^{page 241 note 1} A further paper on the same subject will be found in vol. xvii. J.R.A.S. for 1858.

^{page 241 note 2} Die Pehlwie-Legenden auf den Münzen der letzten Sâsâniden, etc. Kopenhagen, 1843. A translation of this work is to be found in the London Numismatic Chronicle, vol. ix., 1848.

^{page 242 note 1} The original impressions are now in Dublin; secondary casts are to be found in tbe Assyrian Room in the British Museum, and the. Royal Asiatic Society possesses parallel reproductions. It is from the latter that the illustrative Photograph has been derived.

^{page 243 note 1} “At the northern extremity of the district of Zoháb is the little plain of Semírám, a natural fastness of the most extraordinary strength, which is formed by a range of lofty and precipitous mountains extending in a semicircle from the river Diyálah, here called the 'Abi-Shírwán, and enclosing an area of about eight miles in length and four in breadth.” … “I searched eagerly for ancient monuments, and though I failed to discover any in the plain itself, yet across the river, at a distance of about three farsakhs, on the road to Suleïmáníyah, I heard of sculptures and statues which would well merit the attention of any future traveller in this country. The place is called Pá'ikal'ah, the foot of the castle, or But Khánah, the idol temple.”—Rawlinson, , Jour. R. Geog. Soc., ix. pp. 28–30Google Scholar.

^{page 244 note 1} Ker Porter remarks (i. p. 574), M. de Sacy “has followed Niebuhr's copy, which, strange to say, having been made so many years anterior to mine, exhibits an inscription much more defaced than I found it. This may be seen by comparing the large letters in my copy on the drawing with the large letters in M. de Sacy's Greek transcript.” [Mem. sur div Ant. p. 31].

^{page 245 note 1} Voyage en Perse, Flandin, M. M. Eugène et Coate, Paul, entrepris par ordre de M. le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères. D'après les instructions dressées par l'lnstitut. Paris, 1851Google Scholar. 6 vols. folio, plates, etc., and 2 vols. 8vo. text.

^{page 246 note 1} Rawlinson, , J.R.A.S. x, pp. 32, 340Google Scholar, and vol. i. N.S. p. 245. See also the names of Seleucus Philopater (187–175 B.C.), Antiochus (175–164 B.C.), and Demetrius (146–139 B.C.), upon the Cuneiform tahlets of terra-cotta in the British Museum, deciphered by Oppert, “Expédition en Mésopotamie,” ii. 357.

^{page 247 note 1} Mr. Layard's account of the discovery of these seals is as follows:— “In a chamher or passage [leading into the archive chamher] in the south-west corner of the palace of Kouyunjik, were found a large numher of pieces of fine clay bearing the impressions of seals, which, there is no doubt, had been affixed, like modern official seals of wax, to documents written on leather, papyrus, or parchment. Such documents, with seals of clay still attached, have been discovered in Egypt, and specimens are still preserved in the British Museum. The writings themselves have been consumed by the fire which destroyed the building or had perished from decay. In the stamped clay, however, may still be seen the holes for the string or strips of skin by which the seal was fastened; in some instances the ashes of the string itself remain, with the marks of the fingers and thumb. The greater part of these seals are Assyrian; but with them are others bearing Egyptian, Phœnician, and doubtful symbols and characters. But the most remarkable and important of the Egyptain seals are two impressions of a royal signet, which, though imperfect, retain the cartouche, with the name of the king, so as to be perfectly legible. It is one well known to Egyptian scholars as that of the second Sabaco, the Æthiopian of the twenty-fifth dynasty. On the same piece of clay is impressed an Assyrian seal, with a device representing a priest ministering before the king, probably a royal signet.”

The annexed woodcut outlines represent six of the Ethiopian seals, copied from the extant clay-impressions of the original signets, that havesurvived both “Nineveh and Babylon.” My object in this, and I trust in all similar cases, is not to force identities, but to place before my fellow labourers coincidences that may perchance elicit new truths. It is not pretended tnat the literal symbols here found associated with Egyptian hieroglyphics and Assyrian cuneiform will tally or accord exactly with the transmutations incident to the alphabetical developments of the once powerful, but for many centuries obscure, nationalities that in the interval must have remained more than ordinarily indebted to the advancing world around them. Under this latitude of identification, we may freely appeal to the later forms of Ethiopic, Amharic, or other cognate conservators of traces of the ancient writing, though it is more to the general palæographic configuration than to absolute and complete uniformity of outline that any test must be applied.

It may be said in regard to the seals now presented, that they convey in all but five independent letters; the most marked of the number is the , which occurs with sufficient clearness on three occasions. There can be little hesitation in associating this form with the modern Himyaritic sh or the Ethiopian shă, especially when the subjunct vowel i is added, which is so distinctly seen in a varied form, even under possible repetition, in the ancient example.

The second figure of special mark is the , which offers a more dubious range of identification among the derivative Ethiopian forms of bi, bě, extending even to the Amharic khă, and many other possible renderings; but the most curious coincidence is in the near connection of the sign with the Sanskrit of Northern India (Prinsep's Essays, ii. p. 40, pi. xxxviii.).

The third character, which almost seems to have been in a transition stage at the time these seals were fashioned, may be reduced in the modern alphabets to the Ethiopian tă or mă; but of the prevailing coincidencies of formation under the general Ethiopian scheme there can be little question.

The imperfect outline , which recurs on four occasions, may be an Amharic jă, or other consonantal combination of j, with a different vowel: an approximate likeness is also to be detected to the Coptic j; or the old figure may, perchance, constitute the prototype of the modern Himyaritic m.

^{page 248 note 1} Herodotus, ii. 94; vii. 70. Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. 650; iii. 261, note 1; iv. p. 220. J.R.A.S. xv. 233.

^{page 249 note 1} Prinsep's Essays, ii. 114; Journ. E. A. S. vol. i. N.S. p. 468Google Scholar; Numismatic Chronicle, vol. iii. N.S. (1863) pp. 229, 235Google Scholar, “Bactrian Alphabet.”

^{page 249 note 2} M. de Vogüé has given us a comprehensive résumé of the progress of Phœnician writing to the westward, which I quote in his own words:—“1. Antérieurement au VI^e siècle, l'alphabet commun à toutes les populations sémitiques de la Syrie est l' alphabet phénicien archaïque, souche de l'écriture grecque et de tous les systèmes graphiques de l'occident. 2. Vers le VI^e siècle, l'écriture phénicienne type, celle que j'ai appelée Sidonienne, se constitue définitivement: le plus beau monument de cette écriture est le célèbre sarcophage d'Esmunazar; en même temps la branche araméenne se sépare de la souche commune. Le caractère principal de ce nouvel alphabet est l'ouverture des boucles des lettres beth, daleth, ain, reseh. Mais pendant deux siècles environ, à côté de ces formes nouvelles se maintient un certain nombre de formes anciennes; l'altération de toutes les lettres n'est pas simultanée, de sorte que l'alphabet conserve un caractère mixte qui m'a conduit à, lui donner le nom d' Araméo-Phénicien. Le meilleur exemple de cette écriture est l'inscription du Lion d' Abydos. 3. Vers la fin du V. siècle, l'alphahet araméen se constitue définitivement sur les pierres gravées, sur les médailles des satrapes de l'Asie mineure.” Rev. Arch. ix. (1864), p. 204.

^{page 249 note 3} M. Oppert makes some interesting remarks upon this subject; among the rest, “L'épigraphie assyrienne, d'ailleurs, malgré les complications inhérentes à l'écriture anarienne, a un avantage précieux sur l'épigraphie des autres peuples sémitiques. Les mots y sont séparés et les voyelles sont expvimés, ce qui constitue un avantage encore plus important pour l'interprète des textes.”—Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 478Google Scholar.

^{page 250 note 1} Journ. R. A. S. (new.series), vol. i. pp. 187, 244Google Scholar.

^{page 250 note 2} de Luyrtes, M. “Essai sur la Numismatique des Satrapies et de la Phénicie. Paris, 1846Google Scholar.

^{page 250 note 3} Gesenius, Pl. 36, fig. c.; Mionnet, Nos. 35, 36. Trésor de Numismatique, Pl. lxvi. figs. 1, 2.

^{page 250 note 4} Numismatic Chronicle, xviii. 143; vol. vi. N.S. p. 245, and vii. 237.

^{page 250 note 5} Numismatic Chronicle, vol. vi. N.S. 1866, note, p. 245.

^{page 250 note 6} Numismatic Chronicle, xii. 68; xvii. 164; Lindsay, Coinage of Parthia, pl. iv. figs. 87, 89, 90, 93–96.

^{page 250 note 7} Prinsep's Essays, i. 32.

^{page 250 note 8} Numismatic Chronicle, iv. p. 220. (A new coin in the possession of General Cunningham gives the local name in full ).

^{page 251 note 1} Parthian coin of Sanabares, dated 313 (A.D. 2), in the British Museum, with a Parthian s and a Sassanian a on the obverse field. See also Numismatic Chronicle, xvii. 169; Lindsay, pl. xi. Arsaces XXX.

