448 note 7} Lit. ‘Island Pumpkin,’ or ‘of Pumpkin.’

^{page 448 note 8}

^{page 448 note 9} By Tch'in Lun-Kiung, who, while his father was engaged in the subjugation of Formosa, collected his information among the mariners in whose company he was thrown on the occasion. Cf. A. Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 48.

^{page 449 note 1} Cf. Klaproth, J., sur les nègres de K'ün lun, Nouv. Journal Asiatique, vol. xii. p. 232Google Scholar. Bretschneider, E., On the Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs and Arabian Colonies (London, 1871, 8vo.), pp. 14–15.Google Scholar

^{page 449 note 2} E. Bretschneider, l.c.

^{page 449 note 3} Sung shu, k. 489, San fu t'si.

^{page 449 note 4} E. Bretschneider, l.c. Mr. W. P. Groeneveldt in his valuable paper above quoted has the following note (p. 62): “K'un lun ‘slaves from Condore’ seems to have been a general name for slaves, which the Malays probably got from this island and from the other islands in the south of the Chinese sea; the dance here described is still practised now by the natives of the Natuna and Tambúlan islands” (between Malacca and Borneo). They are Malays. A. R. Wallace, Australasia, p. 378.

^{page 449 note 5} W. P. Groeneveldt, o.c. p. 138.

^{page 449 note 6} , Amoy dialect Mo-su, the transliteration of a foreign word. Cf. Javanese Bajag ‘pirate, rover.’

^{page 450 note 1} They were made famous by a clever campaign of a Kiaotchi or Annamese General, who forced the passes through them in 1075 A.D.

^{page 450 note 2} Miao Man hoh tchi, bk. i. f. 7.

^{page 451 note 1} As in saab, sasaab for which taubf stands in his list.

^{page 451 note 2} Vid. Georg Kleinwächter, The History of Formosa under the Chinese Government, p. 345 (in China Review, 1884, vol. xii. pp. 345–352).Google Scholar

^{page 451 note 3} .

^{page 451 note 4} , k. iii. ff. 6–7.

^{page 451 note 5} Cf. above §§ 35, 40.

^{page 451 note 6} On this separation of the Ta prefix from the name Tagala, vid. Leyden's On the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations. This prefix does not seem, however, to be genuine in the language, so that the Chinese have mistaken the first syllable Ta- for their own word (adjective pre-posed) ta ‘great,’ and dropped it with their usual contempt for foreign nations. But all this is conjectural.

^{page 452 note 1} An objection, not insuperable, might be made to the identification of P'i-shè-yé with Bizaya or Vizaya, on the assumption generally repeated that this name was given to them by the Spaniards from the fact that they are tattooed, and that Bizaya in their own language means ‘painted.’ But why should this name have been first applied by the Spaniards, who could have better selected a Spanish word descriptive and telling, unless they did hear it applied by the people themselves or their neighbours?

^{page 452 note 2} Cf. Ma Tuanlin, Wen hien t'ung k'ao; de St. Denys, d'Hervey, Ethnographie. de Matouanlin, vol. i. p. 425.Google Scholar

^{page 453 note 1} The Dutch, according to the conditions of a treaty with the Chinese, settled at Tai-wan and the neighbouring territory in 1624. The Spaniards in 1626 settled near Kilung and near Tamsui; they were expelled by the Dutch in 1642.

^{page 453 note 2} They have perhaps left distinct descendants. Cf. § 52.

^{page 453 note 3} He was the son of Tcheng tchi lung, and his name was Tcheng Tcheng Kung; but one of the princes of the Ming dynasty, who was anxious to procure his assistance against the Mandchus, conferred upon him the royal surname of Tchu, from whence he came to be called , Kok-seng-ya (whence Koxinga), ‘the bearer of the royal surname.’ Vid. Colquhoun and Stewart Lockhart, A Sketch of Formosa.

