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“Justice to India – Prosperity to England – Freedom to the Slave!” Humanitarian and Moral Reform Campaigns on India, Aborigines and American Slavery1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 May 2012

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Abstract

This article considers British agitation against East India Company rule in India via an examination of the Aborigines Protection Society and the British India Society. Founded by humanitarians and moral reformers in the 1830s, these organisations placed India within a wide transnational context, which stretched from Britain's settler and plantation colonies to Liberia and the United States. However, in the wake of slave emancipation, British campaigners struggled to reconcile their universal understanding of humanity with their equally strong confidence in the benefits of ‘British civilisation’. Their nebulous and changeable programmes for reform failed to convince Britain's politicians and public that the challenges of free trade could be met by the exclusive use of free labour, or that all imperial subjects possessed equal rights. A fuller appreciation of these campaigns reveals the contradictions and occlusions inherent in mid-nineteenth century humanitarianism, and underscores the importance of a more geographically integrated approach to the history of opposition to Britain's empire.

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Research Article
Information
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 22 , Issue 2 , April 2012 , pp. 299 - 324
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2012

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Footnotes

1

The author wishes to thank Sarah Ansari, Alan Lester, Peter Marshall, Clare Midgley, Francis Robinson, participants in the Imperial and World History seminar at the Institute of Historical Research in London, and in the Commonwealth History seminar at the University of Oxford, for their comments on earlier versions of this article.

References

2 Morgan, Simon, “The Anti-Corn Law League and British Anti-Slavery in Transatlantic Perspective, 1838–1846”, Historical Journal, 52 (2009), pp. 87–109CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Huzzey, Richard, “Free Trade, Free Labour, and Slave Sugar in Victorian Britain”, Historical Journal, 53 (2010), pp. 359–379CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Temperley, Howard, British Anti-Slavery 1833–1870 (Harlow, 1972)Google Scholar; Temperley, Howard, White Dreams, Black Africa: the Anti-Slavery Expedition to the River Niger (New Haven and London, 1992)Google Scholar; Hall, Catherine, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Historical Imagination 1830–1867 (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar; Drescher, Seymour, The Mighty Experiment: Free Labor versus Slavery in British Emancipation (New York, 2002)Google Scholar.

4 See Huzzey's recent intervention on this topic: “Free Trade, Free Labour, and Slave Sugar”.

5 Tyrrell, Alex, “The ‘Moral Radical Party’ and the Anglo-Jamaican Campaign for the Abolition of the Negro Apprenticeship System”, English Historical Review, 99 (1984), pp. 481–502CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Hall, Civilising Subjects, Ch. 5.

6 H. C. Swaisland, The Aborigines Protection Society and British Southern and West Africa, (DPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 1968); Roderick E. Mitcham, Geographies of Global Humanitarianism:the Anti-Slavery Society and the Aborigines Protection Society, 1884–1933 (PhD thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2001); Rachel Whitehead, The Aborigines’ Protection Society and the Safeguarding of African Interests in Rhodesia, 1889–1930 (DPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 1976); Bourne, Henry R. Fox, The Aborigines Protection Society: Chapters in its history (London, 1899)Google Scholar.

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9 The APS, noted the organisation's 1899 secretary and historian H. R. Fox Bourne, dealt only with India's “more primitive, and, for the most part, uncivilised communities”: Aborigines Protection Society, p. 58.

10 Mehrotra, S. R., “The British India Society and its Bengal Branch, 1839–46”, Indian Economic Social History Review, 4 (1967), pp. 131–154CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Mehrotra, S. R., “Mid-Victorian Anti-Imperialists and India”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 13 (1976), pp. 251–267CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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12 The 493 mainly private letters reproduced in Taylor, Clare (ed.) British and American Abolitionists: An Episode in Transatlantic Understanding (Edinburgh, 1974)Google Scholar include considerable reference to India.

13 Morgan, “Anti-Corn Law League”, pp. 91–92.

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17 See also Laidlaw, Zoë, “Slavery, Settlers and Indigenous Dispossession: Britain's Empire through the Lens of Liberia”, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, 13: 1 (2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 See, for example, “Appeal to the Public”, Colonial Intelligencer, 1: 10 (December 1847), p. 176.