^{page 253 note 1} To show how forms of writing in early times must have been determined by circumstances and accessible materials, it may be noted that even so late as the days of Muhammad, when there were civilized teachers from the many nations around them, the Arabs had still to engross the stray sayings of their Prophet upon stones and other strange and readily available substances. Sir Wm. Muir tells us, “after each passage was recited by Muhammad before the Companions or followers who happened to be present, it was generally committed to writing by some one amongst them upon palm-leaves, leather, stones, or such other rude material as conveniently came to hand.” Life of Mahomet. London, 1861. Vol. i. p. iiiGoogle Scholar.—Dr. Sprenger, in his Life of the Prophet (German edit. Berlin, 1865, iii. p. xxxix.), enumerates leather and parchment, slate, palm-leaves, camel's shoulder-blades. Said's copy was written on leaves of palm or on scrolls and papyrus.

^{page 253 note 2} Wilson, H. H.. Ariana Antigua, pp. 59, 60, 83, 84, 94, 106–7, 111Google Scholar.

^{page 253 note 3} I am quite aware that tradition affirms that the substance employed was 12,000 “Cow-skins” or parchments (Masaudi, French edition, ii. p. 125. Hyde de relig. vet. Persar. 318), which might be understood as perfectly consistent with all the probabilities if it were admitted that, of the two copies of the sacred books mentioned in the subjoined extract from the Dínkard, the one deposited at Persepolis and the other at Ispahán, that the former was written in the Chaldæo-Pehlvi on skins, and the latter in the corresponding alphabet on birch-bark.

The following passages from the Dínkard, lately published by Dr. Haug, relating to the original collection, destruction, and subsequent attempts at the recovery of the sacred writings of the Zoroastrians are of sufficient interest, both historically and geographically, to claim a notice in this place. This portion of the Pehlvi text is admitted to have been added and incorporated only on the final rearrangement of the scattered materials of the ancient books. Nor does Dr. Haug himself seem quite satisfied with his own interpretation, which; considering the degraded character of the text, is scarcely to be wondered at.

1. “The book ‘Dínkard’ is a book on the religion, that people may obtain (a knowledge of) the good religion. The book ‘Dínkard’ has been compiled from all the knowledge acquired (to be) a publication of the Mazdayasnian (Zoroastrian) religion. 2. It was at first made by the first disciples of the prophet Zertosht Sapetmen… 3. The excellent king Kai Vishtáasp ordered to write down the information on each subject, according to the original information, embracing the original questions and answers, and deposited them, from the first to the last, in the treasury of Shaspigán (“Pasargadæ,” Haug). He also issued orders to spread copies (of the original). 4. Of these he sent afterwards one to the castle (where) written documents (were preserved), that the knowledge might be kept there. 5. During the destruction of the Iránian town (Persepolis. The dazhu-i-nipisht is supposed to have been the library of that metropolis—Haug) by the unlucky robber Alexander [] after it had come into his possession, that (copy which was) in the castle (where) written documents (were kept) was burnt. The other which was in the treasury of Shashpígán fell into the hands of the Romans [] (Greeks). From it a Grecian [] translation was made that the sayings of antiquity might become known. 6. 7. Ardeshír Bábekán, the king of kings [] appeared. He came to restore the Iránian empire; he collected all the writings from the various places were they were scattered. … It (the Dínkart) was then (thus) restored, and made just as perfect as the original light (copy) which had been kept in the treasury of Shapán (‘Shaspígán’—Haug) [ See extract from Hamza, note 1, below.]

“The beginning of the Ardái Víráf Námah” (from two Pahlaví MSS.).

1. “It is thus reported that after the religion had been received and established by the holy Zertosht, it was up to the completion of 300 years in its purity, and men were without doubts (there were no heresies). 2. After (that time) the evil spirit, the devil, the impious, instigated, in order to make man doubt the truth of religion, the wicked Alexander, the Roman [], residing in Mudhrai (Egypt) that he came to wage a heavy fight and war against the Iránian country. 3. He killed the ruler of Irán, destroyed the residence [] and empire, and laid it waste. 4. And the religious books, that is, the whole Avesta and Zand, which were written on prepared cow-skins with gold ink, were deposited at Istakhr Bábegán, in the fort of the library. But Aharman, the evil-doer, brought Alexander, the Roman, who resided in Egypt, that he burnt (the books), and killed the Desturs, the Judges, the Herbads, the Mobeds,” etc. []. “An old Zand-Pahlavi Glossary, or the “Farhang-i-oím yak,” the original Pehlvi work upon which Anquetil's vocabulary was based, edited by Hoshengji Jamaspji, and printed under the supervision of Dr. Martin Haug. Stuttgart, 1867.”

^{page 254 note 1} Hamza Iṣfaháni (obiit. A.H. 350, A.D. 961) gives an interesting narrative of the discovery of certain ancient Persian archives, written on birch-bark. I quote the substance of the passage in the Latin translation of Dr. Gottwaldt—Anno cccl. (A.D. 961), latus ejus aedificii quod Saraveih nominatur atque intra urbem Djei (Iṣfahán) situm est, corruit et domum retexit, in qua fere L utres erant, e corio confecti atque inscripti literis, quales antea nemo viderat. Quando ibi depositi fuissent, ignotum erat. Cum a me quaesitum esset, quae de mirabili illo ædificio scirem, hominibus promsi librum Abu Mascbaris, astrologi Balchensis, cujus nomen est: Liber de diversitate Tabularum astronomicarum. Ibi ille: Reges (Persarum), inquit, tanto studio tenebantur disciplinas conservandi, tanta cupiditate eas per omne aevum perpetuandi, tanta sollicitudine eas ab injuriis aëris et humi defendendi, ut iis inter materias scriptorias eam eligerent, quae illas injurias optime ferret, vetustati diutissime resisteret ac mucori et obliterationi mmime obnoxia esset, id est, librum (corticem interiorem) fagi, qui liber vocatur tûz. Hoc exemplum imitati Seres et Indi atque populi iis finitimi ad arcus, quibus ad sagitandum utuntur .... Ad arcem igitur, quæ nunc intra Djei sita est, profecti ibi disciplinas deposuerunt. Illud ædificium, nomine Saraveih, ad nostra usque tempora perduravit; atque ex eo ipso cognitum est, quis id condiderit, propterea quod abhinc multos annos latere ejus ædidfieii collapso camera in conspectum venit, ex argilla secta constructa, ubi multi majorum libri inventi sunt, in quibus depositae erant variae eorum disciplinae, omnes lingua persica antiqua scripti in cortice tûz. Hamzae Ispahanensis (Annalium Libri, x. pp. 152, xxv.) St. Petersbourg, 1844.—Abú Rihán Al Bírúní (circè 940 a.d.) also records: Mais dans les provinces du centre et du nord de l'Inde, on emploie l'écorce intérieure d un arbre appelé touz [] C'est avec l'écorce d'un arbre du même genre qu'on recouvre les arcs; celle-ci se nomme boudj ([] (Bhúrjja). Renaud, , Mem. sur l'Inde, p. 305Google Scholar. See also Prinsep's Essays, ii. 45.

^{page 255 note 1} I do not know whether the singular identity of the employment of a central leading-line, in our own Oghams, has as yet been the subject of notice.

^{page 257 note 1} Prinsep's Essays, ii. 147.

^{page 257 note 2} The eventual complication or conglomeration of signs under which the as fell into community and association with the symhol , the ancient , is still an enigma; but as it does not come within the range of the writing of the Sassanian Inscriptions, I commend it to the attention of those who still find a difficulty in reconciling the Parsí “Anhoma” with the proper Auhărma of earlier date. (See, for instance, Oím Yak, p. xxvii.)

^{page 257 note 3} Journal Asiatique, 1839. “Essai sur la langue Pehlvie.” J.R.A.S. xii. 269.

^{page 259 note 1} and and and . It is a curious fact that all the early Numismatic legends use both for R and W. does not appear till later, and then only irregularly. See J.R.A.S. xiii. 178.

^{page 259 note 2} Report of the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, 9th April, 1866; Athenæum, April, 1866; Numismatic Chronicle (1866) vol. vi. p. 172Google Scholar; Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 07, 1866, p. 138Google Scholar.

^{page 260 note 1} The following forms of the Greek iota approach very closely to the Chaldæo-Pehlvi outline . See also Gesenius, pi. ii.; Mionnet, volume “Planches,” etc., 1808, pl. xxxi. Nos. 1, 2; “Inscriptiones Græcæ Vetustissimæ,” Rose, H. G. (Cambridge, 1825), table i. Nos. 11, 15, 18. etc.Google Scholar; “Corpus Inseriptionum Græcarum,” Boeckh, A. (Berlin, 1828), p. 6Google Scholar. “Sed imprimis insignis est litterae Iota forma , quæ? etiam in ære Petiliensi reperitur, et turn in nummis aliquot urbium Magnæ Græciæ, tum in nummo Gortyniorum, … derivata ex Oriente.” —Swinton, Insc. Cit. Oxford, 1750Google Scholar.

^{page 260 note 2} Coins of Artaxias, Numismatic Chronicle. October, 1867, No. 3 [].

^{page 260 note 3} The Bactrian medial i is composed of a single line thus . In composition it crosses the body of the leading consonant. The initial i is formed by the addition of the sloping line to the short a, thus . –Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. iii. pl. vi.; Prinsep's Essays, ii. p. 161.

^{page 260 note 4} There is some similarity of ideas in the form of the Pali ī of Asoka's Inscriptions. Ex. gr. ghì ghī.