^{page 453 note 4} Candidius, G., A Short Account of the Island of Formosa, in Churchill's collection, vol. i. London, 1704, fol. pp. 526–533.Google Scholar

^{page 453 note 5} Voyages en Moscovie, en Tartarie, en Perse, aux Indes, etc. Amst. 1681.

^{page 454 note 1} The Nyam-Nyams and their language were made known to the world for the first time not by Dr. Schweinfurth as Dr. R. N. Cust says (The Modern Languages of Africa, p. 165), but by M. Guillaume Lejean, French consul in Abyssinia. Cf. his article in the Revue Orientale et Americaine, 1868.

^{page 454 note 2} Perhaps for Bore, Abor.

^{page 454 note 3} Shan haï King; Yung-tchang Kiun tehuen; Fu-nan t'u suh tchuen; Liang tsu wci kwoh tung ; Tai Ping yü Ian, bks. 787, f. 3 ; 791, f. lOv. The Yungtchang Kiun tchuen reports that at 1500 li south-west of Yungtchang Kiun were the ‘Tailards Puh;’ their tail, similar to that of the tortoise, was four or five tsün (inches) in length ; when they wanted to seat, it was necessary for them to dig the ground for their tail to be placed comfortably, as when it is broken they die. The Fu-nan t'u suh tchuen reports that on the east of Ko-li was the region of Polo, where the men have tails five or six inches long. Ma Tuanlin has inexactly quoted the title of the last work as Nan t'u suh tchuen, while it is given accurately in the Taï ping yü lan, l.c.

^{page 454 note 4} T. de L., The Languages of China before the Chinese, § 212, and Beginnings of Writing, ii. 156 c. n.

^{page 455 note 1} Damant, H., Notes on the Locality and Population of the Tribes dwelling between the Brahmaputra and Ningthi Rivers, p. 248 in J. R. A. S. 1880, Vol. XII. pp. 228–258.Google Scholar

^{page 455 note 2} The earliest version in Europe of the tail story goes back to Ptolemy and the Isles of the Satyrs ; or rather to Ctesias, who tells of tailed men on an island in the Indian Sea. Galvano (Hackluyt Society, 108, 120) heard that there were on the island certain people called Daraque Dara, which had tails like unto sheep. And the King of Tidore told him of another such tribe on the isle of Batochina. Mr. St. John (Forests of the Far East, i. 40) met with a trader who had seen and felt the tails of such a race inhabiting the north-east coast of that island. The appendage was four inches long and very stiff; so the people all used perforated seats. This Borneo story has, a few years ago, been brought forward in Calcutta, and stoutly maintained, on native evidence, by an English merchant (Allen's Indian Mail, July 28, 1869). In the relation of Marco Palo, about Lambri (north-west coast of Sumatra, according to W. P. Grœneveldt, Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca, p. 100), we read: “Now you must know that in this kingdom of Lambri there are men with tails; these tails are of a palm in length, and have no hair on them. These people live in the mountains, and are a kind of wild men. Their tails are about the thickness of a dog's” (Col. H. Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 2nd edit, vol. ii. p. 282). The people of Canton use to believe that the Yao min (on whom see The Languages of China before the Chinese, § 87), aboriginal tribes at Lieutchou in the north-west of the Kuangtung province, had tails. The Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, ser. 4, vol. iii. p. 31, contains many similar stories about Africa. Among medieval Mahommedans, the members of the Imperial House of Trebizond were reputed to be endowed with short tails, whilst medieval Continentals had like stories about Englishmen, as Mathieu Paris relates. In the Romance of Cœur de Lion, the messengers of Richard are addressed thus by the “Emperor of Cyprus” : “Out, Taylards, of my palys! Now go and say your tayled king That I owe him nothing.” — Weber, ii. 83. The princes of Purbandar, in the peninsula of Guzerat, claim descent from the monkey-god Hanuman, and allege in justification a spinal elongation which gets them the name of Púncháriah, ‘Taylards.’ Cf. Tod's, Rajasthan, i. 114Google Scholar, in Yule, H., Marco Polo, ii. 284–285.Google Scholar

^{page 455 note 3} Cf. Maltebrun, , Annales des Voyages, 1809, t. viii. p. 366 n.Google Scholar

^{page 456 note 1} Girard de Rialle, Formose et ses habitants, l.c. p. 70.

