^{page 249 note 1} DrRieu, (see “Catalogue of the Persian MSS. in the British Museum,” vol. i, p. 87)Google Scholar was the first to point out that Mīrkhwānd was the grandfather of Khwāndamīr, and not his father, as hitherto generally supposed.

^{page 249 note 2} B.M. Oriental, 3248 (see Dr. Rieu's Supplement).

^{page 249 note 3} Cambridge University Library, Add. 200 (see MrBrowne's, Catalogue, p. 147)Google Scholar.

^{page 250 note 1} For brevity we will speak throughout of the London MS. as L. and of the Cambridge MS. as C.

^{page 250 note 2} See Elliot, v, 203.

^{page 250 note 3} Oriental, 2939. I believe there is no other copy of this work to be found in the libraries of Europe.

^{page 250 note 4} A = History of Isma'īl. B = Maḥmūd's History.

^{page 252 note 1} See British Museum, Add. 11,745.

^{page 252 note 2} This is certainly the more probahle conjecture. The life of Shāh Isma'īl, though most eventful, was a comparatively short one, and our author might have been a grown man at the time of Isma'īl's birth (a.h. 892) and still have lived to write his history after the king's death (a.h. 930).

^{page 252 note 3} In my notes L refers to the British Museum copy of our history and C to the Cambridge MS. In the text I have used the following signs: ( ) = peculiar to C; [ ] = peculiar to L.

^{page 253 note 1} In our text his full title is usually Khākān Sāḥib Ḳirān Sulaimān-shān Isma'īl Bahādur Khān. It is curious that our author should have appropriated for Isma'īl the title of Sāḥib Ḳirán, which is in Persian Histories almost the exclusive “property,” as it were, of the great Timūr. It is interesting to remark how Purchas says that Uzūn Ḥasan moved with the fame of Ḥaidar gave him in marriage his daughter Martha, begot of a Christain lady Despina, daughter of Calo Johannes, Emperor of Trebizond “both of them by that alliance strengthening themselves against the Turke,” and this Martha was the mother of Isma'īl, “whom she trayned up in the principles of Christain Religion.” See Purehas, “Pilgrim,” 4th ed., pp. 382, 383Google Scholar.

^{page 253 note 2} [].

^{page 256 note 1} L, fol. 25b.

^{page 256 note 2} Bāyandarī is a name often applied to the dynasty of Uzūn Ḥasan—the white sheep—after the name of a person to whom they trace back their descent.

^{page 257 note 1} L, fol. 26a.

^{page 257 note 2} The reading of this name is doubtful. The Bombay edition of the Habībus-Siyar writes ; the London MS. of same ; while in both MSS. of our history it is written .

^{page 258 note 1} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar differs in this place, saying: “There was an occasional interchange of arrows, and every day small conflicts took place, but on none of those days did victory declare itself for either side, and one could not distinguish which were the victors and which the conquered.”

^{page 258 note 2} L, fol. 26b.

^{page 258 note 3} L and C read Ḳājār, but the Ḥabīb-us-Siyar says Tawājī, whose name also appears at the end of this chapter.

^{page 258 note 4} Thus in L: C reads Ahar Mashkīn. It is noticeable that the Ḥabīb-us-Siyar gives no details concerning this battle, of which our author is able to give us so exact an account. On the margin of the Bombay edition we find the date given as 897.

^{page 259 note 1} L, fol. 27a.

^{page 260 note 1} L, fol. 27b.

^{page 260 note 2} In this place the Ḥabīb-us-Siyar has a chapter entitled “Death of Sulṭān 'Alī Pādishāh, and the honour done to Lāhijān by the blessing of His Sanctity's journey thither,” and resolves into one chapter what our author extends to three.

^{page 260 note 3} = well-wishers, supporters (of the Ṣafavīs).

^{page 261 note 1} L, fol. 28a.

^{page 261 note 2} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar gives the date 898.

^{page 261 note 3} I have thus rendered a short sentence which I found difficult to translate—

^{page 262 note 1} .

^{page 262 note 2} L, fol. 28b.

^{page 262 note 3} lit. “notified.”

^{page 263 note 1} Isma'īl is also frequently spoken of throughout the work as “ān ḥazrat” (or His Sanctity), but as this title seems strange to European ears thus applied, I have preferred generally to render this (and any other epithet applied to him) by his name only.

^{page 263 note 2} L, fol. 29a. The foregoing sentence is a little obscure. It is at any rate unimportant.