^{page 260 note 5} M. François Lenormant has devoted a lengthy article in the Journal Asiatique of Août-Septembre, 1865 (pp. 180–226), to “E'tudes Palæographiques sur l'Alphabet Palæographiques sur l'Alphabet Pehlevi, ses diverses variétés et son origine,” in which he has done me the honour to quote largely from my first paper on Pehlvi writing which appeared in the twelfth volume of this Journal, 1849, as well as from a parallel notice on Arsacidan coins, etc., inserted in the Numismatic Chronicle of proximate date, without seemingly having been aware of the publication of my second contribution on the same subject, which was printed in our Journal for 1852 (vol. xiii. p. 373). M. Lenormant has not been altogether fortunate in the passages of my Essay which he has selected for adverse criticism,—a licence, however, I must confess he has been wisely chary of indulging in.

M. Le Normant is mistaken in supposing that Sir H. Rawlinson ever designed to insert a long final in the word Baga, so that his over-officious attempt at correction, in this instance, proves altogether superfluous (J.R.A.S. x. pp. 93, 94, 187), but the implication, in the general run of the text, is, that I myself had attributed this error to Sir Henry, which I certainly never contemplated doing, nor, as far as I can gather from anything I hare printed, did I give any colour for a supposition that I desired so to do (J.R.A.S. xii. 264; Numismatic Chronicle, xii. 74). Sir Henry undoubtedly suggested that the group of letters ordinarily following the king's titles in the Sassanian coin legends and inscriptions should be resolved into the letters B. G., and hence he inferred, most correctly, that the term in question was Baga, divine (Sanskrit ), supposing that, in the ordinary course of Aryan tongues, the several consonants optionally carried the inherent short vowel a. My correction merely extended to the separation of the character composing the second portion of the group into the since universally accepted g. i.

M. Lenormant has gone out of his way to assert that “Le savant anglais a prétendu, en effet, que le pehlevi ne possédait pas de .” This is not quite an accurate statement of the case. If I had not recognised the existence and frequent use of an , which letter duly appears in my alphabets (J.R.A.S. xii. pl. i.), I could have made but very little progress in Pehlvi decipherments. The question I did raise with regard to the origin of the earliest form of the Sassanian (xii. 266), as found in the Hájíábád sculptures, was not only perfectly legitimate and fairly and frankly stated, but there is even now no resisting the associate facts that the Chaldseo-Pehlvi version of Inscription No. vi. infrà, makes use of the in the penultimate of , and that the corresponding of the Sassanian text is susceptible of being resolved into the typical elements of . Moreover, it must be borne in mind that the Chaldseo-Pehlvi was still unidentified, though I even then suggested the attribution which has since thrown new light upon the entire question (N.C. xii. 78). In short, the point of interest at that time was to determine the course and progress of the discrimination and graphic expression of the approximate sounds of z and s in the alphabets under discussion.

As regards my proposed rectification of M. De Sacy's in Boman, which M. Lenormant confidently designates as “inutilement contests par M. Edward Thomas” (J.A. p. 193), I am sanguine that the ample data adduced below will satisfy more severe critics that the mistaken interpretation M. Lenormant insists upon sharing, in common with so many of Anquetil's ancient errors, may be safely left to find its own correction.

Finally, I am bound to place on record a distinct protest against the general accuracy of M. Lenormant's illustrative facsimiles. I imagined, in the first instance, that the French artist had reproduced in a crude and clumsy way the conscientious originals of the English engraver; but I see that M. Lenormant claims whatever credit is due upon that score for himself, in the declaration, “nous avons relevé nous-même les figures que nous donnons sur les plâtres offerts á la Société Asiatique de Londres par M. Rawlinson” (J.A. p. 188).

^{page 262 note 1} Spiegel, Grammatik der Pârsisprache. Leipzig, 1851. I observe that Dr. Haug still adheres to the old lesson his Parsi instructors at Surat so erroneously taught Anquetil in 1760, and persists in interpreting the power of this letter as . See preface to the “Farhang-i-oim yak,” p. 21. Though he seems at one time (1862) to have been prepared to accept the reading of j, converting the old ‘Boman’ into ‘Barj.’ “Sacred language of the Parsees,” Bombay, 1882. p. 45Google Scholar.

^{page 263 note 1} The New Testament in question, designated “Judæo-Persic,” was printed by Messrs. Harrison & Co. in 1847, under the editorship of Mr. E. Norris, from a text arranged by the natives of Persia according to their own perceptions of equivalent letters.

^{page 263 note 2} Michaeli's Arabische Grammatik (Gott. 1781) arranged the discriminative marks as follows:—, .

^{page 267 note 1} Ker Porter, vol. i. pl. xxiii. p. 548; Flandin, vol. iv. pl. 182. A similar sculpture, reproducing the same leading figures on foot, is copied in pl. xxvii. Ker Porter; Flandin, 192, 3.

^{page 267 note 2} Astyages—, “a dragon;” “a serpent;” Moses of Khorene, i. 123,167. Hia=Mar, “serpent,” Anquetil, ii.p. 497; Rawlinson, , J.R.A.S. xv. 242Google Scholar; Zohak of the Sháh Námah, Hang, 167. , “a serpent;” , a name of Krishna and Indra, “subduing a demon!” The Dahák of the Yasna is described as “tribus-oribus-præditum, tribus-capitibus,” etc. (Kossowicz). Masaudi's tradition speaks of “deux serpents ńes sur les épaules de Dahhak” (iii. p. 252). Les descendans d'Astyages établis en Arménie portoient encore le nom de Vischabazouni ce que signifie race de dragon. Cette denomination leur venoit du nom du roi des Médes.—St. Martin, i. 285.

^{page 267 note 3} Flandin's copy, in plate 182 of his work, altogether omits these pennants, though Ormazd has them to the full in other plates, 186, 192 bis; (Ker Porter, xxvii. No. 1). Ormazd is frequently represented in other compositions amid these sculptures. For instance, in plate 44, Flandin, at Fírozábád, where he again appears in the act of presenting a cydaris to Ardeshír. This bas relief is remarkable for the subsequent addition of a modern Pehlvi legend, which is only dubiously intelligible in Flandin's copy. Ormazd is depicted in a new and modified form in the bas-relief at Ták-i-Bustan (pl. lxvi. Ker Porter, vol. ii.; Malcolm's Persia, vol. i. p 259; and pl. 14, Flandin, vol. i.), where he is introduced as apparently sanctioning the final abdication of Ardeshfr and the transfer of the Sassanian diadem to Sapor. Ormazd in this case stands at the back of the former monarch, with his feet resting on a lotus flower; he holds the peculiar baton or sceptre in the usual position, but this time with both hands; and instead of the hitherto unvarying mural crown, the head seems uncovered, but closely bound with the conventional diadem, with its broad pendant fillets, while the head itself is encircled with rays of glory, after the Western idea of a nimbus.

page 267 note * The association of Sapor in the government, or perhaps only his recognition as heir apparent, is illustrated by the coins of the period. See Num. Chron. xv. p. 181.

page 267 note † A similar form is given to Ormazd's head-gear in the coin of Hormisdas II., quoted p. 42 post.

^{page 268 note 1} Varahran I. seems to have been the first to record the An irán on his currency, but want of space in the field of the coins may well have counselled previous omissions.

^{page 269 note 1} The debased С=Σ, ε=Ε, and ω=Ω, of the original inscription, have been replaced by the ordinary modern type forms of the several letters.

^{page 269 note 2} The reading of Ormazd's name in the Chaldæo-Pehlvi is doubtful in the later copies (De Sacy, p. 27; Ker Porter, PI. xxiii.; and Flandin, Vol. iv. Pl. 180); but it is obvious, as above given in Flower's reproduction, A.D, 1667 (Hyde, p. 647); and in Chardin's facsimile of 1674 (Pl. lxxiii. vol. ii.)

^{page 269 note 3} Most of the linguistic details of this, or, perhaps, a less curt translation, have for long past been comparatively uncontested. The Zanii I have not as yet had an opportunity of fairly or fully submitting to public criticism. The Mazd-Yaçna elements of the compound it has been the custom of late to recognise as “Ormazd-Worshipper,” may perchance require re-examination when discovered to be associated with the full and direct definition of the name of Ormazd, in apparent contrast to the abbreviated form, on one and the same stone. Bagi, with its palpable context of the Semitic Alhá, has from the first been accepted in its true purport, though doubts and difficulties remained in regard to the correct definition of the final gi, which are now, I imagine, fully disposed of. Minu Chatri (and ) were freely interpreted by De Sacy with the aid of the Greek transcript, and all that more recent philology has been called upon to contribute has been the more exact determination of the roots and incidental formation of the compound in the now recognised or , “Mundus superior,” and the Chitra of such constant recurrence in the Cuneiform inscriptions and in the nominal combinations of the archaic Persian speech.

^{page 270 note 1} Ker Porter, i. 573.

^{page 270 note 2} Morier, , “Persia, Armenia, etc.” p. 138Google Scholar.

^{page 270 note 3} Dans le coin á gauche, et en haut du rocher, en dehors du cadre où est sculpté le bas-relief, est une figure dont le buste seul a été exécuté. Peu visible par la manière dont elle est rendue, elle était en partie cachée par un arbrisseau qui avait pris racine dans une fissure du roc. En relevant les branches pendantes pour mieux voir cette figure, nons découvrîmes, sous leur feuillage, une inscription pehlvi très-bien conservée et qui n'avait pas moins de trente de une lignes presque complètes. Je crois pouvoir affirmer que cette inscription était complétement inconnue, car il n'en est fait mention par aucun voyageur. C'est done une heureuse déoouverte, non-seulement pour l'étude de la laugue pehlyi, mais encore pour l'intelligence de ce monument sur lequel elle jettera certainement un jour nouveau.—Text, vol. ii. p. 135.