^{page 456 note 2} G. Taylor, The Aborigines of Formosa, l.c. pp. 286–287.

^{page 457 note 1} G. Taylor, The Aborigines of Formosa, l.c.

^{page 458 note 1} Notes on the Aborigines of Formosa, in British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1866, p. 130.

^{page 458 note 2} Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, 1869, N.S. vol. vii. pp. 215–229.Google Scholar

^{page 458 note 3} Les Négritos à Formose et dans l'Archipel Japonais (Bull. Soc. Anthropologie, Paris, 1872, 2nd ser. vol. vii.), pp. 848–849. Girard de Rialle, l.c. pp. 70–72.

^{page 459 note 1} Cf. Girard de Rialle, Formose et ses habitants, l.c. pp. 256–275. The following papers may be referred to with profit: Rev. Lobschied, J., On the Natives of the West Coast of Formosa (from Dutch sources), Hong Kong, 1860Google Scholar. Jomard, , Coup d'œil sur l'île de Formose, Paris, 1859 (Bullet. Soc. Geogr. 12 1858)Google Scholar. Swinhoe, Rob., Notes on the Island of Formosa, Jour. Roy. Geogr. Soc. xxxiv. pp. 6–18Google Scholar; Note on the Kâli (British Association, 1865)Google Scholar; Additional Notes on Formosa, in Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc. vol. x. pp. 122–128, London, 1866Google Scholar. Guérin, and Bernard, , Les Aborigènes de l'île de Formose, in Bullet. Soc. Geogr. Paris, Juin, 1868, pp. 542–568Google Scholar. Vivien de St.-Martin, Aperçu General de l'île de Formose, ibid. pp. 525–541. DrSchetelig, A., Reise in Formosa, Zeitschr. f. Allg. Erdkunde zu Merlin, 1868, vol. iii. pp. 385–397Google Scholar; On the Natives of Formosa, in Trans. Ethnol. Soc., London, 1869, vol. vii. N.S. pp. 215–229Google Scholar. Ravenstein, E. G., Formosa, in Geogr. Mag. London, 1874, pp. 292–297Google Scholar. Taintor, E. C., The Aborigines of Northern Formosa, Shanghaï, 1874Google Scholar. Corner, Arthur, A Tour through Formosa from South to North, in Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc. 1878, vol. xxii. p. 52Google Scholar. Dodd, J., A Glimpse at the Manners and Customs of the Hill Tribes of Formosa, in Jour. Straits Branch Roy. Asiat. Soc. 06. 1885, pp. 69–78Google Scholar. And the other reports and works quoted throughout our pages. Also Thomson, J., Notes of a Journey in Southern Formosa (1871) in Jour. Roy. Geogr. Soc. 1873, p 101Google Scholar. Ibis, Paul, in Globus, t. xxxi. 1877Google Scholar. DrSchetelig, Arnold, On the Natives of Formosa, in Transac. Fthnolog. Soc. 1869, vol. vii. p. 215Google Scholar. Taintor, E. C., The Aborigines of Northern Formosa, in Jour. North China Branch Roy. Asiat. Soc. Shanghai, 1875, vol. ix. p. 53Google Scholar. DrCollingwood, , Visit to the Kibalan Village of Sau-o Bay, in Trans. Ethn. Soc. 1868, vol. vi. p. 135Google Scholar. Allen, , Journey Across Formosa from Tamsui to Taïwan fu, in Geogr. Mag. 05, 1877, p. 135Google Scholar. Aguilar, P., in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, 1867, p. 214Google Scholar. Swinhoe, R., Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa in 1858, in Jour. China Branch Roy. Asiat. Soc. Shanghai, 1859, p. 153Google Scholar. Bienatzki, , in Zeitz. Gesells. Allg. Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1859, ii. p. 378Google Scholar. Swinhoe, R., in Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc. 1866, x. p. 126Google Scholar. Hughes, T. F., A Visit to Tok-i-tok, in Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc. 1872, xvi. p. 265Google Scholar. Beazeley, , Notes of an Overland Journey through the Southern part of Formosa in 1875, in Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc. 1885, vii. p. 1Google Scholar. A Sketch of Formosa, in China Review, 1885, vol. xiii. p. 161Google Scholar. Geo. Philipps, Notes on the Dutch Occupation of Formosa, ibid. 1882, x. p. 123. G. Kleinwächter, The History of Formosa under the Chinese Government, ibid. 1884, p. 345. J. Taylor, Savage Priestesses in Formosa, ibid. 1886, p. 14. Correspondence between the Rev. K. F. Junor and T. Walters, Esq., H.B.M. Consul Tamsui, Formosa, 8vo. pp. 24, s.l.n.d. (1881). Joest, W., Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Eingerbornen der Inseln Formosa und Coram, in Verhand. der Berlin Anthrop. Ges. 1882, pp. 53–76Google Scholar. DrMartin, Ern., Les Indigènes de Formosa, in Rev. d'Ethnographie, vol. i. 1882, pp. 429–434Google Scholar. Dodd, John, A Few Ideas on the Probable Origin of the Hill Tribes of Formosa, pp. 69–84 of Journ. Straits Br. R. As. Soc. for 1882.Google Scholar