^{page 263 note 3} It is hard to render this expression in English. It means more than warriors and less than “fighters for the faith.” A ghazāt originally meant merely a freebooting-raid. It next became applied to the “holy war” for the propagation of the faith, and after that to any war carried on by believers, for whatsoever object.

^{page 263 note 4} The expression used is might mean booty, but I can find no trace of being employed in this sense.

^{page 263 note 5} See preceding note.

^{page 263 note 6} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar gives the date aa 898.

^{page 264 note 1} ().

^{page 265 note 1} [] ?

^{page 265 note 2}

^{page 265 note 3} MS. L, (!)

^{page 265 note 4} .

^{page 265 note 5}

^{page 266 note 1} .

^{page 267 note 1}

^{page 267 note 2} [].

^{page 267 note 3}

^{page 268 note 1}

^{page 268 note 2}

^{page 268 note 3}

^{page 268 note 4}

^{page 268 note 5}

^{page 269 note 1}

^{page 269 note 2} Sic in MSS.

^{page 269 note 3}

^{page 270 note 1}

^{page 270 note 2} Sic for

^{page 270 note 3}

^{page 272 note 1}

^{page 272 note 2}

^{page 272 note 3}

^{page 273 note 1} MS. C, (!)

^{page 273 note 2}

^{page 273 note 3}

^{page 273 note 4} MSS have not

^{page 274 note 1}

^{page 274 note 2}

^{page 274 note 3}

^{page 274 note 4}

^{page 274 note 5}

^{page 275 note 1}

^{page 275 note 2} Both MSS. read

^{page 275 note 3}

^{page 275 note 4}

^{page 276 note 1}

^{page 276 note 2}

^{page 276 note 3}

^{page 278 note 1}

^{page 279 note 1} [Lacuna].

^{page 279 note 2}

^{page 280 note 1}

^{page 281 note 1}

^{page 281 note 2}

^{page 282 note 1} C. places here.

^{page 284 note 1} He is here called the “Perfect Guide”: a very usual epithet for a spiritual head, or adviser, among the Ṣūfīs.

^{page 284 note 2} =the feminine form of jarrāh ‘a surgeon’ (which latter word is derived from the former through the intermediate form chirurgien). We might call this woman Uba the Lady-Surgeon (better in French and German, chirurgienoe and Wundärtztin). But, as the English expression is awkward, I have preferred to keep the original Arabic word in my translation.

^{page 287 note 1} This is worthy of note as an instance of our author's care for accuracy.

^{page 287 note 2} Kārgiyā, or Giyā=emperor. It is said to be a Gīlāni word. We may here note that Mīrzā 'Alī is always given this title in our history, while the Ḥabīb-us-Siyar never applies it to him.

^{page 288 note 1} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar says: “after some months.”

^{page 289 note 1} The expression used is I have been unable to find the word ṣūng in any dictionary. From the context it would appear to mean “confiscation,” or something akin to it.

^{page 290 note 1} Gīlekī is the word used in the text; a curious nisba-formation from Gīlān. It is probably dialectic. Gīlānī is the more usual form.

^{page 292 note 1} The Ḳūrchī were the descendants of the two thousand prisoners who were released by Timūr at the request of Ṣafi-ud-Dīn, and among whom some lands round Ardabil were afterwards distributed. Hence were they such faithful supporters of the Ṣafavī dynasty. Cf. Chardin-Langlès, x, 188.

^{page 292 note 2} lit. “refractory persons”—mu'ānidān.

^{page 293 note 1} lit. “the eye of expectancy is on the road.”

^{page 293 note 2} Sense not very clear.

^{page 294 note 1} . The word khurūj, which means literally “a coming out,” is used throughout the beginning of this work to express the first appearance of Isma'īl to play his part in history. I can think of no better rendering into English than the word “coming,” applied in like manner to King Arthur of the Round Table. The word “advent” might also suit were it not for the almost exclusively religious signification this word has acquired.

^{page 296 note 1} Namely, Rustem Beg and Aḥmad Beg.

^{page 297 note 1} =Ardabīl.

^{page 297 note 2} L, fol. 38a.

^{page 297 note 3} sic. in both MSS.

^{page 297 note 4} Ḥabīb-us-Siyar says: “from Ḳarābāgh.”

^{page 298 note 1} Probably a variation of Ṭarkhānī. The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar says that it was merely “the desire to reconquer the country, which was his by right of inheritance,” that prompted his leaving Rūm; and ignores this anecdote.

