^{page 982 note 1} “With the exception of two or three gold coins of Eukratides, one of Menander, and, perhaps, one of Taxila, and another coin of uncertain attribution, no specimens which can possibly have been struck in India, during the two centuries previous to the date of Hima (Wema) Kadphises, are to be found in the collections of the present day” (Rapson, , Grundriss, “Indian Coins,” p. 17Google Scholar). Wema Kadphises' father, Kozoulo Kadphises, struck only copper coins.

Rapson makes Kanishka succeed Wema Kadphises, whom he dates c. 30–78 a.d. As to Kanishka he says, “The Śaka era has usuallybeen supposed to date from the abhiṣeka of Kanishka at Mathurā in 78 a.d.; and to this era the dates found in the stone inscriptions of Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vasudeva have usually been referred.” Although the supposition that Kanishka instituted the Śaka era has now been completely disproved by M. Boyer, a latent belief that Kanishka followed Wema Kadphises is still very general. Messrs. Fleet, Francke, and S. Lévi have always rejected it, and Cunningham originally did so, although he afterwards adopted another theory.

^{page 982 note 2} Cunningham, (Coins of the Kushans, pt. iii, p. 23Google Scholar of the reprint; Num. Ohron., ser. in, vol. xii, pp. 40–82) gives a list of thirty-three types.

^{page 983 note 1} There is an exception, to a certain extent, on the coins of Nahapāna: these bear Greek legends on the obverse, and on the reverse Brāhmī and Kharoshṭhī legends which represent two separate dialects, though not exactly two distinct languages: see, e.g., JRAS, 1907, p. 1044. In this case the arrangement was made practicable by the brevity of the legends.

^{page 984 note 1} Reinaud, (Relations, etc., de l'Empire Somain avec l'Asie Orientate, p. 172)Google Scholar says: “Bien que d'origine chinoise, c'est en grande partie par l'Inde, surtout en temps de guerre, qu'elle (la soie) arrivait dans l'empire.” But I think it can be shown that M. Reinaud is mistaken. It was only during the first century b.c. that the bulk of the silk trade passed through India.

^{page 985 note 1} Under the Empire the chief market for Indian and Chinese goods at Rome was close to the Temple of Pax.

^{page 985 note 2} It was the making of Palmyra, which was already a considerable town in the latter half of the first century b.c. when Marc Antony besieged it.

^{page 985 note 3} Strabo, xvii, p. 798.

^{page 986 note 1} The Arabian Gulf is that portion of the Indian Ocean which lies between Arabia and India, now called the Arabian Sea.

^{page 986 note 2} Strabo, ii, p. 118.

^{page 986 note 3} Pliny, xii, 84 (c. 18); McCrindle, , Ancient India, p. 125Google Scholar. On the Roman policy with regard to this trade and the means by which it was encouraged, see an admirable account in Mommsen's, chapter on Egypt in the Provinces of the Roman Empire (Eng. trans.), ii, pp. 298–302Google Scholar.

^{page 987 note 1} The date of Nahapāna is connected with that of the Periplus of the Erythræan Sea. The Periplus was written some time after the reign of Claudius (a.d. 41–53) and before Trajan's conquest of the Nabatæans (a.d. 103). The opinion which dates it between 80 and 100 a.d. appears to me the true one. Compare Fleet (p. 787 above) for the bearing of the Indian data.

^{page 987 note 2} Fleet, , JRAS, 1907, pp. 1043–4Google Scholar. Dr. Fleet's detection of the presence of the letter h on Indian coins, first shown in the case of the money of Kharaosta, Kharahōstēs (ibid., pp. 1029, 1041), must be ranked, along with Dr. Stein's brilliant recognition of the letter san on the coins of Kanishka, among the most valuable contributions to our knowledge of those times.

^{page 988 note 1} See a note on Wou-yi-shan-li, p. 991 below.

^{page 988 note 2} According to Ammianus Marcellinus these groves of date-palms were so thick that they gave the country almost the appearance of a forest. “In his regionibus agri sunt plures consiti vineis varioque pomorum genere; ubi oriri arbores assuetse palmarum per spatia ampla adusque Mesenem et mare pertinent magnum, instar ingentium nemorum” (xxiv, 3). The Shatt-el-Arab below its junction with the Karun still has the same character: “During the remainder of its. course it passes many large villages, and almost continuous belts of date groves” (Chesney, , Expedition for the Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i, p. 61Google Scholar).