^{page 460 note 1} L. Metchnikov, in E. Reclus, Asie Orientale.

^{page 460 note 2} J. Thomson, Ten Tears, p. 209.

^{page 460 note 3} Cf. J. Thomson, o.c. p. 311, and Garnier, F., Voyage d'Exploration en Indo-Chine, vol. ii. p. 328.Google Scholar

^{page 460 note 4} Ch. Guérin and Bernard Les Aborigènes de l'île de Formose, p. 547 (Bullet Soc. Geogr. Paris, 1868, xv. pp. 542–568).Google Scholar

^{page 461 note 1} Fred. Müller, Ethnologie, p. 32, says the Igorrotes are a mixture of Tagals, Chinese and Japanese. Prof. A. H. Keane, Philology and Ethnology of the Interoceanic Races, s.v.

^{page 461 note 2} De Quatrefajes et Hamy, Crania ethnica, p. 455; Girard de Rialle, Formose et des Habitants, l.c. p. 281.

^{page 461 note 3} Drde Köning, P., Beschrijving von Chineesche Schedels (Leíden, 1877, 4to.), has shown, pp. 54–56Google Scholar, that some important characteristics of the skulls of S.E. Chinese are met with at Formosa, the Philippines, and Celebes.

^{page 461 note 4} M. Girard de Rialle, as a conclusion to his valuable articles on Formose et ses Habitants, l.c., p. 281, has expressed an opinion somewhat similar.

^{page 463 note 1} §§ 37–41.

^{page 464 note 1} See below, § 70 note.

^{page 465 note 1} A Description of the Isle Formosa, pp. 246–247.

^{page 465 note 2} M. Guérin, Vocabulaire du Dialecte Tayal, l.c. p. 467.

^{page 465 note 3} A Description, pp. 266–267.

^{page 466 note 1} Yakko is also the spoken form of yatsu-ko, the old bookish pronoun for I in Japan.

^{page 466 note 2} In the Bouïok, Buhwan, Sekhwan, Tsuihwan dialects; in Pepohwan ya-u, in Pelam iko, altered from yako.