^{page 298 note 2} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar adds: “and Turkomāns.”

^{page 298 note 3} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar adds: “without either being aware of the other's movements.”

^{page 298 note 4} L, fol. 38b.

^{page 298 note 5} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar gives the date, of 902, and mentions that Rustem reigned six years. Kwāndamīr here begins a fresh chapter entitled “The Accession of Aḥmad Pādishāh to the throne of Azarbāījān, and his death at the hands of Abiya Sulṭān.”

^{page 299 note 1} Mashad-i-mādari-Sulaimān; this is no doubt a corruption of masjid-i-mādari-Sulaimān, a name which the Persians still give to the tomb of Cyrus in the plain of Pasargadæ. Cf. Browne, , “A Year among the Persians,” and Ouseley, , ii, 44et seq.Google Scholar

^{page 299 note 2} L, fol. 39a.

^{page 299 note 3} There seems to be some confusion here in the narrative. The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar mentions only one encounter, namely in Kanīz Alang-i-Iṣfahān.

^{page 300 note 1} The Habīb-us-Siyar Bays Aḥmad had reigned six months.

^{page 300 note 2} The Ḥabīb-ua-Siyar adda: “who, since the death of his brother Bāīsunḳar, had been living under the protection of Shirwānshāh.”

^{page 300 note 3} L, fol. 39b.

^{page 300 note 4} This opening sentence is not in the Ḥabīb-us-Siyar. Kadūcha, if the reading be correct, may mean “a little gourd” (kadū). MS. C reads küchik, or “small,” which is, perhaps, the more correct reading.

^{page 301 note 1} Is Tihrān here meant, or did the old town of Rai still exist?

^{page 301 note 2} L, fol. 40a.

^{page 302 note 1} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar says: “to Husain Giyā Jalābī in the castle of Astā.”

^{page 302 note 2} The Ḥabib-us-Siyarreads: Varāmīn-i-Rai.

^{page 302 note 3} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar adds: “and Ashraf Beg.”

^{page 302 note 4} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar adds: “and did not stop till he reached Ribāṭ-i-Dāng.”

^{page 302 note 5} A straightforward account of the Aḳ-ḳūyunlus and the Ḳarā-ḳūyunlus is to be found in the Naskh-i-Jahan-Arā of Ghaffārī. Cf. Rieu's Catalogue, pp. 111–115.

^{page 303 note 1} L, fol. 40b.

^{page 305 note 1} The reading is doubtful. It may be a corruption of Shulghistān, which is near Abāda.

^{page 305 note 2} Garmsīrāt-i-Shīrāz, that is, those portions of the district of Shīrāz which lie in the hot climate (garmsīr). The Arabic plural in āt being, as is so frequently the case, attached to the Persian word.

^{page 305 note 3} L, fol. 41a.

^{page 306 note 1} There is some inconsistency in the narrative here, for the Ḥabīb-us-Siyar clearly states that after this victory Sulṭān Murād took Moḥammadī with him as a prisoner to Sulṭāniyya. Khwāndamīr also gives in the following passage some further details with regard to Pīr 'Alī Beg and Bairām Beg.

^{page 306 note 2} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar differs considerably in this place. Its authors tells us that several small encounters took place, but as none of them proved decisive for either side, a peace was at length made with the following conditions: That Abdāl Beg Pīr 'Alī should quit Sāwa and enter the service of Sulṭān Murād, who, having abandoned the siege, should appoint Pīr 'Alī Beg as Governor of Sāwa. On the same day that Abdāl Beg entered Murād's service he migrated from Sāwa to Azarbāījān.

^{page 306 note 3} L, 41b.

^{page 306 note 4} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar says Ṣāīn Kalā instead of Abhar.

^{page 306 note 5} Detail omitted by Khwāndamīr.

^{page 306 note 6} Khwāndamīr omits Mughān from the list.

^{page 307 note 1} ba yāsā rasānidan, means to try (and condemn) a person by the code called yāsā, which is said to have been instituted by Chingis Khān. See Indian Antiquary, July, 1882, and Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 22, note.

