¹ Robert Cornell diary, 6 July 1892, MSS 159, Box 2, Library and Archives Division, Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh, PA (hereafter, HSWP).

² For historical analysis of the Homestead strike, see Krause, Paul, The Battle for Homestead, 1880–1892: Politics, Culture, and Steel (Pittsburgh, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Demarest, David P., ed., “The Kiver Kan Ked”: Homestead 1892 (Pittsburgh, 1992)Google Scholar; Wolff, Leon, Lockout, the Story of the Homestead Strike of 1892: A Study of Violence, Unionism and the Carnegie Steel Empire (New York, 1965)Google Scholar; and Bernard Hogg, J., “The Homestead Strike” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1943).Google Scholar

³ Knobel, Dale T., “America for the Americans”: The Nativist Movement in the United Slates (New York, 1996), 219–34Google Scholar; Jacobson, Matthew Frye, Whiteness of a Different Color European Immigration and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, MA, 1998), 39–68Google Scholar; Kraut, Alan M., “Plagues and Prejudice: Nativism's Construction of Disease in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century New York City,” in Hives of Sickness: Public Health and Epidemics in New York City, ed., Rosner, David (New Brunswick, NJ, 1995), 69Google Scholar; Fairchild, Amy L., Science at the Borders: Immigrant Medical Inspection and the Shaping of the Modern Industrial Labor Force (Baltimore, 2003).Google Scholar See also Duffy, John, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana, 1990), 178–83Google Scholar; and Kraut, Alan M., Silent Travelers: Germs, Genes, and the “Immigrant Menace” (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

⁴ Blewett, Mary H., “Masculinity and Mobility: The Dilemma of Lancashire Weavers and Spinners in Late-Nineteenth-Century Fall River, Massachusetts,” in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, eds., Carnes, Mark C. and Griffen, Clyde (Chicago, 1990): 165Google Scholar; Kaster, Gregory L., “Labour's True Man: Organized Workingmen and the Language of Manliness in the USA, 1827–1877,” Gender and History 13 (April 2001): 25–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anthony Rotundo, E., “Body and Soul: Changing Ideals of American Middle-Class Manhood, 1770–1920,” Journal of Social History 16 (Summer 1983): 28–29Google Scholar; Pinkerton, Allan, Strikers, Communists, Tramps, and Detectives (New York, 1878), x–xi.Google Scholar See also Cosco, Joseph P., Imagining Italians: The Clash of Romance and Race in American Perceptions, 1880–1910 (Albany, 2003)Google Scholar; Norwood, Stephen H., Strikebreaking and Intimidation: Mercenaries and Masculinity in Twentieth-Century America (Chapel Hill, 2002), 21–26Google Scholar, 34–64; Oldenziel, Ruth, Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women, and Modern Machines in America, 1870–1945 (Amsterdam, 1999)Google Scholar; and Taillon, Paul Michel, “‘What We Want is Good, Sober Men’: Masculinity, Respectability, and Temperance in the Railroad Brotherhoods, c. 1870–1910,” Journal of Social History 36 (Winter 2002): 319–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ Russell W. Gibbons, “Dateline Homestead,” in Demarest, , “The River Ran Red”, 158–59.Google Scholar

⁶ Krause argues persuasively for the need to place the events of July 6 into a broader context of the labor movement in Pittsburgh during the 1870s and 1880s and a tradition of working-class republicanism. Although the direct cause of the lockout was the disputed wage reduction, this dispute can be seen as a product of the workers' belief in the republican values of independence and the common good, two concepts threatened by the company's decision to lower the minimum tonnage rate. See Krause, , The Batik for Homestead, 5–15.Google Scholar

⁷ Much study of Homestead has focused on the 1892 death of steel industry unionism as a devastating moment for generations of townspeople. For narratives that suggest the short-and long-term effects of the lockout, see, in addition to Krause's aforementioned study, Garland, Hamlin, “Homestead and Its Perilous Trades,” McClure's III (June 1894): 2–20Google Scholar; Byington, Margaret, Homestead: The Households of a Mill Town (New York, 1910)Google Scholar; Bell, Thomas, Out of This Furnace (New York, 1941)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Modell, Judith, A Town Without Steel: Envisioning Homestead (Pittsburgh, 1998).Google Scholar

⁸ The World [New York], July 2, 1892; The Local News [Homestead], July 2, 1892, Pittsburgh Dispatch, July 4, 1892.

⁹ Latton, Harry, “Steel Wonders,” Pittsburgh Times, June 1, 1892.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Pittsburgh Dispatch, July 6, 1892; Paul Krause, “East-Europeans in Homestead,” in Demarest, , “The River Ran Red”, 63–65Google Scholar; Krause, , The Battle for Homestead, 220.Google Scholar Although most historical studies of Homestead refer to the immigrant population as “Slavic,” Krause correctly notes the lack of a single “Slavic” people and language.