^{page 466 note 3} This word recalls singularly the name chhvea, by which the Malays are known to the Cambodians. Cf. Janneau, G., Manuel cle la Langue Cambodgienne, Saïgon, 1870, 8vo. p. 63.Google Scholar

^{page 466 note 4} Cf. Malay Bahina, Celebes Bahini.

^{page 466 note 5} Cf. Sideia rena ‘mother.’

^{page 466 note 6} Psalmanazar, A Description, pp. 270–271.

^{page 467 note 1} Orhnio ‘heaven,’ is perhaps the same word as Taunuwun and Vullun, with the same significations as in the translations of the Paternoster by Junius and Gravius. Cf. below §§ 77–78.

^{page 467 note 2} See above § § 6, 18.

^{page 467 note 3} In the biography of Psalmanazar (Encyclopedia Britannica, ninth edit.) it is recorded that previous to the publication of his book he was employed by the Bishop of London to translate the catechism into the Formosan language, which he professed to know. Thinking that this translation might have been published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, I inquired from their editorial secretary, Mr. Edmund McClure, who kindly answered me as follows (27th Jan. 1887), “I am now just editing the minutes of this Society from 1698 to 1705, and I am familiar with all the matters dealt with during this period. There is nothing therein bearing upon a Formosan version of the catechism.”

^{page 467 note 4} In the sixteenth century the Spanish missionaries had tried to settle in the island, and traces were found of them. Vid. Aguilar, Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, 1862, p. 112 sq.

^{page 467 note 5} Schulze, B., in his Orientalische und Occidentalische Sprachmeister (Leipzig, 1748)Google Scholar, gives in his work the Formosan numerals, a notice of the language and the alphabet (pars i. pp. 205, 104–105, and 103), which might have been borrowed from Psalmanazar himself, as they are very similar to his ; but I think that they come from the same faulty source, apparently Portuguese, from which the celebrated forger derived his information, because the alphabet is more extensive than that given in his book. Cf. § 23 above, and my article on A Native Writing in Formosa in The Academy, 9th April, 1887, p. 259.

^{page 468 note 1} Or Sinkkam, Cinckon, Sincam, Siccam, Sicam, Zijkam, Sekam, Sakam, Sakkan, Sakkam.

^{page 468 note 2} Or Becloan.

^{page 468 note 3} Or Assoek. Cf. Dr. O. Dapper, Gedenkwaardig bedrijf der Nederlandsche Oost Indische Maatschappij in China, Amst. 1670.

^{page 468 note 4} Soulat i A. B. C. u. s. f. Katechismus in Formosanischer Sprache, von Rob. Junius, Delft, 1645, 12mo. (24 pp.), quoted in Adelung's Mithridates, i. 578. Cf. §§ 77, 82 below.

^{page 468 note 5} Het Heylige Euangelium Matthei en Johannis. Ofte Hagnau ka D'llig matiktik, ka na sasoulat tí Mattheus, tí Johannes appa. Overgeset inde Formosaansche tale, voor de Inwoonders van Soulang, Mattau, Sinckan, Bacloan, Tavokan, en Tevorang. 't Amsterdam, by Michiel Hartogh, Boeck-verkoper, inde Oude Hoogh-straat, inde Boeck- en Papierwinckel, 1661. This exact title of this work was given for the first time by D. H. Kern. It was previously known in the literature concerning Formosa under the following: Evangelia Matthœi et Johannis in linguam Formosanam translata cum versione Belgica. Op. Dan. Gravii, cum ejusdem prefationem. Amstelodami, 1661, 4to. Cf. Horne, J. H., Introduction to the critical study and knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, 9th ed. 1846, vol. v. p. 135Google Scholar; H. Cordier, Bibliotheca Sinica, p. 149.

^{page 468 note 6} Patar ki Inai 'msing an ki Christang. t'Formulier des Christendoms, met, de verklaringen van dien inde Sideio-formosaansche taal. Door Daniel Gravius Amsterd. 1662, 4to.

