^{page 884 note 1} Since writing the above, I have received from one of my friends in Persia short biographies both of Sheykh Aḥmad and of Seyyid Káẓim, The former was born a.h. 1166 (a.d. 1752–53), and died a.h. 1242 (a.d. 1826–27). The latter died a h. 1259 (a.d. 1843–44), being at that time not more than fifty years of age.

^{page 884 note 2} See Appendix I.

^{page 886 note 1} See below, p. 940, and note.

^{page 886 note 2} Journal Asiatique, 1887, viiiGoogle Scholar. série, vol. x.

^{page 887 note 1} According to Gobineau (loc. cit. p. 277) Mírzá Yaḥyá was the son of Mírzá Buzurg Núrí, Vazír of Imám-Verdí Mírzá, governor of Teherán, and lost his mother at his birth. He was then adopted by the wife of Behá. This would make him the adopted son instead of the half-brother of Behá. The following is Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel's own statement made (in part directly, in part through his son) to Captain Young, Commissioner at Famagusta, Cyprus, who kindly communicated to me the result of his inquiries: “My name is Mírzá Yaḥyá. I was born in Teherán. My father, who was second to the Grand Vazír of Persia, was named ‘Abbás, but was better known as Mírzá Buzurg. Behá is my step brother. We are of one father by different mothers. He is my elder by 13 years.” (See Appendix II. § 2.)

^{page 889 note 1} According to the Ḳiṣaṣu'l-'Ulamá, this took place in a.h. 1264 (a.d. 1848).

^{page 890 note 1} It is worth remarking that Hájí Muḥammad Karím Khán, the Sheykhí, in his work entitled Irshádu'l-'Awámm (“The Direction of the Common People”), similarly laid claim to a knowledge of the whole range of sciences. For this presumption, as well as that implied in the title of the hook in question, he is severely censured both by the Muhammadans and the Bábís. Behá, in the I'ḳán, says that he declared in the above-mentioned book that the Ascension (mi'ráj) of the Prophet could not be properly understood without a knowledge of some twenty sciences, including Alchemy, Philosophy, and Necromancy, and condemns him most strongly for thus making spiritual knowledge dependent on such sciences.

^{page 892 note 1} Religions et Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale, p. 311.

^{page 893 note 1} Gobineau, loc. cit. p. 312.

^{page 895 note 1} This method of performing a visitation of the holy shrines at Kerbelá, etc., is one of the distinctive practices of the Sheykhís to this day. Hence they speak of other Shí'ite Muhammadans as “Bálásarís,” i.e. those who go up to, and embrace, the head of the tomb.

^{page 895 note 2} The tombs of “the two Káẓims” (i.e. the seventh Imám, Músá Káẓim, and the ninth Imám, Muḥammad Taḳí) are situated about three miles N. of Baghdad, and constitute one of the principal places of pilgrimage of the Shí'ites. Around them has grown up a considerable town, chiefly inhabited by Persians, known as Káẓimeyn.

^{page 895 note 3} See Gobineau, loc. cit. p. 353, and Persian Beyán, Váḥid viii. chapter 8.

^{page 896 note 1} loc. cit. p. 147.

^{page 897 note 1} Journal Asiatique, 6^e série, tome viii. 1866, pp. 498–502Google Scholar.

^{page 899 note 1} The use of perfume, and especially rose-water, is strongly recommended both by the Báb, (Persian Beyán, vi. 2, etc.)Google Scholar and Behá (see below, p. 977). The Bábís often use rose-water to wash their faces, and frequently keep otto of roses amongst their sacved books. Some of the Bábí books which were not written expressly for me, but were given to me by their owners, still preserve this perfume.

^{page 900 note 1} By saying “Alláhu akbar,” “God is most great.”

^{page 906 note 1} I think that by the “Remembrance” (dhikr) the Báb is meant. It has been suggested to me that by reading li-yakúna ḥujjatu 'lláhi, etc., a different and perhaps a better sense is given to the latter part of the passage, viz. “that the proof (or demonstration) of God may reach the two worlds on the part of the Remembrance.” For a similar use of dhikr see Appendix II. § 2.