^{page 989 note 1} Josephus, , Antiq., i, c. 6, § 4Google Scholar.

^{page 989 note 2} Strabo, xvi, 767: ρϰ δ τς 'Aραβις πτς Bαβυλωνίας στν Mαικήνη Cf. 739: μέϰρι 'Aράβων τν Mεσηνν.

^{page 989 note 3} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., vi, 139Google Scholar; cf. 138.

^{page 989 note 4} The best account of these little states is to be found in Drouin's, papers in the Revue Numismatique, iii^me série, vol. vii, pp. 211 ff., 361 ff., 1889Google Scholar; also in the Rev. Archéologique, Oct. 1884, pp. 227 ff. Pliny's Nat. Hist., Josephus’ Antiq., and Lucian's Macrob. are the chief classical authorities for their history.

^{page 990 note 1} Isidore, Mans. Parth.

^{page 991 note 1} Josephus, , Antiq., i, c. 6, § 4Google Scholar.

^{page 991 note 2} Sallet, v., Z. für Num., vol. viii, pp. 212 ff., 1881Google Scholar.

^{page 991 note 3} Josephus, , Antiq., i, c. 6, § 4Google Scholar.

^{page 991 note 4} Wou-yi-shan-li was the name given by the Chinese in a vague way to a large extent of country. The history ofthe Elder Han makes it to reach from Ki-pin to T'iao-che, i.e. from Kashmir and Kābul to Mesene, and says that in population and troops it equalled a large kingdom. The history of the Later Han says that it embraced several thousand li in superficial area. M. Chavannes conjecturally identifies it with Herat, and I have for convenience sake adopted this nomenclature. But Wou-yi-shan-li evidently included part, perhaps thewhole, of Arachosia. Isidore makes the town of Alexandropolis (of which more anon) the capital of so much of Arachosia as belonged to the Parthians; and Alexandropolis was close to the Parthian boundary. When I talk of f Herat I merely mean to indicate Wou-yi-shan-li, with Alexandropolis for its capital, without committing myself to any theory regarding the; identification of these localities except in a very general fashion.

^{page 992 note 1} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., vi, 138Google Scholar.

^{page 992 note 2} Charax = Nagara or “town”.

^{page 992 note 3} e.g. Teredon, Vologesia, Apologos (Obolla), and Hira.

^{page 992 note 4} It aroused the astonishment of Pliny, (Nat. Hist., vi, 140)Google Scholar.

^{page 992 note 5} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., vi, 138Google Scholar.

^{page 992 note 6} Ibid.: “Militum inutilibus ibi relietis Alexandriam appellari jusserat, pagumque Pellæum a patria sua, quem proprie Macedonum fecerat.”

^{page 993 note 1} The Hymn of the Soul, rendered into English by Burkitt, F. Crawford, pp. 18, 23Google Scholar.

^{page 993 note 2} Chavannes, op. cit., p. 46.

^{page 993 note 3} Isidore, Mans. Parth.

^{page 993 note 4} See p. 1014 below.

^{page 993 note 5} Even Mr. Tarn, who, with the caution ofa Scotchman and a lawyer, usually admits nothing, admits that Greek was understood in Kanishka's, time (JHS, 1902, p. 286)Google Scholar. Unfortunately he adopts some speculations of Tomaschek which appear to me rather wild; and his remarks on the supposed deference paid to women in a polyandrous community will raise a smile in anyone who has seen polyandrous communities at work.

^{page 994 note 1} It is noteworthy that the incidental notices of Seneca and Plutarch, although highly rhetorical in form, confirm the view taken above as to the perpetuation of the Greek language in the Southern country between Seleucia and the Panjāb; neither of them makes the mistake of saying that it was current in Bactria or north of the Paropamisus. Speaking of the mutability of things Seneca exclaims: “Quid sibi volunt in inediis barbarorum regionibus Græcæ urbes ? quid inter Indos Persasque Macedonum sermo?” (Ad Helviam, c. 7). And he goes on to instance other Greek cities in Scythia and on the Euxine. Plutarch (De Fort. Alexandri, Moralia, ed. Didot, , p. 403Google Scholar) says that after Asia had been conquered by Alexander Homer was everywhere read, and the children of the Persians and Susanians and Gedrosians recited the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides: περσν καί Σουσιανν καί Γεδρωσίων παῖδες Τας Εὺριπίδου καί ΣοΦοκλεος Τραγωδίας ᾖδον. Now all the other statements made by Seneca and Plutarch in the course of these particular declamations have a substratum of fact, and Plutarch knew a good deal about the East, and mentions the Indian king Menander. Ælian, too, had some knowledge of things Indian, and confirms this view.