^{page 469 note 1} “Je l'ai dépouillé entièrement.” Such are his words, in his Description de l'île de Formose (Mémoires relatifs à l'Asie, Paris, 1826, vol. i. pp. 321–353), p. 353.Google Scholar

^{page 469 note 2} Journal Asiatique, 10, 1822, i. pp. 193–202.Google Scholar

^{page 469 note 3} Mémoires relatifs à l'Asie, vol. i. pp. 354–368.Google Scholar

^{page 469 note 4} Ibid. vol. i. pp. 369–374.

^{page 470 note 1} Even admitting, as is here the case, that this language was still unwritten, and that the selection of special words for the rendering of new ideas led to personal differences.

^{page 471 note 1} Im and 'am are probably another word; leaving ou and hou, which may be forms of oho, ‘thine,’ as above.

^{page 471 note 2} Formosaansche Woorden lijst volgens een Utrechtsch Handschrift. Voorafgegaan door Eenige Korte Aanmerkingen betreffende de Formosaansche taal. In Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, 18de Deel, Batavia, 1842, 8vo. pp. 431–488.Google Scholar

^{page 471 note 3} Zaaken van Taijoan, bl. 88, v.g. (i. Dr. H. Kern).

^{page 472 note 1} G. Happart was, according to Valentijn, missionary in Formosa from 1649 to 1652 and 1653 to 1656.

^{page 472 note 2} The title is given above, n. This volume was, however, completed only afterwards, and bears the date of 1842. The Woordboek der Favorlandsche Taal, waarin het Favorlangs voor, het duils Achter Gestelt is, door Gilbertus Happart, occupies the pp. 31–381, and the remarks of Dr. Hoëvell, the pp. 382–430.

^{page 472 note 3} Dictionary of the Favorlang Dialect of the Formosan Language, by Gilbertus Happart; written in 1650. Translated from the Transactions of the Batavian Literary Society, by W. H. Medhurst, Batavia. Printed at Parapattan, 1840, 12mo. pp. 383.

^{page 472 note 4} Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde, vi. 1857 (Dr. Kern). Adelung in Mithridates, i. 578, mentions two new works by Sim. van Breen and by J. Happart. As the latter's vocabulary has been published, that of Sim. van Breen is probably that from which Mr. E. Netscher has published an extract.

^{page 473 note 1} DrMüller, Friedrich, Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, ii. (2) p. 150.Google Scholar

^{page 473 note 2} The differences still increased by the obvious misprints in several of the lists.

^{page 473 note 3} V^esérie, t. xvi. pp. 466–495.

^{page 473 note 4} They were published in the China Review in 1874, vol. iii. pp. 38–46Google Scholar, J. L. Bullock, Formosan Dialects and their Connection with the Malay, reproduced by Mr. E. Colborne Baber in his note on Nine Formosan manuscripts, and reprinted as an appendix to the present papers.

^{page 474 note 1} Rambles among the Formosan Savages, pp. 133–134, 164–165 of vol. i. The Phœnix, London, 1871.Google Scholar

^{page 474 note 2} The Sibaukann and Tiboula of M. Guérin.

^{page 474 note 3} Formosan Vocabularies, in Notes and Queries for China and Japan, vol. i. pp. 70–71 (Hong Kong, 1867).Google Scholar

^{page 474 note 4} Notes on Formosa, in China Mail, Hong Kong, 27th Aug. 1867.Google Scholar

^{page 474 note 5} Ten years' Journey in China and Indo-China.

^{page 474 note 6} The Aborigines of Formosa, in China Review, 1875, vol. iii. pp. 181–184.Google Scholar

^{page 477 note 1} Description de l'île de Formose, extraite des livres Chinôis, in Mémoires relatifs à l'Asie, 1826, i. 321–353, and Vocabulaire, 354–374.Google Scholar

^{page 477 note 2} Annales des Voyages, 1809, t. vii.Google Scholar; also Analyse de quelques Mémoires Hollandais sur l'île de Formose, ibid. 1810, t. viii. p. 344.