19 Porter, Andrew, “Trusteeship, Anti-Slavery and Humanitarianism”, in Oxford History of the British Empire. Vol. 3. The Nineteenth Century, Porter, Andrew (ed.) (Oxford, 1999), pp. 198–221CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Swaisland, Charles, “The Aborigines Protection Society 1837–1909”, in Temperley, Howard (ed.). After Slavery: Emancipation and its Discontents, (London, 2000), pp. 267–277Google Scholar.

20 A series of sophisticated analyses of the delicate balance in missionary thinking about whether “Christianity” or “civilization” should be prioritised, building on Stanley and Porter's debate in the Historical Journal can be found in Stanley, Brian (ed.), Christian Missions and the Enlightenment (Richmond, 2001)Google Scholar. See also Stanley, Brian, “Commerce and Christianity”: Providence Theory, the Missionary Movement and the Imperialism of Free Trade, 1842–1860’, Historical Journal, 26 (1983), pp. 71–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Porter, Andrew, “‘Commerce and Christianity’: The Rise and Fall of a Nineteenth-Century Missionary Slogan”, Historical Journal, 28 (1985), pp. 597–621CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I agree with Porter that Stanley places too much emphasis on the autonomy of ideas and the primacy of theological and intellectual beliefs over colonial experience and metropolitan context.

21 Laidlaw, Zoë, “Heathens, Slaves and Aborigines: Thomas Hodgkin's Critique of Missionaries and Anti-slavery”, History Workshop Journal, 64 (2007), pp. 133–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Wilson, Richard Ashby and Brown, Richard D. (eds), Humanitarianism and Suffering: The Mobilization of Empathy (Cambridge, 2009)Google Scholar.

22 “What is the Aborigines’ Protection Society Doing?”, Colonial Intelligencer, 2: 21 (Jan. 1850), pp. 323–324.

23 Cox, Jeffrey, The British Missionary Enterprise since 1700 (New York and Abingdon, 2008)Google Scholar.

24 Hodgkin's papers are held at the Wellcome Library in London. Other useful APS papers are located among the Anti-Slavery Papers in the Rhodes House Library, University of Oxford, although coverage for the 1830–66 period is very patchy.

25 The journal first appeared in 1847 as The Colonial Intelligencer, or, Aborigines’ Friend. Confusingly, however, from 1855 to 1858 it was known as The Aborigines’ Friend and Colonial Intelligencer, before reverting to its original title. Issues originally appeared monthly, but sometimes covered two, or more, months. The number of issues in each volume also fluctuated. Here, the name Colonial Intelligencer is used for consistency, while volume, number and date of appearance are also given.

26 See the excellent biography of Hodgkin by Kass and Kass, Perfecting the World.

27 British Parliamentary Papers 1836 (538), Report from the Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements), with Minutes of Evidence and Appendices; British Parliamentary Papers 1837 (425), Report from the Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements).

28 “Prologue”, Colonial Intelligencer, 1: 1 (March 1847), p. 2.

29 This is aptly demonstrated by H. R. Fox Bourne's identification of the “more primitive and, for the most part, uncivilised communities” of India driven into the “inhospitable districts. . . or other outlying regions” as the proper subjects of APS attention. Aborigines Protection Society, p. 58.

30 Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, p. 75 and Ch. 5, passim; Bell, British Folks and British India, pp. 13–17.

31 Thomas Hodgkin to [editor of the Irish Friend], 18 February 1840, Hodgkin Papers, Wellcome Library, London [items hereafter referred to by file number only], PP/HO/D/A2430, fos 1–2.

32 Aborigines Protection Society, Record of First Annual Meeting, 17 May 1838, p. 24; APS, Second Annual Report, May 1839, pp. 17–18. This incident underlines how dependent APS campaigns were on information received from colonial contacts.

33 These efforts were commended in 1839 by the Serampore-based Friend of India, published by the Baptist Missionary Society in Serampore. Mehrotra, “British India Society”, p. 131.

34 Elizabeth Pease to Maria Weston Chapman, London, 11 July 1839, in British and American Abolitionists, p. 73.

35 Martin, R. M., The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India: comprising the districts of Behar, Shahabad, Bhagulpoor, Goruckpoor, Dinajepoor, Puraniva, Ronggopoor and Assam. . .(London, 1838), pp. iv, xix-xxiGoogle Scholar. Chakravarty, Gautam, The Indian Mutiny and the British Imagination (Cambridge, 2003), p.28Google Scholar, describes Martin's writing as “empiricist” (as opposed to “orientalist” or “missionary”) history.