^{page 995 note 1} Roman coins, of course, are found in abundance along the western and south-eastern coasts of India, but the coins of the early emperors are not very frequent in the Panjāb. They are chiefly to be found in the topes, and appear to have been regarded rather as curios than as current coin. None of these Kushans ever restrike Roman coins; nor do I see any reason to believe that even in the time of Kozoulo Kadphises and Wema Kadphises any considerable amount of Roman money reached the Panjāb.

^{page 995 note 2} Periplus, c. 36.

^{page 995 note 3} Ibid., c. 36.

^{page 995 note 4} Ibid., c. 35.

^{page 995 note 5} Strabo, xvi, p. 778.

^{page 995 note 6} Genesis ii, 11–12.

^{page 996 note 1} Mommsen, , Histoire de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , iii, 322Google Scholar; also his Provinces of the Roman Empire, Eng. trans., ii, 12.

^{page 996 note 2} For the relative values of gold and silver in Italy and the empire, Mommsen, v., Hist de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , ii, 111 ff.Google Scholar; Hultsch, , Metroloyie, p. 299Google Scholar. For Greece, Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, Eng. trans., p. 27 (ch. vi)Google Scholar. For Babylonia, Hultsch, op. cit., pp. 399 ff.

^{page 996 note 3} Hultsch, op. cit., p. 400. The history of the Later Han says that in Ta-ts'in or Li-kien (these names are synonyms and denote Syria) “avec de l'or et de l'argent on fabrique des mounaies; dix pièces d'argent valent une pièce d'or” (Chavannes, op. cit., p. 38).

^{page 996 note 4} Cunningham, , Coins of the Indo-Scythians, pt. i, p. 19Google Scholar. (I quote the reprint from the Numismatic Chronicle, ser. III, vol. viii, pp. 47–58, 199–248; ix, pp. 268–311; x, pp. 103–72; xii, pp. 98–159.)

^{page 996 note 5} Ibid., p. 20. It is true that Cunningham elsewhere says (p. 61 of the reprint): “I refer specially to the gold coins of Wema Kadphises and Kanishka, which agree in weight with the early Imperial aurei of Tiberius and Nero.” According to Hultsch, op, cit., p. 309, n. 2, the aurei of Tiberius range from 7·78 to 7·74 grammes, about 119 to 120·5 grains, and Nero's earlier aurei from 7'81 to 7·70 grammes, or 119 to 120·5 grains. But when Cunningham comes to determine the weight of the Kushan gold piece he selects the heavier and less worn specimens, with the result which I have quoted. Thus the only approach to identity is between the heaviest of these early Imperial aurei and the lightest of Kanishka's.

^{page 997 note 1} Herodotus, iii, 95; Hultsch, op. cit., pp. 404, 484.

^{page 997 note 2} Boeckh, , Public Economy of Athens, Eng. trans., pp. 27 ff.Google Scholar Hultsch's Metrologie gives an excellent account both of gold and silver, and of the coins current not only in Greece and the Roman Empire but in Western Asia and Egypt; v. more especially for gold pp. 172–3, 223 ff., 240 ff., 304 ff., 404 ff. See also Mommsen, , Hist de la Monnaie Romaine, ii, pp. 108–19; iii, pp. 42–8Google Scholar.

^{page 998 note 1} Mommsen, , Hist de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , ii, p. 113Google Scholar. For the vast amounts of gold stored up in the Ærarium of the Capitol v., p. 109, and Hultsch, , Metrologie, p. 300, n. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 998 note 2} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., xxxiii, 55Google Scholar; de la Malle, Dureau, Economie Politique des Romains, i, p. 91Google Scholar.

^{page 998 note 3} “Il se montait alors à 2 milliards de francs” (ibid., p. 91).