^{page 478 note 1} See § 86, and the Appendix.

^{page 478 note 2} J. Bullock, Formosan Dialects and their Connection with the Malay, l.c. pp. 38–41.

^{page 478 note 3} Sprachen der Ureinwohner Formosa's, in Zeitschrift für Völkerpsycologie und Sprachwissenschaft, vol. v. p. 437.Google Scholar

^{page 478 note 4} Notes and Queries for China and Japan, Aug. 31, 1867, p. 101. This, note was the cause of two others, which appeared the following month (Sept. 30, pp. 122–123), from T. J. R.: Common Origin of Formosans and Malays, the title of which speaks for itself ; and from Z.: Kalee and Malay Numerals, stating that the parentage is not so complete as desired by the author of the first note.

^{page 478 note 5} China Mail, Hong Kong, 27th Aug. 1867.Google Scholar

^{page 478 note 6} The Aborigines of Formosa, pp. 195–196.

^{page 479 note 1} See above § 50.

^{page 479 note 2} Ethnology of the Indo-Pacific Islands: Language. Part i. ch. iii. § vii. p. 150. (Singapore, 1852.)Google Scholar

^{page 479 note 3} Ueber die Formosanische Sprache und ihre Stellung im Malaiischen Sprachstamm, in Zeitschrift der Morgenländ. Gesellschaft, t. xiii. pp. 59–102.Google Scholar

^{page 479 note 4} Notes sur la Langue des Aborigènes de l'île de Formose et Remarques sur le précédent Vocabulaire, l.c. MrTaintor, E. C. in his valuable paper on The Aborigines of Northern Formosa (Journ. North China Branch Royal Asiat. Society, 1875. vol. ix. pp. 53–88)Google Scholar has given a vocabulary of the Kabaran Pepohwan, and also one of the Yukan-Tayal.

^{page 480 note 1} These eleven languages are the following: Tagala, Ibanag, Formosan, Battak, Malagasy, Alfur, Dayak, Malay, Javanese, Mankasar, and Bugis. Vid. his Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, ii. (2) pp. 87–160.Google Scholar

^{page 480 note 2} Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. xxii. 1853, p. 121, sq.Google Scholar

^{page 481 note 1} Cf. The Languages of China before the Chinese, §§ 129–144, and 225.

^{page 482 note 1} Cf. T. de L., The Languages of China before the Chinese, §§ 2–7, p. 394–398, in Transactions of the Philological Society for 1885–6.

^{page 482 note 2} Cf. T. de L., ibid. § 23, p. 406. And more fully in my other work, Ideology of Languages and its Relation to History, §§ 120–122, pp. 84–87.

^{page 484 note 1} See on this question my remarks on the Gyarung in my book on The Languages of China before the Chinese, § 133.

^{page 484 note 2} The explanation of these ideological indices is the following: The Arabic figures show the order of individual words, while the Roman figures relate to the arrangement of the simple or positive sentence.

1. Genitive and noun.

2. Noun and genitive.

3. Adjective and noun.

4. Noun and adjective.

5. Object and verb.

6. Verb and object.

7. Verb and subject.

8. Subject and verb.

I. Obj. subj. verb.

II. Obj. verb subj.

III. Subj. obj. verb.

IV. Verb subj. obj.

V. Verb obj. subj.

VI. Subj. verb obj.

So that 5 7 imply II.; 5 8 imply I. or III. 6 7 imply IV. or V.; and 6 8 imply VI. only.

^{page 484 note 3} Genuine Chinese, 1 3 6 8 VI.

^{page 485 note 1} Ideol. Ind., 1 3 5 8 II.