^{page 270 note 4} “Travels in Persia in 1810, 1811, 1812.” vol. ii. pl. xlviii. No. 3.

^{page 272 note 1} The German philologists endeavour to identify the Greek ỉερος with ishird “robust.” But a more simple association seems to present itself in the various words fire, Pehlvi Persian , Sanskrit .

^{page 278 note 1} Persian version, x. 286, 310; Scythic, xv. 146; Persian (Oppert) J.A. 1852. p. 152. The grand Vizier of Persia, in later times, was called in Armenian, Vzouirk-Hramanatar. Journal Asiatique, 1866, p. 114.

^{page 280 note 1} (?) Chald. “beautiful.”

^{page 280 note 2} “Tuma,” Tau'má (Rawlinson, J.R.A.S. x. pp. 101, 178,196, etc.); Scythic, takma (Norris, xv. 114, 134, etc.); “Takman, fortis” (Fox Talbot, six. 155); Takhma (Takhmuras; Haug, 194). Oppert, J.A. xvii. 565. The superlative Tama may have something in common with the term (Haug, 89), or possibly may after all be merely an imperfect rendering of , “race, seed, origin.” cf. Τεύχω, Τυκтύς, Τέκνον.

^{page 280 note 3} Darius's Cuneiform Inscriptions, J.R.A.S. (Norria, xv. 150; Rawlinson, XV 235 and xix. p. 263); Oppert, J.A. 1857, p. 197.

^{page 281 note 1} J.R.A.S. xiii. pp. 395, 399.

^{page 281 note 2} “Saka,” J.R.A.S., xii. 468; “Sacan,”xv. 150.

^{page 281 note 3} This term occurs on a beautiful gold coin of Hormuzdas I I. (303–310 A.D.), brought from Persia by Sir H. Rawlinson, and now in the British Museum. The following is a description of the piece: Obverse— King's bust, to the right; the head is covered with a lion's skin, after the classical precedent on the coins of Alexander the Great; this is again surmounted by flames of fire(?), at the back of which float the broad Sassanian fillets. Legend: Reverse: The usual Fire Altar, to the right of which appears the figure of Of mazd (?) offering a chaplet to the king, whose form, together with the head-dress copied from the obverse, occupies the left of the altar. Legend: Above the flame of the altar and below the circular legend the word is inserted.

^{page 282 note 1} De Saulcy, J.A. 1855, p. 187.

^{page 282 note 2} Macan. iii. 1432.

^{page 284 note 1} M. Mohl (p. x. Preface, Sháh Namah) has suggested a very original but scarcely conclusive explanation of the disuse of this term in its proper and archaic meaning, by assuming that when the word came to he accepted by the followers of Muhammad in the sense of “God,” that they were able to obliterate all ancient memories of the linguistic import of the designation, and to raise their Allah to the exclusively divine title, heretofore so simply affected in the ordinary acceptation of “king” by common mortals. It would, perhaps, be a more satisfactory way of explaining the difficulty, to infer that men of old, in the East, on attaining royalty, were given to advance a simultaneous claim to divine honours, and with this notion to assume the designations and attributes of their local gods; but as the world grew older, the words so employed reverted to their proper and normal linguistic import, which had been thus temporarily and conditionally misapplied; terms which, in the case in point, had already in a manner ceased to convey any exceptioral mundane distinction. See a note on the subject of the Armenian god H'aldia in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol. vii. N.S. (1867) p. 151Google Scholar. Masaudi tells us a good deal about the origin and use of the term; among other passages, in chap. xxiv. (vol. ii. p. 237, Paris edit.), he remarks—“Les rois perses, depuis l'origine des temps jusqu' à la naissance de l'islamisme, sont divisés en quatre dynasties. La première, qui s'étend de Keyomert á Aféridoun, est celle des Khodahúns (), mot, qui a le sens rebb () “maître” comme on dit rebb-elmetâ “maitre d'un hien,” rebb-ed-dar, “maître de maison.” In the time of Khusrú Parvíz the State Seal for Khorásán still retained the title in (p. 228), Aryan philologists propose to derive the word from “selfcoming” (), while the Sanskrit authorities suggest Swadatta , “self-given.” or preferably Swadhá , “Self-geneated.” (Benfey).

^{page 285 note 1} Haug, , Language of the Pnrsees, pp. 219, 196, 164Google Scholar. A far more serious and critical examination of the earlier chapters of the Zend Avesta, by Dr. Cajetanus Kossowicz, (Paris, 1865), gives 'Saos'yanḍ as “Salvator.”

^{page 285 note 2} I am doubtful about this word, as the copy reads preferentially, The Gs and Zs are very difficult to distinguish in Sir H. Rawlinson's fac-similes.

^{page 285 note 3} Parian = Avestah-“pur” ou “Parole.”—Anquetil, ii. pp. 448, 449.

^{page 286 note 1} The Armenian version of the name is Zorataschd. Dulaurier, E., Journal Asiatique, 1852, p. 32Google Scholar. See also Haug, p. 252, for variants of the original designation.

^{page 288 note 1} An apt illustration of the difficulty of expressing these and other gradational sounds in the imperfect Pehlvi alphabet is contributed by the anomalous state of the power of the literary definition in Kurdistán at the present day:—“Les Kurdes lettrés sont, en général, les gens qui ne savent qu' imparfaitement leur langue maternelle. Ils correspondent avec leurs autorites et entre eux-mêmes, soit en persan, soit en ture, soit en arabe. Si parfois ils se voient obligés d'écrire en kurde, ils le font à l'aide de l'alphabet persan. En effet, toutes les consonnes persanes sont identiques avec celles des kurdes, du moins pour ce qui concerne le dialecte de Soléimanié; mais celui-ci contient beaucoup de voyelles et de diphthongues qu'il serait impossible de reproduire au moyen de l'orthographe en usage chez les Persans. Comment, par example, figurer en persan les articulations ae, ee, oo, âou, eeou, âou, aoue, etc., qui se rencontrent si souvent et se suivent les unes les autres, sans l'intervention des consonnes, dans les mots kurdes”—J. A. 1857, p. 302.

^{page 295 note 1} Plutarch in Crassus; Straho, xvi. c. i. § 24; Ammian. Marcell. xxiv. c. ii. § 4, c. iv. § 12; Zosimus, iii. c. xv.; Mos. Khor. i. 313; J.A. 1866, p. 130. The title was possibly derived from , “King” () There is a term having something of the like import in Modern Persian , “Regis Minister” (Vullers).

^{page 300 note 1} Niebuhr, ii. pl. xxxii. p. 125; Ker Porter, pl. xxviii; Flandin, bas-relief A, pl. 189, and enlarged engraving, pl. 191; De Sacy, p. 31; Ouseley, Travels, pl. lv.; Rich. Babylon, pl. xii.; Ker Porter, vol. i. pl. 28; Flandin, vol. iv. p. 573, pl. 190.

^{page 300 note 2} See Ardeshir in pl. xxiii. and xxvii. fig. 2, Ker Porter; and 182 and 192 Flandin.

^{page 300 note 3} “Their helmets of Margian steel polished to the greatest perfection.” Plutarch in Crassus. Am. Marc. xxiv. c. 4, § 5.—There is a specimen of one of these caps in the British Museum; it is a head-piece of considerable merit, light, well-balanced, with a good slope from the sides towards the crested ridge at the apex, and anything but after the design of the apparently top-heavy Parthian caps, the profile system of representation reduced those helmets to in rock sculpture and coin devices.

^{page 301 note 1} Ker Porter, pl. xxi.; Flandin, pl. 185.

^{page 301 note 2} This calamitous incident in the annals of the Roman Empire is treated under various modified details in the different sculptures devoted to its representation. At Dárábgird (plates 31 and 33, Flandin), Sapor places his left hand on the head of Cyriades, as if in commendation, or confirmation of the position he was about to bestow upon him, in supersession of the kneeling Valerian. Sapor's helmet is, in this instance, similar to the skull-cap ordinarily appropriated to his father, but the tied point of the beard continues to mark his special identity.

In plate 48 of Flandin (bas-relief B, at Sháhpúr), we have a single kneeling figure before the horse of the conqueror without the usual incidental accompaniments. In plate 49, bas-relief A, also sculptured at Sháhpúr, the positions of the parties are greatly changed; and if we may judge by the seemingly elaborate drawings, the younger man is now kneeling, possibly awaiting investiture, while Sapor places his right hand on the arm of Valerian, who is clearly in fetters, as if in the act of exhibiting him to the assembled troops. Sapor's crown in this basrelief follows the usual mural pattern. A novelty is to be noticed in this composition in the introduction of a winged figure descending from the sky and presenting to Sapor a second diadem, which floats in unbound and open folds. See also Morier's plate xiii. p. 91, Persia, Armenia, etc. London, 1812Google Scholar.

Plate 53 is indistinct in the definition of the persons forming the general group, but Valerian is seen kneeling with hands outstretched in the ordinary attitude, while a standing figure behind him, in the garb of a Roman, presents a circlet to Sapor. The outline of the figure standing by the side of Sapor's charger is imperfect, but from the size it would seem to be designed to represent a youth. The angel with the Sassanian bandeau appears above, and in the side compartments are figured a Roman biga, an elephant, a horse, etc.