^{page 907 note 1} In conversation Aṣḥáb (Companions) and Aḥbáb (Friends) are the terms generally used by the Bábís to denote their co-religionists.

^{page 908 note 1} Cf. Gobineau, , op. cit. p 303Google Scholar, and Kremer's, Herrschenden Ideen des Islams, p. 212Google Scholar. The latter believes Bábíism to be connected in origin with the Wahhábí movement, and cites the prohibition of the ḳalyán and coffee by the former as evidence in favour of this view.

^{page 908 note 2} See Rosen, , MSS Arabes, pp. 183, 185Google Scholar.

^{page 908 note 3} Alluding, apparently, to the new law revealed to himself, and comparing the 'Ulemá and Mullás to those who seduced the Israelites to worship the golden calf.

^{page 909 note 1} Rosen, Baron, in his work entitled “Les Manuscrits Arabes de l'Institut des Langues Orientales” (St. Petersburg, 1877), says, in a note on this passage (p. 186)Google Scholar, “Ce jeune homme, qui est tantôt 'Arabi, tantôt, 'Ajamí, Madaní, etc. revient très-souvent dans le conrant du livre (‥ presque sur chaque feuillet), sans que l'on puisse comprendre exactement son rôle.” I have no doubt myself that Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad is throughout speaking of himself. He calls himself “Muḥammadí,” “'Alawi,” “Fáṭimí,” because, as a Seyyid, he is descended from these. That he should describe himself as a Shírází is only natural, as is the use of the epithet 'Ajamí (Persian); but it is harder to see for what reason be calls himself “Makkí,” “Madaní,” “'Jraḳí,” etc. I can only suppose that on account of his visits to Mecca and Medína, and his sojourn at Kerbelá, he considers himself entitled to apply these titles to himself. In the whole of what I have written concerning the “Commentary on the Súra-i-Yúsuf” I wish to express my profound obligations to Baron Rosen's work, of which I have availed myself freely, not having the original at hand.

^{page 909 note 2} I imagine that the Báb, following other Eastern mystics, means by this the 'Aḳl-i-Kull, or Universal Intelligence. Sheykh Muḥiyyu'd-Dín ibnu'l-'Arabí, who flourished in the beginning of the twelfth century of our era, and whose works are much esteemed by the Ṣúfís, says, in his Commentary on the first chapter of the Ḳiur'án, “Here is a subtle point, which is this, that the prophets … have placed the letters of the alphabet in correspondence with the degrees of Existences … and therefore it is said, ‘Existences emerged from the Bá of Bismi'lláh,’ since that is the letter which follows the Alif, which is placed to correspond with the Essence of God. And it (i.e. the letter Bá) signifies the First Intelligence, which was the first thing which God created.”

^{page 909 note 3} I only hazard a guess at the meaning of these passages, especially the last two, which are very obscure. Indeed as they stand they appear to contravene the rules of grammar.

^{page 910 note 1} At least two such treatises were written by Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán. One of them was composed at a later date than this, probably after the Báb's death, at the special request of Náṣiru'd-Dín Sháh. Of these two, one has been printed, and is called “the crushing of falsehood” (Izháḳu't-Báṭil); the other was shown to me by a Sheykhí at Kirmán, but I do not know what name it bears.

^{page 910 note 2} Sale's Koran, ch. xliv. For a similar anecdote see Ouseley's, Biographical Notices of Persian Poets, London, 1846, pp. 84–86Google Scholar.

^{page 911 note 1} See Bulletin de l'Académie Impériale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg, April 13th, 1871. Unfortunately no details are given about these six Bábí MSS., so that it is impossible to identify them. I learn from Baron Rosen that they are now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris.

^{page 911 note 2} Ibid. Dec. 22nd, 1864. See also Rosen, Baron, MSS. Arabes, pp. 179–180Google Scholar.

^{page 911 note 3} Rosen, Baron, Manuscrits Persans de l'Institut, etc., St. Petersburg, 1886, pp. 1–32Google Scholar.