^{page 998 note 4} “Das faktische Wertverhältnis zwischen Gold und Silber hat be Griechen und Römern, soweit wir die Spuren verfolgen können, ziemlieh konstant dem Zwölffachen nahe gestanden” (Hultsch, , Griechische und Römische Metrologie, 2nd ed., p. 403Google Scholar). The standard maintained by the Roman mint from the time of Julius Caesar down to Trajan was 1 to 11·91 (Mommsen, , Hist. de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , iii, p. 42Google Scholar). By the time of Constantine it was 1 to 13·88. The present coinage of France and Germany is based on a proportion of 1 to 15½.

^{page 999 note 1} Mommsen, , Hist de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , iii, p. 299Google Scholar.

^{page 999 note 2} Cunningham, , Coins of the Indo-Scythians, p. 19Google Scholar.

^{page 999 note 3} We do not know the name by which the Kushan gold pieces were called. Cunningham proposes to call them gold dinārs; but as the Kushan coinage is related to the Macedonian and not to the Roman currency, I have preferred to retain the Greek name for them.

^{page 999 note 4} Boeckh, , Public Economy of Athens, Eng. trans., p. 29Google Scholar; Mommsen, , Hist de la Monnaie Romaine, ii, pp. 118–19Google Scholar.

^{page 999 note 5} Under the Julian and Flavian emperors the reduction in the weight of the aureus was always accompanied by a proportionate alteration of the denarius.

^{page 1000 note 1} For the history of the Imperial gold coinage Mommsen, v., Hist. de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , iii, pp. 19–26Google Scholar; Hultsch, , Metrologie, pp. 304–18Google Scholar. The writer in Smith's Dict, of Antiquities, s.v. aurum, says: “The average of the gold coins of Julius Cæsar is fixed by Letronne at 125·66 grains, those of Nero at 115·39 grains. Though the weight of the aureus was diminished, its proportion to the weight of the denarius remained about the same, namely, as 2: 1 (or rather perhaps as 2·1: 1). Therefore, since the standard weight of the denarius, under the early emperors, was 60 grains, that of the aureus should be 120. The average weight of the aurei of Augustus in the British Museum is 12·26 grains; and as the weight was afterwards diminished, we may take the average at 120 grains.”

^{page 1000 note 2} Mommsen, , Hist de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , iii, p. 49Google Scholar.

^{page 1001 note 1} Hist. de la Monnaie Romaine, trans. Blacas, , iii, p. 20Google Scholar.

^{page 1001 note 2} Cunningham, , Coins of the Indo-Scythians, p. 23Google Scholar.

^{page 1003 note 1} For the identification of yavuga, yaüa, with žub-gu, see Marquart, , Ērānšhahr, p. 204Google Scholar. I am indebted to Dr. Fleet for this. He recognized the identity of the two titles from my mention of jab-gou on p. 669: but, thinking that amidst all that has been written on these subjects someone would probably have already pointed it out, he consulted Mr. Allan, who gave him the reference which he has passed on to me. The identification seems to have been made partly by Hirth, partly by Gutschmid, and then fully by Marquart. As Marquart wrote in 1901, it is surprising that this interesting point has passed unnoticed in later works dealing with the Indo-Greek coins and their Indian legends.

^{page 1003 note 2} For notes on these deities v. Stein, IA, 1888, pp. 89–98; Cunningham, Coins of the Kushans (reprint), pt. iii, pp. 75 ff. For other references, Rapson, op. cit., p. 18, par. 73.

^{page 1003 note 3} Sin, the great Babylonian moon-god, is masculine, and is called Lunus by the Latin writers. Caracalla was murdered on his way to pay his respects to the god Lunus at Carrhse: “Cum . . . Carras Luni dei gratia venisset” (Spart. Carac. 6).

^{page 1004 note 1} Sarapis is a common variant for Serapis in inscriptions.

^{page 1004 note 2} Strabo, xv, 714.

^{page 1005 note 1} Tiele, , Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions, p. 171Google Scholar.

^{page 1005 note 2} Anz, , Ursprung des Gnostizismus, pp. 60–1Google Scholar.

^{page 1005 note 3} Ibid., pp. 61 ff.