I am unable to recognise in plate 51, bas-relief D (Morier, pl. xi.) at Sháhpvúr, any association with Sapor's triumph over Valerian, but understand the general design to refer to some other boasted success of the Persian monarch, perchance over the Syrian king Siṭarún (Masa'udi, cap. lxxviii.) or possibly over Odenathus himself, who, under western testimony, is affirmed, on the other hand, to have gained advantages over Sapor in the war undertaken to avenge the humiliation of the Romans. Sapor's portrait in this sculpture is more artistic in its treatment than usual; and if Flandin's copy, here reproduced, be a true rendering of the original we may fairly admit the traditional perfection of that monarch's form and features.

The head dress is changed from the ordinary mural crown into a close-fitting cap, from the sides of which rise eagles' wings, and the whole is surmounted by the conventional globe. This style of head-gear is used by Sapor in the bas-relief Ker Porter, xxiv.; Flandin, plates 187, 188; but it does not appear on the coins of the dynasty till the reign of Varahran II. (279–296), who employs it throughout. Among the other head-dresses of Sapor may be noticed a sort of Parthian cap or helmet coming to the front in the head and beak of an eagle. (Numismatic Chronicle, xv. p. 180, fig. 3).

^{page 303 note 1} Masa'udi—French edition, ii. p. 160, iv. p. 83; Mirkhond, in De Saoy, pp. 285–7.

^{page 303 note 2} Voyage en Arabie. Niebuhr, C.. Amsterdam, 1780. Vol. ii. pl. xxxiv. p. 129Google Scholar.

^{page 303 note 3} Ker Porter, i. 541.

^{page 303 note 4} Flandin, vol. i. pl. 181, p. 541.

^{page 304 note 1} Eutropius, ix. c. 6; Zosimus, i, c. 36; Agathias, iv. 23; Trebellius Pollio in Hist. Aug. VI. vol. ii. p. 179; Anrelianus Victor de Cæsaribus, xxxii., and Epitome, xxxii.; Lactantius, “de mortibus persecutorum,” c. v.; Eusebius, ii. 301; Zonaræ Ann. xii. 23; (U.C. 1010); Abulfarage, p. 81; Gibbon, i. p. 459; Clinton, Fasti Eomani, i. 284. Coins of Valerian cease with A.D. 260–1. His name, however, appears in one law of A.D. 262, and in a second of 265. Eckhel, vol. vii. 387.

^{page 304 note 2} Val was a favourite name in these lands—as Val Arsaces, Val, King of Edessa Var, Vag, etc. The Sháh Námah, with a proper Aryan disregard of the contrasted sounds of R and L, reproduces Valerian's name as . Tabari's Persian version does not give the designation of the Roman captive.

^{page 311 note 1} I myself had very much to thank Mr. Norris for in these early days of our joint interest in Pehlvi decipherment. See J.R.A.S. (1849), vol. xii. p. 263Google Scholar; Num. Chron. (1849), xii. p. 72Google Scholar.

I do not seek the slightest reserve in alluding to my own limited objects and contracted application of the documents in question in 1849. My studies, at the moment, merely extended to a definition of the normal forms of the lapidary letters with a view to aid the determination of the contrasted outlines of the cognate characters on the coins I happened to be engaged upon. See J.R.A.S. (1849), vol. xii. pp. 263–5–6, etc.Google Scholar; Num. Chron. (1849), p. 73, et seq.

^{page 311 note 2} The Bundehesh. N. L. Westergaard. Copenhagen, 1851. Professor Westergaard had previously directly copied the original inscriptions themselves during the course of a tour in Persia, and some of his foot notes and corrections are of considerable value.

^{page 311 note 3} Zend Avesta, “The Zend Texts.” Vol. i. Copenhagen, 1852–54.

^{page 311 note 4} Pp. 18, 21.

^{page 311 note 5} Grammatik der Pársisprache. Leipzig, 1851.

^{page 311 note 6} Grammatik der Huzváresch-Sprache. Vienna, 1856. Die Traditionelle Literatur der Parsen. Vienna, 1860.

^{page 311 note 7} Uber die Pehlewi-Sprache und den Bundehesh. Göttingen, 1854, p, 5.

^{page 312 note 2} Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Eeligion of the Parsees. Bombay, 1862.

^{page 312 note 2} An old Zand-Pahlavi Glossary, by Hoshengji-Jamaspji, Destur, High Priest of the Parsis in Malwa, with notes and introduction by DrHaug, M.. London, 1867Google Scholar.

^{page 313 note 1} It is not easy to determine, with the limited information available, in what condition the three other tablets, ranging in line with these inscriptions within the cave, were found. There is nothing to show whether the rough surface was merely levelled and prepared, the tablets actually sculptured in relief or engraved in letters; or, on the other hand, whether the finished work was finally damaged or destroyed. M. Flandin's account of the walls of the interior is as follows:—“Ils se trouvent au Nord-ouest des monticules qui indiquent le périmètre de l'ancienne ville d' Tstakhr et pres du village d’ Hadji-abad. Dans une gorge de la montagne on aperçoit des cavernes naturelles. Dans l'nne d'elles sont disposees, sur sa paroi même, cinq tablettes dont deux sont revênues d' inscriptions pehlvis bien conservées.”—Flandin, p. 155, folio, texte; octavo, texte, vol. ii., p. 138.

^{page 313 note 2} Rawlinson, , J.R.A.S. x. 320Google Scholar; xii. 432. Oppert, J.A. 1851, pp. 564, 572, dahyunám paruzanánám, “des pays tres peuplés.” Anquetil, ii. 505, has Zana = “germe, semence, noyau.” Cf. also ZĀΩ, zívistan , etc.

^{page 316 note 1} For many years past I have heen in the habit of representing these superfluous 's, or final Pehlvi núns, by the modern Arabic sign of sukún , “a pause,” or an indication that no short vowel existed in the preceding consonant, under the impression that these mute finals in Pehlvi had something essentially in common with the characteristic home-speech of the Aryans, which originated the Cuneiform or “sign of disjunction” (J.R.A.S. x. 173), that so distinctly declared itself the Archemænian amalgamation of the literal signs and subsidiary adaptation of the clay-penmanship of Mesopotamia. Viewed under the former aspect the Pehlvi núnwould seem to hold duties in common with the Sanskrit viráma, which indicated, in that grammatical system, a suppression of the short vowel a otherwise inherent in all ordinary consonants.

As far as I have been able to detect amid the mists of Pehlvi epigraphy there is no apparent grammatical purpose in the irregular addition of this concluding among the coin legends; its employment, indeed, seems to have been simply phonetic and curiously arbitrary in its application. It may, perchance, have had something to do with the ancient notion of emphasis, which the more definite isolation of a word would itself in a manner secure (see Oppert, J.A. (1857), pp. 143–4). At times these 's were clearly used for the simple purpose of barring a possible conjunction of letters that were not intended to be coupled or run into each other, as in . Abdulaziz-i-Abdula, .—J.R.A.S. xii. 304Google Scholar.

Muhammad-i-Abdula, .—J.R.A.S. xiii. 411Google Scholar.

^{page 317 note 1} J. R. A. S. ix. 388, 405–6, 410, 413; Jour. Asiatique, 1836, p. 14; 1864, pp. 173, 174.

^{page 317 note 2} Renan, Journal Asiatique, 1859. “Elle se retrouve peut-être dans les divinités arabes Aud et Obod, qu'on croit expliquer par ou et tempus, pater temporis.” p. 268.

^{page 317 note 3} Selden, De Diis Syris, 1662, p. 176; Renan, J.A. 1859, pp. 266, 267; Αδωδος βασιλενς θεων 268 and 273; Kitto's Cyclopsedia of Bible Lit. and Smith's Diet, of the Bible, sub voce, Hadad; Josephus, vii. 2; viii. 6.

The king's worldly position and exalted pretensions towards a subdued God-head had equally a fair analogy with and a simultaneous teaching in the conventional use of the mundane term for king, which was so often applied in its higher sense to the Divine power in the patriarchal ages. So that, in effect, the reigning king, the Αναξ άνδρών, without any conception of unduly approaching the true God, was, in effect, next to God upon earth; just as The God of early thought was, under the worldly idea, only the self-created supreme king. The “My King and my God,” of David's prayer (Ps. v. 2), finds numerous parallels throughout Scripture. “The Lord is king for ever and ever.” “Save Lord: let the king hear us when we call” (Ps. x. 16; xx. 9). See also xliv. 4; xlvii. 2, 6, 7; xlviii. 2; Proverhs xxiv. 21; Isaiah viii. 21; xxxiii. 22. “I Am the Lord, your Holy One, the Creator of Israel, your King,” xliii. 15; Zech. xiv. 9; Malachi i. 14.

^{page 318 note 1} Renan, J.A, 1859, p. 263–4.

^{page 318 note 2} “Veneratus est aliquem, quomodo dominum servus venerari debet.”—Freytag.

^{page 318 note 3} Dr. Haug derives these words from , “to throw;” but from , “a high place, especially consecrated to the worship of idols,” seems to be a better identification.— Cf. ‘Ραµàς δ ύψιστος θεóς. “Hadad-rimmon.” Selden, ii. 10. Movers. Phæn. i. 196.