36 Temperly, British Anti-Slavery 1833–1870, especially Ch. 5.

37 William Howitt to Elizabeth Pease, 11 November 1838, quoted in Bell, British Folks and British India, p. 30.

38 Stoddart quotes from an account of this journey made by Elizabeth Pease Nichol in 1892: Elizabeth Pease Nichol, pp. 69–71, 76. See also Bell, British Folks and British India, pp. 12–22.

39 Report of the Birmingham Anti-Slavery Committee . . . and also the proceedings at Birmingham on the 1st and 2nd of August, in commemoration of the abolition of Negro apprenticeship in the British colonies (Birmingham, 1838), pp. 40–41, 44–45.

40 Stephen, George, Antislavery Recollections (London, 1854), pp. 149–151Google Scholar; Fladeland, Betty, Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Antislavery Cooperation (Urbana, Chicago & London, 1972), pp. 197, 226–228Google Scholar.

41 Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, p. 44.

42 W. A. S. Hewins, “Thompson, George Donisthorpe (1804–1878)”, Revised Matthew Lee, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; (online edn, May 2006).

43 Christian Advocate, 27 November 1837, cited in Tyrrell, “Moral Radical Party”, p. 491.

44 Rather than a distinguished orator: Stephen, Antislavery Recollections, p. 151. Fladeland, Men and Brothers, p. 226, describes Thompson's rhetorical style as “harsh and denunciatory”.

45 Burin, Eric, The Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society (Gainesville, 2005)Google Scholar; Temperley, Howard, “African-American Aspirations and the Settlement of Liberia”, Slavery & Abolition 21:2 (2000), pp. 67–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Fladeland, Men and Brothers, p. 237.

47 Hodgkin, Thomas, On Negro Emancipation and American Colonization (London, 1832)Google Scholar. He founded the short-lived British African Colonization Society on the American Colonization Society model.

48 On Hodgkin's life-long engagement with Liberia, see Laidlaw, “Slavery, Settlers and Indigenous Dispossession”.

49 Gallagher, J., “Fowell Buxton and the New African Policy, 1838–1842”, Cambridge Historical Journal, 10: 1 (1950), pp. 36–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar: Temperley, White Dreams, Black Africa.

50 T. Hodgkin to T. F. Buxton, 17 November 1838, PP/HO/D/A2428, fos 1–7: T. Hodgkin to E. Cresson, 8 July 1839, ibid., fos 94–95; Hodgkin to [T. F. Buxton], draft, 11 September 1839, PP/HO/D/A2429, fos 26–30, 40–43; Hodgkin to [Anna Gurney], draft, 28 September 1839, ibid., fos 44–45; William Lloyd Garrison to Elizabeth Pease, 30 September 1840 in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.) Taylor, p. 116. See also, Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, pp. 43–44.

51 Hodgkin to T. F. Buxton, 17 November 1838, PP/HO/D/A/2429, p. 1; Hodgkin to J. J. Freeman, 15 April 1839, PP/HO/D/A2429, p. 45.

52 Hodgkin to [editor of Irish Friend], 18 February 1840, PP/HO/D/A2430, fo. 2.

53 It was helpful for the APS to assert in such cases that its interest was exclusively in “the various races of Free Aborigines in different parts of the world”. Colonial Intelligencer, 1: 3 (May 1847), p. 48.

54 Bell, British Folks and British India, pp. 20, 29. A report of the Newcastle meeting of 28 August 1838 appeared in The Newcastle Courant on 31 August 1838. Thompson had also spoken at the anniversary meeting of the local auxiliary of the London Missionary Society on Monday, 27 August 1838.

55 Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, pp. 77–79.

56 Ibid., pp. 80–88.

57 Howitt, William, Colonization and Christianity: A Popular History of the Treatment of the Natives by the Europeans in All their Colonies (London, 1838), pp. 507–508Google Scholar.

58 Hodgkin to [editor of Irish Friend], 18 February 1840, PP/HO/D/A2430, fo. 2.

59 For biographical details, see ‘William Adam’, Dictionary of Unitarian and Universalist Biography, http://www25.uua.org/uuhs/duub/articles/williamadam.html (accessed 24 October 2011).

60 Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, pp. 85–88.

61 Drescher, The Mighty Experiment, Ch.7.

62 F. C. Brown, formerly of Telicherry, James and John Harford of Bristol, William Aldam of Leeds and Major-General Briggs were also listed as members of the provisional committee. Prospectus of British India Society, for Bettering the Condition of our Fellow-Subjects, the Natives and Inhabitants of British India (1839).