^{page 1006 note 1} The worship of the elements was very old in Babylonia. Ea of Eridu was the god of the river as well as of the sea; his consort Davkina was “the lady of the earth” (Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures, p. 139Google Scholar). “The winds were also worshipped; the primitive inhabitants of Babylonia paid a special worship to the winds.” The cult of the god of the air and wind “belongs essentially to the Semitic period” (p. 199).

^{page 1006 note 2} Peters, , Nippur vol. ii, p. 396Google Scholar, and in detail elsewhere.

^{page 1006 note 3} I have taken this list from Drouin, , Revue Numismatique, III^me série, vol. vii, p. 375, 1889Google Scholar.

^{page 1006 note 4} Cunningham, Coins of the Kushans (reprint), pp. 73 ff. (Num. Chron., ser. III, xii, pp. 98–159).

^{page 1007 note 1} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., vi, 121Google Scholar.

^{page 1007 note 2} Diod. ii, 31.

^{page 1007 note 3} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 400Google Scholar.

^{page 1007 note 4} Op. cit., p. 402. On the whole question v. Sayce, pp. 396–402, and Anz, op. cit., pp. 64 ff.

^{page 1008 note 1} Cunningham, Coins of the Kushans, pl xxiii, fig. 2.

^{page 1008 note 2} Cunningham, “Coins of the Sakas, Class C” (reprint), p. 56, and pi. IX, No. 9: Num. Chron,, ser. III, vol. x.

^{page 1008 note 3} Josephus, Antiq., xii, c. 9, § 1. There is a good article on Nana or Nanaia in Roscher's Lexicon d. Griech. u. Horn. Mythologie, The goddess of Elymais was a local form of the Baby lonian Nana, the goddess of the spontaneous fertility of nature. She was also called Nin ka si, “the lady with the horned countenance,” and was the wife of Anu, the “spirit of the heavens” (Lenormant, F., Chaldœan Magic, Eng. trans., p. 149Google Scholar). The lunar character of Nana was therefore always prominent. The chief seat of Anu and Nana worship was at Urukh. Kudur Nakhunti carried off Nana's image to Susa, and Assurbanipal boasts that he brought it back 1635 years later. Tiglath Pilesar in 745 b c sacrificed to Nana as the mistress of Babylon Her fame and her worship extended to Asia Minor, for in late Phrygian and other inscriptions we have various persons who bear her name; and in an inscription of Roman times from the Peiræus, Nana is given as an epithet of Artemis. She had a generic resemblance to Ishtar, Astarte, Anahit, and others, but is not to be confounded with them. In later times, perhaps after the removal of the figure from Susa by Assurbanipal, the fame of the Elamite Nanaia eclipsed that of the Babylonian Nana. Polybius (xxxi–11), Strabo, and others always call the Elamite Nanaia Artemis; Pliny calls her Diana. Gutschmid and Wroth in describing the campaigns of Antiochus Epiphanes and Mithridates I always rightly call her Nanaia.

^{page 1008 note 4} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., vi, 135Google Scholar; Strabo, xvi, 744.

^{page 1009 note 1} Strabo, xvi, 744: 'Ἀντίοχον. μν. οὗν. τν. μέγαν. τ. το. Βήλου. συλν. ἱερν. πιχειρήσαντα. νεῖ. λον. πιθέμενοι. καθ. αὑτοὺς. οί. πλήσιον. βρβαροι. κ. δ. τν. κείνῳ. συμβάντων. παιδενθες. ό. Παρθυαῖος. χρόνοις. ῠυτερον. τ. ίερα. πλυύσια. παρ. αὐτοῖς,. όρν. δπειθοῖντας,. μβάλλει. μετ. δυνάμεως. μεγάλης. και. τό. τε. τς. Ἀθηνς. ίερν. εῖλε. και. τ. τς. Ἀρτέμιδος,. τ. Ἀζαρα,. και. ρε. ταλάντων. μυρίων. γάζαν. Mac. ii, 1, vv. 13ff.; Josephus, Antiq., xii, 9, 1; Polyb. xxxi, 11, describe the abortive attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes.

^{page 1009 note 2} Cunningham, Coins of the Kushans, pi. xxii, fig. 19.

^{page 1009 note 3} Ind. Ant., xvii (1888), p. 97.