^{page 915 note 1} It is generally believed by Muhammadans, at any rate in Persia, that such words were spoken by Christ, and are to be found in the Gospels. The belief is no doubt based on the prophecies concerning the Paraclete, for which word they would substitute Periklutos, which corresponds in meaning with Ahmad or Muhammad (praised, laudable). See Hishám's, Ibn “Life of Muhammad” ed. Wüstenfeld, , vol. i. pp. 149–150Google Scholar, where the Greek word is stated as Baraḳlíṭis, and the Syriac as Manḥamanná.

^{page 915 note 2} I have not ventured to alter the MS. reading, though I think it should be aḥadan rather than iḥdá.

^{page 917 note 1} Rúz-i-‘Alast’ (The Day of ‘Art thou not?’) is a phrase familiar to all students of Persian poetry. The tradition is that in the beginning of Creation God addressed the souls that had been created with these words, “A-lasta bi-rabbikum?” and they all answered, “Balá! Balá!” (“Yea! Yea!”). According to another tradition, only the souls of believers answered ‘Yea.’ The Bábís apply the tradition in this way, viz. as the summons of the Primal Will speaking through, a Prophet, and inviting all to follow him, for, as we have seen, with them Creation is co-existent in duration with God, and only subsequent in causation.

^{page 918 note 1} This is stated explicitly in the first chapter of the second Váḥid of the Persian Beyán: “Va agar nukté gírí dar i'ráb-i-ḳirá'at, yá ḳawá'id-i-'arabiyyé shavad, mardúd-ast; zírá ki ín ḳawá'id az áyát bar dáshté mí-shavad, na áyát bar ánhá járí mí-shavad,” “And if exception be taken to the vocalization (i.e. pointing) of the text (lit. reading), or the rules of Arabic (according to which it is written), he (i.e. the objector) is rejected; for these rules are removed from (revealed) verses, nor do the verses flow forth according to them.” See Rosen's, BaronManuscrits P rsans, p. 3Google Scholar, where the verse in question is quoted, and explained.

^{page 921 note 1} Letters marked with tashdíd to double them are only counted once in the enumeration. Thus, in our word, káf=20, lám=30, shín=300, yá=10, total 360. Cf. Gobineau, , “Religions et Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale,” pp. 319–322Google Scholar.

^{page 922 note 1} It is evident from the latter part of this colophon that a special method of enumerating years is also employed. I regret to say that I did not ask for an explanation of this from the Bábís at the time when I learned the preceding details about the days and months, so that I do not know what ordinal number in the series of 19 years constituting the váḥid is represented by the ‘Sanatu'l-Badí.’ One would be inclined to take Badí as meaning the first (see Lane's, Arabic-English Lexicon, book i. part i. p. 171)Google Scholar; but not only does it not agree with sana (year), but chronological difficulties are involved; for if a.h. 1296 be counted by the Bábís as the first year of the second váḥid, i.e. the 20th year from the commencement of their era, the latter would fall in a.h. 1276, in which no important event occurred, for the “manifestation” of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad was in a.h. 1260, and the “manifestation” of Behá in a.h. 1283.

^{page 923 note 1} For a similar use of the term “Letters” (Ḥurúf), cf. de Sacy's, “Exposé, de la Religion des Druzes,” Paris, 1838, vol. i. p. 119Google Scholar. where the disciples of Hákim bi-amri'lláh are called “Letters of Truth” (Ḥurúfu'ṣ-ṣidḳ).

^{page 926 note 1} These words of the Báb are also quoted in the I'ḳán, and the passage where they occur is specially noted by Rosen, Baron (Manuscrits Persans de l'Institut, etc. p. 43)Google Scholar.

^{page 931 note 1} See Sale's, Koran, p. 261Google Scholar, note.