^{page 319 note 1} Anquetil, ii. 486. The pronunciation of the Armenian Sbarabied, “connetahle,” does not differ greatly from the Pehlvi word. See St. Martin, Mem. sur. l'Arménie, i. 298.

^{page 319 note 2} J.R.A.S. xv. p. 159. Inscription of Artaxerxes Mnemon, p. 162. See also p. 254.

^{page 319 note 3} Hang, “Language,” etc. Aban Yasht, p. 178. Aṛdvi Súra Anáhita, “high, excellent, pure.”

^{page 319 note 4} may he read as the will answer for either letter.

^{page 320 note 1} The particle is irrespective of order: on the contrary distinguishes it.

^{page 321 note 1} , to rejoice in Jehovah.” Isaiah xxix. 19.—“Joyful even unto rejoicing.” Job iii. 22.

^{page 321 note 2} “The Lord said unto my Lord.”—Ps. cx. 1.

^{page 322 note 1} Vullers, sub voce, . The word is common enough in the sense of “shining,” if not something of larger import, in etc. Anquetil (ii. 449) has Zend Schâthrâo = Pehlvi Farmán dadár; and (at p. 608), Pehlvi Scharitah = Padeschah.

^{page 323 note 1} The word is used in a variety of senses, such as . “Amieus, Dominus.” “Dominus, herus, item filius.”

^{page 323 note 2} Isaiah xiii. 5, xliv. 24; Jeremiah x. 12; St. Matthew xi. 25.

^{page 323 note 3} Creavit, , “to form, to create, to produce.”

^{page 323 note 1} Exod. vi. 2, 3, 8, 29. “For I am the Lord, I change not.” Malachi iii. 6.

^{page 324 note 1} Compare Sanskrit “one,” “unity” (oneness in theology). Persian “unus,” “unus, unicus,” “unitas,” “unitas Dei,” “God,” etc. A curious example of the definition of the first cause or supreme universal spirit, occurs on a coin of Mahmud of Ghazni, struck at Mahmúdpúr — in the Sanskrit translation and reproduction of the Muslim by the word “the invisible one.” The provincial version of “the indiscrete, the invisible one.” J. R. A. S., xvii. 157.

^{page 324 note 2} , “unus unorum,” etc.

^{page 324 note 3} Arabic etc.

^{page 325 note 1} “Χριστòς δέ παραγενóμενoς ρχιερενς τν μεγγóντων γαθν.” Hebrews ix. 11. A considerable portion, indeed, of St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews is devoted to the affirmation of this title of High Priest, and to the explanation of its import and bearing upon the old Law. See ii. 17; iii. 1, 2, 6; iv. 14, 15; v. 5, 6, 10; vi. 20; vii. 1, 2, 3, 15, 16, 24, 26, 27, 28; viii. 1, 2, 3, 6; x. 21; xiii. 11, 12.

^{page 326 note 1} A similar course of development occurs in the parallel cases of “procreavit,” , “Creator,” “creata res” (Homines), “creavit,” “creatura.”

^{page 326 note 2} Isaiah xi. 1; Jeremiah xxiii. 5, 6. “For, behold, I will bring forth my servant the Branch.” Zechariah ili. 8, 9. “Behold the man whose name is The Branch.” vi. 12.—Poetically, branch is son of a tree.

^{page 326 note 3} “Foundation”—Θεμλιος—which is Jesus Christ.” 1 Corinthians iii. 11.— “We have a building of God, an house not made with hands” (οἰκοδομην έκ Θεο εχομεν, οἰκαν άχειρoποητον). 2 Cor. v. 1.—“But he that built all things is God.” Hebrews iii. 4, 6; ix. 11; xi. 10.—“In whom all the building fitly framed together, groweth unto a holy temple in the Lord.” Ephes. ii. 19, 20, 21.

^{page 326 note 4} Genesis i. 27; Isaiah xliii. 1, 7, 11; xlv. 12, 13, 16; St. John iii. 16, 18; v. 18; 1 Corinthians iii. 10, 11; Colloss. iii. i,10, 11; Hebrews ix. 11; xi. 17, 18.

^{page 327 note 1} 1 Here is a statement of the case as given by Tabari: “Quand la religion de Jésus flit très-repandue, Eblîs fit son apparition, et un jour de fête, lorsqu'un grande nombre d'hommes, sectateurs de Jésus, était réuni dans le temple de Jérusalem, il s'y présenta accompagné de deux Dîvs” (saying) “nous ayons voulu entendre ce que vous dites concernant Jésus. Les hommes répondirent: Jésus est le prophète, l'esprit de Dieu et le fils de Marie; il n'a pas été engendré par père. Je pense que Dieu est le père de Jésus. L'un des Dîvs dit: Cette parole est un non-sens, car Dieu n'a pas d'enfants et n'a pas commerce avec une femme; mais Jésus c'est Dieu même, qui est descendu du ciel et est entré dans le sein de Marie; il en est sorti pour se montrer aux hommes, sous la forme d'un homme, puis il est retourné au ciel, car Dieu a le pouvoir d'être où il veut et de montrer aux hommes ce qu'il veut. L'autre Dîv dit … et il Fa établi au milieu dea hommes comme un signe (de sa toute puissance); puis il s'est associé Jesus et Marie, afln qu'ils fussent honorés à l'égal de Dieu. … Alors les Chrétiens se divisèrent en trois sectes, dont chaeune accepta l'une de ces trois doctrines.”—Tabari, M. Zotenberg, i. p. 566. So also Abgar, in his letter to Our Saviour, evidently leant to the first conception, “either that thou art God, and having descended from heaven,” in preference to the alternative, “or else doing them, thou art the Son of God.” Eusebius, , Eccl. Hist. i. 13Google Scholar; Moses of Khorene (French edit.) cap. xxxi.; Bayer, , Hist. Osrhoena, p. 105Google Scholar; Ancient Syriac Documents, Cureton, W., London, 1864, p. 2Google Scholar.

^{page 328 note 1} E.g. especially in the conjunctions . There are other indications, likewise, of an interval haying occurred between the endorsement or preparation of the introductory portions and the conclusions of these proclamations.

^{page 329 note 1} French edition, vol. i., p. 198. “Les Sabéens de Harran, qui ne sont que les disciples grossiers des Grecs, et la lie des philosophes anciens, ont établi dans leur temples une hiérarchie de prêtres qui correspond aux neuf sphères; le plus élevé porte le nom de Ras Koumra (chef des prêtres, ). Les Chrétiens, qui leur ont succédé, ont conservé dans la hiérarchie ecclésiastique l'ordre institué par la secte sabéenne … la neuvième celle de mitran () ce qui veut dire chef de la ville (métropolitain). Enfin au-dessus de tous ces grades est celui de batrik (), c'est-à-dire le père des pères (patriarche)… Telle est l'opinion des Chrétiens instruita relativement à cette hiérarche… Il est hors de doute que les Chrétiens ont emprunté l'idée première de cette hiérarchie aux Sabéens et que le kasis () le chemas () etc. sont dus à l'influence des Manichéens.—Masaudi, cap. viii.

^{page 330 note 1} “Vagharchag institue, pour gouverner de la partie nord, cette grande et puissante race: le titre de la principauté est Ptiachkh (prince) des Coucaratzi.”— Mos. Khor. vol. i. p. 159; ii. 13, 169.

Visconti, Iconographie Greque ii. 363. ONYX Gem in the Imp. Cabinet:

ΟϒΣΑΣ ΠΙТΙΑΞΗΣ ΙΒΗΡΏΝ ΚΑΡΧΗΔΏΝ.

“Le prince a des boucles d'oreilles à la maniere orientale, une longue chevelure artistement arrangé en nattes suirant l'usage des rois perses de la dynastie des Sassanides,” etc.

^{page 330 note 2} This is possibly the Hebrew Chaldee “to set in a row, order,” and Syriac “ordo, series,” “schola, liber,” etc.

^{page 330 note 3} I Corinthians ix. 20: “And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might gain them that are under the law; 21. To them that are without law, as without law (being not without law to God, but under the law to Christ), that I might gain them that are without law.” (Τοῖς νμοις ὡς ᾰνομος μ ν ᾰνομος Θεῷ, λλ' εννομος Χριστῷ 'lνα κερδσω νμονς). See also Bomans ii. 14, 17; vi. 14; vii. 4, 6; x. 4; Galatians ii. 1G, 19; iii. 10, 11, 12, 13, “Christ hath redeemed us from the curse of the law,” 19, 23, 24; iv. 5; v. 18, etc.

^{page 330 note 4} ϓμεῖς δ ϒνος κλεκτν κ. τ. λ. … 9 “But ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people … 10 which in time past were not a people, but are now the people of God; which had not obtained mercy, but now have obtained mercy.” Epistle of Peter, ii. 9, 10.

^{page 331 note 1} I myself at first read this word as Adin, but the foot-curve in the plastercasts is indeterminate, and I observe that both Norris and Westergaard reject the sign of the D altogether.

^{page 331 note 2} Upafleshṭà, “A Guru,” “a spiritual guide,” from “to shew,” with affix A nearly similar sound is found in “a superior,” from “to see.”

^{page 332 note 1} The Armenian der, “Mouratzan-der” Seigneur des Mèdes.—Mos. Khor. i. 157.

^{page 332 note 2} From , “who stays” (a title applied, in the Sanskrit system, to Brahma). Cf. προσττης (προṫστημι).