^{page 1010 note 1} Sallet, v., “Die Munzen der Konige von Characene”: Zeit. f Num., viii, p. 215, 1881Google Scholar.

^{page 1011 note 1} The British Museum possesses a coin ofthis king with the legend . I have to thank Mr. Allan, and also Dr. Eegling of the Berlin Museum, for casts of these coins. This is not the only service for which I have to thank Mr. Allan. He furnished me with extensive extracts from the catalogue of the find-spots of Greek coins in India which he has under preparation.

^{page 1011 note 2} Taylor, , The Alphabet, ii, p. 49Google Scholar.

^{page 1012 note 1} Isidore, Mans. Parth.

^{page 1012 note 2} Polyb. xi, c. 34, trans. Shuckburgh.

^{page 1013 note 1} Mommsen, , Provinces of the Roman Empire., Eng. trans., ii, p. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 1013 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 1013 note 3} “With the Parthian period the decadence of the pottery manufacture is marked” (Peters, , Nippur, ii, p. 396Google Scholar).

^{page 1013 note 4} Tacitus, , Ann., vi, 48Google Scholar.

^{page 1013 note 5} Pliny, , Nat. Hist., vi, 122Google Scholar.

^{page 1013 note 6} Capitolinus, L. Verus, c. 8.

^{page 1014 note 1} Polyb. v, 54. Polybius says the magistrates of Seleucia were so called.

^{page 1014 note 2} e.g. Antipater is the father of Anu-aḥe-iddin, and Diocles the son of Anu-uballiṭ-su; Anz, v., Ursprung des Gnoatizismus, p. 62, n. 1Google Scholar, where the authorities are cited.

^{page 1014 note 3} Even the Chinese complained that the Parthians prevented them from direct intercourse with Syria (Chavannes, , Les pays d'Occident d'après he Heou Han Chou, p. 39Google Scholar). Herodian, iv, 10, says that the fabrics and spices which came through Parthia, and the metals, etc. exported from Rome, were the subject of a “secret and illicit traffic”. Under the Sassanians the trade was jealously regulated.

^{page 1014 note 4} Polyb. xxxiv, 14: “A personal visit to Alexandria filled me with disgust.” Regarding the “mean whites”he says: “Though they are now a mongrel race, yet they were originally Greek, and have retained some recollection of Greek principles.”

^{page 1014 note 5} Wroth, , Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia, p. 165Google Scholar [Catalogue of Greek Coins in the B.M.].

^{page 1015 note 1} Wroth, , Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia, p. 156, n. 2Google Scholar.

^{page 1015 note 2} Op. cit., p. lxxvii.

^{page 1015 note 3} Isidore, Mans. Parth.

^{page 1015 note 4} One of these, Isidore, understood Aramaic, for he occasionally gives in Greek the translation of an Aramaic word, e.g. he translates Φάλιγα by μεταπώρινον.

^{page 1015 note 5} Sallet, v., Zeit. f. Num., viii, pp. 212 ff., 1881Google Scholar; Drouin, Rev. Num., III^me série, vii, pp. 211 ff., 1889.

^{page 1016 note 1} Doubtless the use of Greek lingered among individual families long after it had ceased in the bazars, but the only instance I am acquainted with is John the Persian, “Bishop of the Church throughout Persia and Great India,” who attended the Council of Nictæa and signs his name in Greek. Nothing else is known about him. Ιωάννης Πέρσης τής ξν Περσίδι πάση καί μεγάλη Ινδιά. But John was a Christian and subject to the Patriarch of Antioch, and need not have learnt Greek in Persia at all.

^{page 1016 note 2} The legends in the Māhabhārata seem to indicate that this was the case.

^{page 1016 note 3} “Le dernier des rois grecs, Hermseus porte les traces visibles de la caducite de sa race; sa face blême et émaciée est bien celle du rejeton dégénéré d'un pouvoir appelé de disparaitre” (Ujfalvy, , Les Aryens etc., p. 71Google Scholar).

^{page 1016 note 4} Wroth, op. cit., pp. xl–i.

^{page 1017 note 1} The only exception is a certain Theodore in the Kaldarra inscription of the year 113 (a.d. 56).

^{page 1017 note 2} Fleet, , JRAS., 1907, pp. 1041 ftGoogle Scholar.

^{page 1018 note 1} See p. 987 above, n. 1.