^{page 932 note 1} Ta'ziyas are the representations of the adventures and misfortunes of the Imáms, etc., held during the month of Muharram, and especially during the first ten days thereof, by the Shí'ites. They reach their culminating point in the tragedy of the death of Huseyn and his adherents, cut off from water, and hemmed in by foes on the arid plain of Kerbelá. My guide from Bálfurúsh to the Tomb of Sheykh Ṭabarsí informed me that, following out the parallel suggested by the Báb, his followers, who make pilgrimages to those places where the earliest sufferings of the Bábís took place, call the river Bábul, which flows through Bálfurúsh, the “Euphrates,” and Sheykh Ṭabarsí “Kerbelá.” In the same spirit are the following lines, which form the concluding stanza of a Bábí poem of the authorship of which I am uncertain:

“Shuhadá-yi-ṭal'at-i-nár-i-man!

Sar ú ján kuníd ni ár-i-man!

Bi-davíd sú-yi-diyár-i-man!

Ki man-am Shahinshah-i-Karbalá.”

“Ye who have seen my form of flame!

Shed your blood for my holy name,

Haste to the land from whence I came!

For I am the monarch of Kerbelá.”

^{page 933 note 1} Cf. Gobineau, , op. cit. p. 330Google Scholar.

^{page 933 note 2} I have often asked who was the author of these verses, and have generally bean informed that they were Sa'dí's, but I have not succeeded in finding them in his published writings.

^{page 934 note 1} Pronounced ḳawgá.

^{page 938 note 1} Ḳibla, as is well known, is the name given by the Muhammadans to the point towards which one turns in prayer, such as Mecca, in the case of the Muslims, and Jerusalem in the case of the Jews. The Persian form. Ḳibla-gáh (lit. “Ḳibla-place”) is often used in letters to relations older than oneself as a title of respect.

^{page 940 note 1} I regret to say that I myself made use of this term in my first paper, thereby adding to the confusion which I here deplore. What I meant by using it was that if the chief work of the Bábís of to-day (i.e. the Behá'ís) were to be described as their Ḳur'án, then the Lawḥ-i-Aḳdas was most worthy of this title.

^{page 941 note 1} Journal Asiatique (1887), viii. série, vol. x. p. 135, note 2Google Scholar.

^{page 941 note 2} The word 'Amá is used in this sense by the Ṣúfís commonly. See Jorjání's, “Definitions,” ed. Flügel, , p. 163Google Scholar, where it is defined as “the degree of primal unity” (martabatu'l-aḥadiyyat), by which is generally understood by Ṣúfí writers that degree or plane wherein God is regarded as one absolutely, not relatively to plurality; and where plurality is not even potential, as it is in the “Degree of Unity” (Martabatu'l-Wáḥidiyyat), where the “Fixed Exemplars” (A'yán-i-Thábita) are existent in the mind of God. The first is the “Station of the Essence” (Maḳám-i-Ẓút); the second the “Station of the Attributes” (Maḳám-i-Ṣifát). For this sense of 'Amá consult also Lane's Arabic English Lexicon, s.v. 'Amá, book i. part v. p. 2161, where the tradition from which this use of it is borrowed is discussed.

^{page 941 note 3} Or perhaps Behá may be intended by one of these titles, since he calls himself Al-wajh (the Face) in several passages of his writings. See below, pp. 967, 969.

^{page 942 note 1} See Appendix II. § 2.

^{page 943 note 1} This is a mistake. See Appendix II. § 2.

^{page 944 note 1} Collections Scientifiques de l'Institut des Langues Orientales, vol. iii. Manuscrits Persans, St. Petersburg, 1886, p. 33–51Google Scholar.

^{page 945 note 1} Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc. Vol. XXI. p. 507.

^{page 946 note 1} We learn from Nabíl's chronological poem that Behá arrived at Baghdad when he was 37 years old, i.e. in a.h. 1270 (since he was born in a.h. 1233), and that when he was 38 years old (i.e. in a.h. 1271 = a d. 1854–55) he “withdrew from mankind” (ghaybat az khalḳ namúd) until he was 40, when he returned to Zawrá (i.e. Baghdad). This is evidently the “four years of retirement” here alluded to. His return therefore occurred in a.h. 1273 (a.d. 1856–57), five years before the publication of the I'ḳán.

^{page 946 note 2} In the original “az maṣdar-i-amr ḥukm-i-ruju' ṣádir shud, va lá budd taslím namúdam va ráji' shudam.”