^{page 333 note 1} In the adapted alphabet of the Persian Jews, made use of in the Bible Society's New Testament, the name is written . It is as well that all objections to the apparent absence of an initial or Yod in this unquestionably important name in the present text, should be answered in anticipation by a citation of the of line ten, where the expressed alif initial clearly defines a simple or a Jod of Hebrew Grammar. See also the prostheti in and in On the other hand, there need he no reserve in admitting that, under the licence claimed aboye, the name may be converted into many other modified forms, but notably into “a sign,” (or possibly uz, or even , “refuge”). However, it is the essentially Christian characteristics and general tenor of the document that chiefly recommends the reading advocated in the text.

^{page 334 note 1} Arahic lexicographers bring the whole series of parallel terms for Prophet under the common root .

^{page 335 note 1} The orthography, in this instance, may have been affected by the Arabic pro “Formidabilis, aut verendus, reverendus, fuit.” The Persian word is more correctly defined in line fourteen of the original inscription as .

^{page 336 note 1} The direct effect of Sapor's campaigns to the westward upon the Court language of Persia has been for long past fully recognised and understood (Mohl, Preface to Sháh Námah), but we could scarcely have anticipated its resulting in so incoherent a polyglot as these Bilingual texts present us with. It is true that Persepolis was peculiarly situated in regard to conterminous languages, both old and new, and Sapor's freshly imported Aramäisms may have added to the normal difficulties; but much of the imperfection of these writings is undoubtedly due to the novelty of the subject, and to the impossibility of rendering whatever may have been the peculiar form of the recognised sacred text, into degraded Persian vernaculars, with even a remote chance of its essential meaning ultimately reaching the understanding of the less educated masses. And this, indeed, is the fatal obstacle to all Christian teaching in India at the present day,—not that we English are unfaithful, or unwilling, but that Eastern and Western thoughts and deductions start from different bases of symbolical ideals. Though the whole question only amounts to this, after all, that our Western instruction in Christianity commenced later in the world's history, and under he influence of comparatively advanced knowledge and more or less purified teaching, Europe at large received the Gospel in its best form, but every step it went Eastward, it had from the first to encounter hostilities and to submit to concessions of a character calculated to degrade its sublimity,—it was, in effect, the going back to old and self-willed races, instead of carrying welcome tidings to simple but intelligent, though undeveloped peoples.

^{page 338 note 1} J.R.A.S. xii. 347. In the higher sense see St. Luke xvii. 5, Πρσθες μîν πίστιν “Increase our faith.” Acts vi. 7, Καì δ λγος τοṽ Θεοῠ ηῠξανε, “and the word of God increased.” 1 Corinthians iii. 6, λλ' δ Θες ηῠξανεν, “but God gave the increase.” 7. λλ' δ αὐξáνων Θες “but God gave the increase.” 2 Cor. x. IS; Ephesians iv. 16; Col. i. 10; ii. 19, αῠξει τν αυξησιν τον Θεον “increaseth with the increase of God.” 1 Thess. iii. 12; iv. 10, etc.

^{page 338 note 2} It will be seen that I have varied many of the details which were more severely treated in the preceding commentpary, among the rest I have altered the rendering of the word . If the term “Mazdyasna religion” has been correctly assigned to the creed itself, it will be quite optional to convert the “Ormazd-worshipper” of the present text into the “Zoroastrian.”

^{page 339 note 1} It may, perhaps, prove an inducement and an encouragement to those who might otherwise feel diffident in entering upon a free and independent analysis of future improved versions of the leading texts—to learn that Sir H. Eawlinson altogether dissents from and contests the fundamental principles of the present avowedly suggestive translation.

^{page 340 note 1} The sixth line of the Sassanian Pehlvi likewise presents a perceptible hut less obvious modification of the forms of letters employed in the opening sentence.

^{page 341 note 1} It has for long past been known and acknowledged that Sapor had abandoned the creed of his fathers, though it was supposed that he had accepted the tenets of Manes. The following is Masaudi's notice on the subject:—“Ce fut sous règne que parut Manès, I'auteur du dualisme. Sabour abjura la religion des mages pour embrasser cette secte et les doctrines qu'elle professait sur la lumière et le moyen du combattre le principe des ténèbres; mais il revint plus tard au de ses ancêtres, et Manès, pour des motifs que nous avons rapportés dans nos récits précédents, dut se réfugier dans l'Inde.” —Masaudi, cap, xxiv. vol. ii., p. 164, Paris edit.— “C'est du vivant de Manès que fut créé le mot zendik, qui a donné naissance au zendekeh (manichéisme). En voici l'explication: Zeradecht flls d'Espiman, … avait apporté aux Perses le livre Bestah, rédigé dans leur ancienne langue. Il en donna un commentaire qui est le Zend, et il ajouta ensuite à ce commentaire une glose qu'il nomma Bazend. Ainsi, le Zend contenait 1'explication du premier livre réivélé. Plus tard, tous ceux qui, dans cette religion, s'écartérent du Bestah1 ou livre révélé, pour se conformer au Zend, c'est-à-dire au commentaire, furent appelés Zendi, du nom de ce commentaire; ce qui signiflait qu'ils s'éloignaient de al lettre même du texte révélé pour adopter le sens du commentaire, par opposition avec ce texte. …. Le mot zendik désigna alors les dualistes et tous qui professaient la croyance en l'éternité du monde et niaient la création.” —Masaudi, cap xxiv.—Further notices of Manes and his doctrines are to be found in Hamza Isfahàni, p. 36; Abulfaraj (Pocock) pp. 82, 83; Tabari, Persian MS., details given under the reign of Bahram; Histoire Critique de Manichée, M. de Beausobre, Amsterdam, 1734, pp. i. 24, 65, 81, 83, 156–161, 187, 192, etc.; Clinton, Fasti Romani, ii. p. 424.; Mani. Gustav Fliigel, Leipzig, 1862.

^{page 342 note 1} Flandin, “Inscription du troisième bas-relief sur la rive droite de la rivière.” Plan, plate 45, bas-relief E. Sculpture, bas-relief E, plate 52. Text, vol. ii. p. 270. Dans le coin, à droite, au-dessus du manteau du cavalier, est une inscription en charactères Pehlvi. C'est le seule que l'on trouve à Châpour.”

^{page 342 note 2} Narses himself is figured with a totally different crown on his coinage. Longpérier, v. 2.

^{page 342 note 3} 1812, plate xxix. p. 87 and 357.

^{page 344 note 1} Altàwaríkh, Moudimel (Journal Asiatique, 1839, p. 38)Google Scholar; Hamza Isfaháni, p. 37; Mirchond, , De Sacy, p. 301Google Scholar.

^{page 344 note 2} Journal Asiatique, 1866, p. 101–238.

^{page 344 note 3} Ibid., Sépêos, p. 17.

^{page 344 note 4} Sacy, De, Mémoires sur div. Ant. p. 211Google Scholar, and second memoir, Journal of the Institute, 1809, vol. ii. p. 162Google Scholar; Ker Porter, ii. 188; Malcolm's Persia, i. 258; Boré, M., Journal Asiatique, 06, 1841Google Scholar; Dubeux, M. Louis, Journal Asiatique, 1843Google Scholar; Spiegel, , Grammatik der Huzváreschsprache, 1856, p. 173Google Scholar.

^{page 346 note 1} Job xxxviii. 14. See also Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25; xli. 42; Exod. xxriii. 9, 10, 11, 21, 36; 1 Kings xxi. 8; Neh. ix. 38; Esth. iii. 10, 12; viii. 2, 8, 10; Song of Solomon viii. 6; Jerem. xxxii. 10, 12, 44; Dan. vi. 17; Matt, xxvii. 66.

^{page 347 note 1} Herodotus, i. 195; iii. 128; vii. 69; Strabo, xvi. c. i. § 20; Ctesias (Phot.) lvii. 2, 5; Xenophon Cyrop. viii. c. 2, § 16, 17.

^{page 347 note 2} A striking instance of the importance attached to Royal Signets, in very early times, has lately been contributed by Sir H. Rawlinson's decipherments of Cuneiform documents. Sir H. remarks: “I have recently lighted on a small clay tablet at the British Museum which bears an inscription to the following effect:—

“Tiglath-Ussur, king of Assyria, son of Shalman-Ussur, king of Assyria, and conqueror of Kar-Dunis (Babylonia). Whoever injures my device (?) or name, may Asshur and Yama destroy his name and country.”

“A signet-seal with this legend having been carried off as a trophy in war from Assyria to Babylon, I, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, after 600 years, took the city of Babylon, and from among the spoils of Babylon recovered it.”

“The reverse of the tablet contains a repetition of the legend of Tiglath-Ussur with the gloss, ‘This is what was written on the signet-seal.’”

—Athenœ;um, 22nd August, 1863.

^{page 347 note 3} Alexander “Literas quoque, quas in Europam mitteret, veteris annuli gemma obsignabat; iis, quas in Asiam scriberet, Darii annulus imprimebatur.”—Quintus Curtius, vi. c. 6, § 6. See also x. vi. 4: “Tune Perdicca, regia sella in conspectum vulgi data, in qua diadema vestisque Alexandri cum armis erant, annulum sibi pridie traditum a rege in eadem sede posuit.” 5. “Et Perdicca, Ego quidem, inquit, annulum, quo ille regni atque imperii vires obsignare erat solitus, traditum ab ipso mihi, reddo vobis.” See also Josephus Ant. xii. c. 9, § 2; xx. c 2, § 2.