63 Speeches Delivered at a Public Meeting for the Formation of a British India Society held in the Freemason's Hall, Saturday, 6 July 1839 (London, 1839).

64 Notably, William Aldam (Aborigines Protection Society [hereafter APS]); Jonathan Backhouse (APS); W. T. Blair (APS); John Bowring (Anti-Corn Law League [hereafter ACLL]); Major-General John Briggs (ACLL); Thomas Christy Snr. (APS); Thomas Christy Jnr. (APS); Thomas Clarkson (noted abolitionist; APS); Joseph Eaton (APS); William Ewart, MP (abolitionist; ACLL); W. E. Foster (APS); John Harford of Bristol (APS); Summers Harford of Monmouthshire (APS); the lawyer John M. Ludlow (ACLL; abolitionist); Daniel O'Connell (APS; ACLL; abolitionist); Joseph Sams of Darlington (APS); Joseph Sturge (ACLL; APS); William Tweedy (APS) and C. P. Villiers (ACLL).

65 Thompson, George, Six Lectures on the Condition, Resources, and Prospects of British India, and the Duties and Responsibilities of Great Britain to do Justice to that Vast Empire (London, 1842), pp. 95–96Google Scholar.

66 West Indian planters attacked such views on the grounds that their most vociferous advocate – James Cropper (who was also Joseph Sturge's father-in-law) – had a vested interest in boosting East India trade and was determined to downplay evidence that slavery was rife in the subcontinent. Others, like James Stephen, who argued that existing tariff regimes left “England Enslaved” by her West Indian possessions, were dismissed as unrealistic: Stephen, James, England Enslaved by her own Slave Colonies: An Address to the Electors and People of the United Kingdom (London, 1826)Google Scholar; Cropper, James, Letters Addressed to William Wilberforce Recommending the Encouragement of the Cultivation of Sugar in our Dominions in the East Indies, as the Natural and Certain Means of Effecting the Total and General Abolition of the Slave-Trade (Liverpool, 1822)Google Scholar, p.vi and passim. See also Cropper, James, The Support of Slavery Investigated (Liverpool, 1824)Google Scholar. Bayly, C. A. outlines the very limited success of this movement up to the 1830s: Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 119–120CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67 Speeches delivered at . . . the formation of a British India Society, p. 59.

68 Brougham's opening address had pointed out England's duty to India, decrying the “unnatural” subordinate status afflicting its “unrepresented millions”, and emphasising the benefits to Britain of raising a subcontinent of consumers.

69 Seven individuals gave £50, Sir Charles Forbes £200; most others gave £20, £10 or £5. An annual subscription to the APS cost one guinea.

70 “The meeting was attended by the Nawaub Eckbaloodowlah, Prince of Oude; the Prince Iama-ood-Deen, son of the late Tippoo Sultann; Meer Afzul Ali, and Meer Kurreem Ali, agents of the Rajah of Sattara; Ichangheer Nowrojee, Hirjeebhoy Merwanjee and Dorabjee Muncherjee, of Bombay.” Speeches Delivered at. . .the Formation of the British India Society, p. 1.

71 Fisher, Michael H., Counterflows to Colonialism: Indian Travellers and Settlers in Britain, 1600–1857 (Delhi, 2004), pp. 264, 271–274Google Scholar. Fisher discusses a series of missions from Awadh's rulers to Britain in the early nineteenth century, each pursuing a claim to the throne against a background of Company interference. Iqbal al-Daula arrived in 1837 to lodge a claim against his uncle, the incumbent ruler.

72 Times, 8 July 1839, p. 4; Speeches Delivered at. . .the Formation of the British India Society. In this reconciliation, the BIS presaged the tactics overtly adopted in the early 1840s by the Anti-Corn Law League: see Morgan, “The Anti-Corn Law League”.

73 Mehrotra, “The British India Society”.

74 George Thompson to Elizabeth Pease, 7 April 1840, quoted in Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, p. 98, and pp. 96–98 passim.

75 Minutes of the Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention (London, 1840), p. 3; Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, pp. 106–107. Adam, William, Slavery in India: Paper Presented to the General Anti-Slavery Convention (London, 1840)Google Scholar.

76 Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, pp. 15–17.

77 Hall, Civilising Subjects, p. 313.

78 For example, Elizabeth Pease to Anne Warren Weston, 30 December 1841, in British and American Abolitionists (ed.) Taylor, p. 158.