^{page 947 note 1} See Ḳur'án liii. (Súratu'n-najm), v. 14, and Sale's translation, p. 390, note.

^{page 949 note 1} One such collection occurs in the British Museum MS. marked Or. 3114, and another at the end of Or. 3116, the first part of which contains the I'ḳán.

^{page 952 note 1} I need hardly repeat that the 18 “Letters of the Living” which constituted, with the “Point,” the Bábí hierarchy, and amongst whom Ezel was included, were regarded as incarnations, or “manifestations,” of the chief Attributes or “Names” of God, while the “Point” was a manifestation of the Essence. Behá claims to be the “Point,” and complains that one of his own “Names” should attempt to conceal him.

^{page 953 note 1} Collections de l'Institut etc., vol. iii. Manuscrits Persans, p. 43, note on text of I'ḳán: “Ce passage est très-important, parcequ'il nous donne le nom authentique d'un des ouvrages fondamentaux de la secte. Il s'agit maintenant de retrouver ce passage dans lea manuscrits bâbys connus jusqu'ici.”

^{page 953 note 2} Page 926 supra, and note.

^{page 955 note 1} Rosen, , MSS. Arabes, p. 199Google Scholar.

^{page 957 note 1} Loc. cit. p. 208.

^{page 958 note 1} Loc. cit. p. 192.

^{page 958 note 2} Thus, in accordance with its use in Ṣúfí terminology, have I translated the expression Jeberút, concerning which cf. Jorjání's, Definitions, ed. Flügel, , p. 77 and p. 297Google Scholar.

^{page 958 note 3} Loc. cit. p. 193, 1. 7.

^{page 959 note 1} Ḳur'án ii. 88, and lxii. 68.

^{page 959 note 2} Ḳur'án xlix. 6.

^{page 961 note 1} i.e. Khuaraw Parvíz, the Sásánian king.

^{page 962 note 1} This event I described briefly in my former paper on the Bábís, p. 516.

^{page 963 note 1} I think there can be no doubt that the “Martyrs of Isfahán” are here alluded to, concerning whom see my former paper, p. 489 et seq.

^{page 964 note 1} i.e. Acre ('Akká), which is often thus described by Behá in his writings.

^{page 964 note 2} i.e. Christ, whom the Muhammadans call “Rúḥu'lláh,” “The Spirit of God.”

^{page 966 note 1} i.e. Followers of Christ, the Son of God.

^{page 966 note 2} The Báb, who was the precursor (mubáshir) of Behá, is here intended.

^{page 967 note 1} i.e. Christ, “Rúḥu'lláh,” as before stated.

^{page 968 note 1} The passages in italics contain the prophecy of the downfall of Napoleon III. to which I alluded in my last paper.

^{page 969 note 1} It will be remembered that some of the letters in the MSS. noticed by M. Huart (see p. 941) are described as emanating from some person entitled ‘Al-Wajh’ (“The Face”). I have suggested that this may be another title of Ezel, but Behá applies it to himself in several places in these letters.

^{page 969 note 2} i.e. Christ.

^{page 970 note 1} Alludes to the system of Representative Government.

^{page 970 note 2} i.e. those who are chosen to represent the people.

^{page 971 note 1} Amr, i.e. Religion, in which sense the word is much used by the Bábís.

^{page 971 note 2} i e. Acre, as stated previously.

^{page 972 note 1} i.e. the first thing necessary to men is that they should know Behá, the present “manifestation” of God in the World, without which knowledge good actions are of no avail.

^{page 975 note 1} See above, p. 883–884, where this passage is quoted.

^{page 977 note 1} See above, p 899, note.

^{page 995 note 1} This is according to a note made by Captain Young's predecessor in 1879, which states that Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel and Mushkín Ḳalam have both been in the island eleven years. Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel's own statement to Captain Young is as follows: “I was sent here twenty-three years ago. I may have said in 1879 that I had been here eleven years then, but it is twenty-three years now according to Persian years.”

^{page 1004 note 1} MS.

^{page 1005 note 1} For

^{page 1006 note 1} For

^{page 1006 note 2} For

^{page 1006 note 3} Probably