^{page 307 note 2} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar here adds: At this juncture Sulṭān Murād was informed that Ḳāsim Beg Parnāk, Governor of Shirwān, was planning a revolt. (Murād) therefore set out from Ḳazwīn with a strong force and marched into Fārs. And when Ḳasim Parnāk heard of his approach, feeling he was not strong enough to resist, he came out to meet Murād in Ḳasr-i-Zard, and, begging his forgiveness, expressed his repentance. All his chiefs were seized by Sulṭān Murād, who then hastened to Kārzūn, where he spent the winter.

^{page 308 note 1}

^{page 308 note 2}

^{page 309 note 1}

^{page 310 note 1} [].

^{page 310 note 2} [].

^{page 310 note 3} Both MSS. read but is obviously the correct reading.

^{page 311 note 1} I have added the hamza here.

^{page 311 note 2} MS. C.

^{page 311 note 3} MS. L. has a large hole at the top of this folio.

^{page 312 note 1}

^{page 312 note 2}

^{page 312 note 3}

^{page 312 note 4} .

^{page 313 note 1}

^{page 314 note 1}

^{page 315 note 1}

^{page 315 note 2}

^{page 316 note 1}

^{page 317 note 1}

^{page 317 note 2}

^{page 317 note 3} [Lacuna].

^{page 319 note 1}

^{page 319 note 2}

^{page 319 note 3}

^{page 320 note 1} ? doubtful reading.

^{page 320 note 2}

^{page 320 note 3}

^{page 321 note 1} [Lacuna].

^{page 321 note 2}

^{page 322 note 1}

^{page 322 note 2} repeated in C.

^{page 323 note 1}

^{page 323 note 2}

^{page 324 note 1}

^{page 324 note 2} ?

^{page 325 note 1}

^{page 325 note 2} [] ?

^{page 326 note 1}

^{page 327 note 1} lit. “said to him with the tongue of divine inspiration.”

^{page 327 note 2} The Ḥabīb-us-Siyar here mentions that Mīrzā 'Alī escorted Isma'īl on the first stages of his journey to Ardabīl, and then turned back. Khwāndamīr then passes straight on to tell ns how Isma'īl made Arjwān his winter quarters.

^{page 327 note 3} lit. which showed a “sword-belt” (ḥamāīl).

^{page 327 note 4} Saḥib-ḥāl.

^{page 327 note 5} Rūm-ili is the translation of the Greek 'Ρωμανία.

^{page 328 note 1} The Twelfth Imām.

^{page 328 note 2} The Ḳizilbāsh were composed of seven principal tribes, namely, 1. Ustājlū, 2. Shāmlū, 3. Tikelī (often falsely given as Nikallu), 4. Bahārlū, 5. Zu'lḲadr, 6. Kājār, 7. Afshār.

^{page 328 note 3} Chilla is a religious fast of forty days duration; the chilla-khāna is a place of seclusion to which the pious retire during the fast. For some interesting remarks on the subject, see Olearius, , Adam, . Persianische Reise=Beschreibung, 1656, p. 464Google Scholar.

^{page 328 note 4} Sulṭān Haidar. See note above.

^{page 328 note 5} Saints are spoken of as succeeding each other to the throne (of spiritual guidance). They many of them even bear the titles of Sulṭān and Pādishāh. Thus Isma'īl, before he came to temporal power, is spoken of as a “prince,” as are also his brothers.

^{page 328 note 6} AblaḲ must mean a precious stone of some sort, probably of changing colours. (I cannot find it in any dictionary applied to stones or jewels.)

^{page 329 note 1} 'Atahāt, lit. the thresholds.

^{page 329 note 2} I have thus translated the epithet bā tashinat, which means “under divine influence.”

^{page 329 note 3} Darvīshī, that is, the degree of continence and endurance he had attained to by leading the strict life of a darwish.

^{page 330 note 1} Najaf is the tract of country in which Karbalā is situate.

^{page 330 note 2} Mish-chashm, lit. sheep-eyed.

^{page 330 note 3} This passage is rather obscure. I am not sure whether him (Isma'īl) or it (the belt) is intended.

^{page 331 note 1} The twelfth Imām.

^{page 331 note 2} Ṣāḥib-ul-amr, the Lord of Command, another epithet for the twelfth Imām.

^{page 334 note 1} Ṭālish or Ṭavālish; the plural form signifies the district.

^{page 334 note 2} Sense of text a little obscure.

^{page 335 note 1} Notice again our author's accuracy and care in obtaining information.

^{page 338 note 1} Names of two winter months. Dai corresponding to our December and Bahman to January.

^{page 339 note 1} Perhaps another name (an older form) of Lankurān (?).