79 In his discussion of the World Anti-Slavery Convention, Bell reprints the uncut speech. British Folks and British India, pp. 102–107.

80 Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, pp. 103–104. A representative expression of Joseph Pease's provincial scepticism of the capital city can be found in Joseph Pease to F. C. Brown, 16 February 1839, reprinted in Bell, British Folks and British India, p. 49: “London has always resembled (in my eyes) a great stagnant pool. Philanthropic and good men have not the power to stir its depths”.

81 Elizabeth Pease to unknown, 17 July 1840, in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.) Taylor, p. 102: Times, 7 July 1840, p. 6.

82 Mehrotra, “British India Society”, p. 139; Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, p. 111.

83 Richard Cobden, for example, offered Elizabeth, a leading member of women's auxiliary societies on India and anti-slavery, practical help in forming a Women's Anti-Corn Law League. Elizabeth Pease to J. A. Collins, [April 1841], in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.), Taylor, p. 149; Elizabeth Pease to Anne Warren Weston, 30 December 1841, in ibid., p.159. Stoddart, Elizabeth Pease Nichol, p. 132.

84 Elizabeth Pease to Anne Warren Weston, 24 June 1841, in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.) Taylor, p. 154.

85 Quoted in Prentice, Archibald, History of the Anti-Corn-Law League (London, 1853), p. 231Google Scholar.

86 William Howitt, speech, 26 October 1847, reported in Thompson, George, Free Trade with India: its Influences on the Condition and Prospects of the country, and on the Slave Systems of America (London, 1847), pp. 19–20Google Scholar.

87 Prentice, History of the Anti-Corn-Law League, pp. 231–235, 247, 251. Pickering, Paul A. and Tyrrell, Alex, The People's Bread: A History of the Anti-Corn Law League (Leicester, 2000), pp. 107, 119–122Google Scholar. On the ACLL's attempts more generally to assume the mantle of anti-slavery, see Morgan, “Anti-Corn Law League”.

88 Mehrotra, “The British India Society”.

89 Morgan, “Anti-Corn Law League”, p. 100.

90 George Thompson to Maria Weston Chapman, 2 October 1845, in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.) Taylor, p. 238; R. D. Webb to Maria Weston Chapman, 1 August 1844, in ibid., p. 225.

91 Elizabeth Pease to Anne Warren Weston, 30 December 1841, in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.) Taylor, p. 159; E. Pease to unknown, 28 February 1842, in ibid., pp. 169–170: E. Pease to Wendell and Ann Phillips, 16 August 1842, in ibid., p. 181. Fisher, Counterflows to Colonialism, pp. 285–288.

92 Elizabeth Pease to Wendell and Ann Phillips, 29 September 1842, in British and American Abolitionists, (ed.) Taylor, p. 184.

93 George Thompson, Addresses Delivered at Meetings of the Native Community of Calcutta and on Other occasions (1843). The money from Satara came through the maharajah's London agent, Rango Bapojee. Fisher, Counterflows to Colonialism, p. 288. Thompson pledged himself exclusively to Indian issues when elected for Tower Hamlets. Thompson, Free Trade with India.

94 APS, Second Annual Report, May 1839, p. 17.

95 Thomas Hodgkin to John Philip, 22 July 1840, PP/HO/D/A2430, fo. 59.

96 APS, Ninth Annual Report, May 1846, pp. 18–20.

97 One was Manakjee Cursetjee, a Parsi from the Bombay Presidency, who Hodgkin wrote to in the early 1840s, discussing proceedings in Britain's learned societies and exhorting Cursetjee to help him answer questions about Asia's peoples and natural history. Thomas Hodgkin to Manakjee Cursetjee, 6 June 1843, PP/HO/D/A2440, fos. 25–27; and 6 January 1845, PP/HO/D/A2444, fo. 76.