¹¹ Pittsburgh Dispatch, July 6, 1892; Pencak, William, “Introduction,” in Riot and Revelry in Early America, eds. Pencak, William, Dennis, Matthew, and Newman, Simon P. (University Park, PA, 2002), 15Google Scholar; Ordway, Albert, “Street Riots,” in The National Guard in Service (Washington, 1891), 312Google Scholar, cited in Leach, Eugene E., “The Literature of Riot Duty: Managing Class Conflict in the Streets, 1877–1927,” Radical History Review 56 (Spring 1993): 39Google Scholar; Brown, Joshua, Beyond the Lines: Pictorial Reporting, Everyday Life, and the Crisis of Gilded Age America (Berkeley, 2002), 186Google Scholar; Leach, , “The Literature of Riot Duty,” 25.Google Scholar American studies that stress the political and economic underpinnings of crowd action include Gilje, Paul A., The Road to Mobocracy: Popular Disorder in New York City, 1763–1834 (Chapel Hill, 1987)Google Scholar and Rioting in America (Bloomington, IN, 1996); Bernstein, Iver, The New York City Draft Riots: Their Significanee for American Society and Politics in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1990)Google Scholar; Grimsted, David, American Mobbing, 1828–1861: Toward Civil War (New York, 1998)Google Scholar; and Stowell, David O., Streets, Railroads, and the Great Strike of 1877 (Chicago, 1999).Google Scholar For examples of crowd studies from a European perspective, see Rudé, George, The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England, 1730–1848 (New York, 1964)Google Scholar; Davis, Natalie Zemon, “The Reasons of Misrule: Youth Groups and Charivaris in Sixteenth-Century France,” Past and Present 50 (February 1971): 41–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Thompson, E. P., “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present 50 (February 1971): 76–136.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Pittsburgh Dispatch, July 6, 1892.

¹³ St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 6, 1892, excerpted in Demarest, , “The River Ran Red”, 75Google Scholar; Krause, , The battle for Homestead, 14.Google Scholar

¹⁴ J. J. McIlyer, quoted in Schreiner, Samuel A., Henry Clay Frick: The Gospel of Greed (New York, 1995), 87Google Scholar; New York Herald, July 7, 1892; Stowell, Myron, “Fort Frick”, or the Siege of Homestead (Pittsburgh, 1893), 40.Google Scholar

¹⁵ “The Homestead Strike,” North American Review 155 (September 1892): 374; Burgoyne, Arthur, Homestead: A Complete History of the Struggle of July, 1892, between the Carnegie Steel Company, Limited, and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers (Pittsburgh, 1893), 56Google Scholar; New York Times, July 7, 1892; New York Herald, July 7, 1892.

¹⁶ St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 6, 1892, excerpted in Demarest, , “The River Ran Red”, 75Google Scholar; New York Herald, July 7, 1892; Weir, James Jr, “The Methods of the Rioting Striker as Evidence of Degeneration,” Century 48 (October 1894): 952–54Google Scholar; Pfitzer, Gregory M., Picturing the American Past: Illustrated Histories and the American Imagination, 1840–1900 (Washington, D.C., 2002), 227–28.Google Scholar Weir, a doctor from Owensboro, Kentucky, concluded that bad nutrition, intemperance, and “sexual perversion” were three sure signs of a potentially savage workforce.

¹⁷ The World [New York], July 7, 1892; New York Herald, July 7, 1892.

¹⁸ Burgoyne, , Homestead, 58Google Scholar; New York Herald, July 7, 1892. On the effectiveness of the Pinkerton Detective Agency, see Morn, Frank, The Eye that Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency (Bloomington, 1982)Google Scholar; and Smith, Robert Michael, From Blackjacks to Briefcases: A History of Commercialized Strikebreaking and Unionbusting in the united States (Athens, OH, 2003), 4–21.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On the science of savagery, see Gould, Steven Jay, “Measuring Bodies: Two Case Studies on the Apishness of Undesirables,” chap, in The Mismeasure of Man (New York, 1981), 113–45.Google Scholar On the popularity of wildness in the United States at the turn of the century, see Vaughan, Christopher A., “Ogling Igorots: The Politics and Commerce of Exhibiting Cultural Otherness, 1898–1913,” in Freakery: Cultural Spectacles of the Extraordinary Body, ed. Thomson, Rosemarie Garland. (New York, 1996), 219–20.Google Scholar Such a narrative strategy also suggested workers' inability to function as a responsible citizenry. Following Jacobson's positioning of turn-of-the-century racial discourse in the United States as a tension between the demands of capitalism and republicanism, we must note the deep political implications of the language of savagery. Reporters recast the initial appearance of Homestead workers on the morning of the battle in light of their actions later in the day. Behavior interpreted by the press as riot, defiance, and mob violence delegitimized workers' moral and political claims against their employer. The portrayal of Homesteaders as a threatening, primitive tribe effectively defined their capacity for self-government as that of the “heathen” or the cannibal. See Jacobson, 13–14, 73, 166–68. For comparison to news reports on the massive 1877 railroad strike in Pittsburgh, see Slotkin, Richard, The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800–1890 (New York, 1985), 480–89.Google Scholar A key difference between the two events, as Slotkin notes, is that the local workforce of 1877 was “predominantly white and largely American-born.”