So also Justin. “Sexta die praeclusa voce exemptum digito annulum Perdiceae tradidit. Nam etsi non voce nuncupatus heres, judicio tamen electus videbatur.” xii. c. 15, § 12.

In like manner Pompey's “Head and Seal” are brought to Julius Cæsar Plutarch, in Pompey lxxx. and in Cæsar xlviii. Dion Cassius, xlii. 7, µέχριs oὗ τν τε κεΦαλν καἱ τν δακτλοιν αὐτoῠ πεµΦθντα o ὑπ τoὐ Πτoλεµαον εῖδoν. Dion Cass. xlii. 18, πε µντoι κα πθανεν, ψ µν κα τοτο κα oὑ πρϒερον, πρν τν δακτλιο αὐντο πμϕθέντα ἰδεῖν, πστενσαν νεϒϒλυπτο δ ν αὐτῷ τρπαια τρα, ὢσπερ κα ν τῷ το Σλλον.

^{page 348 note 1} Ce roi [Naushirwán] employait quatre sceaux d'État. Celui de I'impôt. avait pour empreinte la Justice (). Le seeau des domaines, orné d'une turquoise, avait pour empreinte 1'Agriculture (). Le sceau du conseil avait un rubis (Keuhli ) et portait l'empreinte de la Temporiaation () Le sceau des postes … avait pour empreinte la Fidélité ().—Masa'udi, ii. 204.

Khusru Parviz had nine different State seals. Mas'audi gives the following details regarding their forms and uses. Le premier était un anneau de diamant dont le chaton était formé d'uu rubis rouge sur lequel on avait gravé le portrait du roi; la légende portait les titres du roi; on l'apposait sur les lettres et les diplômes. Le second était un anneau () d'or surmonté d'une cornaline sur laquelle étaient gravés les mots Khoraçàn Khudah . Il servait aux archives de l'État. Le troisième était orné d'un onyx représentant un cavalier au galop; l'anneau , qui était d'or, portait pour légende: célérité. Ce cachet était destiné à la corréspondance des postes. Le quatritième était un anneau d'or dont le chaton, formé d'un rubis rose, avait pour légende: la richesse est la source de la prospérité. C'était le sceau des diplômes et des lettres de grâce. Le cinquième, orné d'un rubis bahremán, … portait les mots khoureh wa khorrem “splendeur et félicité.” Ce cachet était posé sur le trésor des pierres précieuses sur la cassette royale, la garde-robe et les ornements de la couronne. Le sixièime, représentant un aigle, servait à sceller les dépêches adressés aux rois étrangers; son chaton était en fer de Chine . Le septième, surmonté d'un bézoard sur lequel on avait gravé une mouche, était posé sur les mets servis au roi, sur les médicaments et les parfums. Le huitième, dont le chaton était formé d'une perle, avait pour effigie une tête de pore (Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 304); on posait cette empreinte sur le cou des condamnés à mort et sur les arrêsts emportant la peine capitale. Le neuvième était un anneau de fer que le roi employait quand il allait au bain et dans les étuves.” ii. 228–9.

The latest development of the art of sealing is highly amusing. We learn from Captain Montgomerie's report of the great Tibetan road from Lhasa to Gartokh (Times, 2nd March, 1868) “that the couriers go continuously, stopping neither night nor day except to eat and change horses, and, after an 800 miles' ride, are haggard and worn. … to make sure that they shall not take off their clothes they are sealed over the breast, and none may break the seal save him to whom the messenger is sent.”

For confirmation of these facts, see also the “Friend of India” (Calcutta), 23rd March, 1868. “The moment a man is selected as a courier, and his coat is sealed, he has no choice in the matter.”

^{page 349 note 1} This arrangement is shown to have been in immemorial acceptation in the far East, by numerous passages in the Sháh Námah; among the rest, when Rustam takes leave of his wife Tahmimah, the daughter of the king of Samangán, we are told

Mohl. Paris edition, ii., p. 82. Macan. i. p. 336.

The conclusion of this passage has been quaintly paraphrased by an English translator in the following couplets:—

“This seal with care preserve, and if by Heaven

To your caress a daughter may be given,

Upon her hair you must this charm entwine

As an auspicious star and happy sign.

But if a son be born, his arm around

Let this insignium of his sire be bound.”

—C. T. Robertson, Calcutta, 1829, p. 18.

So also, in the fatal single combat between father and son, in front of hostile hosts of Irán and Turán, whose several nationalities each is supposed represent—where the son fights with the full knowledge of the person of adversary, but Rustam is ignorant that Sohrab is the offspring of his own deserted wife,—the latter in his dying moments reveals himself with the expression, “Thyseal upon my arm behold.”

^{page 350 note 1} Numismatic Chronicle, N. S. vol. vi. p. 241.

^{page 351 note 1} Tassie's Gems (London, 1791), pl. xii. fig. 673, vol. i. p. 66Google Scholar, See also Ouseley's, “Medals and Gems” (London, 1801)Google Scholar.

^{page 351 note 2} The date of this event is not very exactly determined, but it may be placed in 389 A.D., with a reign of ten years, extending to 399 A.D. Clinton, from Western sources, fixes his advent to the throne in 388 A.D.—Fasti Bomani, p. 518.

^{page 352 note 1} After the battle of Ḳadesía, the spoils, after deducting one-fifth for the Khalif, were divided among the sixty thousand horsemen at the estimated rate of 12,000 dínárs each!—Price, Muhammadan Hist. i. 117, 120, 121.

^{page 352 note 2} There are odd tales, alike, of the Conquerors, from the desert, offering gold for the better-known silver, and of their being unable to distinguish camphor from salt, etc.; but in regard to the number of precious stones stored up and partially adapted to the purposes of Oriental display, there can be no question. The carpet of “Cloth of Gold,” of 60 cubits square, had its pattern fashioned of jewels of the highest value. This was cut up into small pieces, “one of which, of the size only of the palm of a man's hand,” was afterwards sold for 20,000 dirhams; or, as others say, for the same number of dínárs.” —See Price, 117, 121, 122, etc.

^{page 353 note 1} Some of the local historical authors pretend to give descriptions of Sassanian king's costume in succession, from a book of portraits, which was supposed to carry considerable authenticity. The following is Hamza's account Varahrán the IV.'s dress and appointments:—“Vestis cœrulea est, acu picta, braceæ rubræ itemque picturatæ, corona viridis inter tres apices et lunulam auream; stat, dextra manu hastam tenens, sinistra gladio innixus” (p. 39). The description of the crown in the original text is couched in the following terms:— . The may possibly refer to the three projections of the mural crown Pinna arcis vel muri). The Persian version in the Mujmal-al-Tawàríkh has (M. Quatremère, in the Journal Asiatique, 1839.) The has very much air of the ordinary Persian , which would so nearly accord with the Arabic in the parallel descriptive passages.

^{page 353 note 2} Visconti. Icon. Rom. vol. iii. pi. 56, Nos. 10 and 13. See also Trésor de Numatique Icon. Rom. Helmet of Gallienus (pi. Iii. fig. 5), and his successors.

^{page 354 note 1} Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 154; Ker Porter, ii., pl. 54, etc.; Flandin, iii., pis. 121 bis, 122, 123, etc; G. Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, ii. 123; iii. 338.

^{page 354 note 2} The treaty of peace with Rome was ratified in 384 A.D.

^{page 354 note 3} Pliny, xxxvii. 4; Plutarch in C. Marius, x; Valerius Maximus, viii. c. xiv. § 4.

^{page 354 note 4} In the inner chamber of the Hall of Columns at Persepolis, among the various inscriptions in other characters, “we also find two Pahlavi inscriptions, which, though slightly cut, are sufficiently conspicuous; yet no former traveller has, perhaps, taken the trouble of copying them. In plate xlii. both are given; one containing twelve lines, the other eleven. While copying these inscriptions from the marble, I reduced each letter to about half of the original size. They record the names and titles of Shàhpúhr, Auhormizdi, and Varahrán. Among all the ruins at Tàkht-i-Jemshid, I did not perceive any other specimen of Pahlavi writing.”—Vol. ii. p. 238.

^{page 354 note 5} Flandin adverts to them in general terms, but gives no copies.—Folio, texte, p. 1060.

^{page 356 note 1} Flandin, plate 44.

^{page 357 note 1} The font of Pehlvi here employed has lately been commissioned from Vienna, with a view to render Mr. Austin's Printing Establishment independent of the single case of Pehlvi type in this country, heretofore made use of in this essay, in regard to the loan of which some difficulty has been created. It will be seen how very inadequately the former fulfils the duty of representing the ancient character, which is far more legible and exact in its powers of definition than the modern production which sufficed for the obscured knowledge of the Parsees of Bombay. Immediate steps will be taken for engraving discriminating letters for , , and and likewise for marking the difference between and , which at present are both dependent upon the simple .

^{page 358 note 1} See also J.R.A.S. vii. pi. 6, and SirRawlinson's, H. valuable paper on Bilingual Cuneiform and Phoenician readings, J.R.A.S. vol. i. N.S. p. 212Google Scholar. And likewise on the general subject of Sassanian Seals DrMordtmann's, A. “Studien über Geschnittene Steine mit Pehlewi-Inschriften,” Zeitschrift, 1864Google Scholar.