98 APS, Ninth Annual Report, pp. 18–20.

99 Colonial Intelligencer, 2: 1 and 2 (May and June 1848), p. 3.

100 Hodgkin to Livingstone, 13 April 1852, PP/HO/D/A2446, p. 98; Hodgkin to Monteagle, 6 August 1851, ibid., p. 94.

101 Hodgkin, “Address in Support of the Cause”, Colonial Intelligencer, 4: 10 (Jan.-Feb. 1853), pp. 187–188.

102 Ibid., pp. 187–188.

103 APS Committee statement, Colonial Intelligencer, 4: 13 (May 1853), pp. 227–229.

104 For example, Dickinson, John, Jnr. India: Its Government under a Bureaucracy (London, 1853)Google Scholar; Norton, John Bruce, The Administration of Justice in Southern India, (Madras and London, 1853)Google Scholar; Cobden, Richard, How Wars Are Got Up in India: The Origin of the Burmese War, 3rd edition (London, 1853)Google Scholar; Baynes, C. R., A Plea for the Madras Judges upon the Charges Preferred Against Them by J. B. Norton, Esq. (Madras, 1853)Google Scholar; Baynes, C. R., A Rejoinder to Mr Norton's Reply upon the Case of the Madras Judges (Madras, 1853)Google Scholar.

105 Chatterji, Prashanto K., The Making of India Policy 1853–1865: A Study of the Relations of the Court of Directors, the India Board, the India Office and the Government of India (New Delhi, 1975), pp. 11–33Google Scholar: Suntharalingam, R., “The Madras Native Association: A Study of an Early Indian Political Organization”, Indian Economic and Social History Review 4: 3 (1967), pp. 239–242CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

106 Lewin joined the APS committee in 1856, General Thompson in 1857. Extensive use of Lewin's publications was made from 1853.

107 Suntharalingam, “The Madras Native Association”, pp. 233–354. Lewin's publications included: Malcolm Lewin, Torture in Madras (London, 1855); The Practice of Torture in Madras (London, 1856); Speech . . . at the . . . Court of Proprietors (London, 1856); Has Oude Been Worse Governed (London, 1857); The Government of the East India Company (London, 1857); The Way to Lose India (London, 1857); Torture in Madras, 2nd edition (London, 1857); Causes of the Indian Revolt (London, 1857); and The Way to Regain India (London, 1858).

108 Chakravarty, The Indian Mutiny; Bearce, G. D., British Attitudes towards India, 1784–1858 (Greenwood, Conn., 1961)Google Scholar; Finkelstein, David and Peers, Douglas M. (eds), Negotiating India in the Nineteenth-Century Media (Basingstoke, 2000)Google Scholar; Laura Peters, ‘Double-dyed Traitors and Infernal Villians’, Illustrated London News, Household Words, “Charles Dickens and the Indian Rebellion”, in Negotiating India, Finkelstein and Peers (eds), pp. 110–134: Bender, Jill, “Mutiny or freedom fight? The 1857 Indian Mutiny and the Irish Press”, in Newspapers and Empire in Ireland and Britain: Reporting the British Empire, c. 1857–1921, Potter, Simon (ed.) (Dublin, 2004), pp. 92–108Google Scholar.

109 “The Insurrection of the Santhals”, Colonial Intelligencer, new series, 1: 1 (1855), pp. 33–34. See also Colonial Intelligencer, n.s., 1: 3 (Apr.–Sept. 1856), p. 113. Coverage drew on the Delhi Gazette, the Friend of India, and the Hurkaru, “Torture in India”, Colonial Intelligencer, n.s., 1: 1 (1855), pp. 28–32; “East India Opium Trade”, Colonial Intelligencer, 4: 10 (Jan.-Feb. 1853), pp. 184–186. Also APS, Report of Annual Meeting, May 1856, pp. 9–10; APS, Twentieth Annual Report, May 1857, p. 6; Report of Annual Meeting, May 1857, pp. 13–14: “Oude”, Colonial Intelligencer, n.s., 1: 1 (1855), pp. 34–35; “Pegu”, ibid., pp. 35–36: “Cultivation of Cotton in India”, ibid., n.s., 1: 2 (Jan.-Mar. 1856), p. 71; “Annexation of Oude”, ibid., pp. 71–74; “The Annexation of Oude”, ibid., n.s., 1: 3 (Apr.-Sept. 1856), pp. 107–111.

110 See for example, John Briggs, India and Europe Compared (1856), which warned of sepoy disaffection.

111 Address to Electorate, 21 March 1857, Colonial Intelligencer, n.s., 1: 5 (Jan.-Mar. 1857), pp. 212–214. Chatterji, Prashanto Kumar, “The East India Company's Reactions to the Charter Act of 1853”, Journal of Indian History 51 (1973): pp. 55–64Google Scholar; Bearce, British Attitudes towards India.

112 Thompson, Charles Perronet, “Letter to the Bradford Advertiser of 1 July 1857”, Colonial Intelligencer, n.s., 1: 7 (July-Oct. 1857), pp. 292–294Google Scholar.