²⁰ New York Herald, July 7, 1892; Stowell, , “Fort Frick”, 46Google Scholar; Burgoyne, , Homestead, 60.Google Scholar

²¹ U.S. Congress, House, Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives in Connection with the Labor Troubles at Homestead, Pennsylvania (Washington, D.C., 1893), 52Google Scholar; New York Herald, July 7, 1892.

²² Stowell, , “FortFrick”, 51.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., 52.

²⁴ The World, July 7, 1892; Nem York Herald, July 7, 1892. The phrase “eloquent with the effects of battle” is Alan Trachtenberg's; see Trachtenberg, , Reading American Photographs: Images as History, Mathew Brady to Walker Evans (New York, 1989), 116.Google Scholar

²⁵ Stowell, , “Fort Frick” 52Google Scholar; The World [New York] July 7, 1892.

²⁶ Stowell, , “Fort Frick”, 59Google Scholar; New York Herald, July 7, 1892; “The Homestead Riots,” Harper's Weekly 36 (July 16, 1892): 678.

²⁷ New York Times, July 7, 1892; Stowell, , “Fort Frick”, 55.Google Scholar When Weihe testified before a Senate Committee in 1883 on the state of immigrant labor in the Pittsburgh region, he referred to immigrant steelworkers as “the scuff, the bad specimens of the working classes.” Weihe's experiences in Homestead in the late 1880s, the period in which immigrant workers supported the union's demands, had eased his disdain somewhat. When he testified about the Homestead lockout in November 1892, Weihe referred to the “certain class of foreigners…who very often have their own ideas of what has taken place in the country they have come from, and would perhaps feel like doing in this country things that are not particularly American.” See U.S. Congress, Senate, Report on Labor and Capital, Volume 2 (Washington, D.C., 1885), 7Google Scholar; and U.S. Congress, Senate, Investigation of Labor Troubles (Washington, D.C., 1893), 199.Google Scholar

²⁸ Burgoyne, , Homestead, 82Google Scholar; U.S. Congress, House, Investigation of the Employment of Pinkerton Detectives, ix.Google Scholar

²⁹ The World [New York], July 7, 1892; Burgoyne, , Homestead, 84Google Scholar; “The Homestead Riots,” 678.

³⁰ Roosevelt, Theodore, The Winning of the West, Volume 2 (New York, 1889), 27–29Google Scholar; Smith, Sherry, Keimagining Indians: Native Americans through Anglo Eyes, 1880–1940 (New York, 2000), 8–11.Google Scholar

³¹ Burgoyne, , Homestead, 83Google Scholar; Army and Navy Register editorial quoted in Cooper, Jerry M., The Army and Civil Disorder: Federal Military Intervention in Labor Disputes, 1877–1900 (Westport, CT, 1980), 254–55.Google Scholar

³² Pittsburgh Dispatch, July 6, 1892.

³³ Bulletin [Pittsburgh], July 23, 1892.

³⁴ New York Times, July 10, 1892; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 12, 1892, excerpted in Demarest, , “The River Kan Red”, 131.Google Scholar

³⁵ Stowell, , “Fort Frick”, 96Google Scholar, The World [New York], July 8, 1892. The meeting of the funeral processions is also described in the Pittsburgh Commercial Gazette, July 8, 1892.

³⁶ Burgoyne, , Homestead, 72Google Scholar; New York Times, July 11, 1892; Pittsburg Press, December 9, 1892; Garland, , “Homestead and its Perilous Trades,” 2–20.Google Scholar

³⁷ The reportage in this and the following three paragraphs is taken from Pittsburgh Chronicle Telegraph, July 25, 1892; Pittsburgh Commercial Gazette, July 25, 1892; Pittsburg Press, July 24, 1892; Cleveland Plain Dealer, July 24, 1892; New York Times, July 24–25, 1892; and Associated Press and United Press reports printed in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 24, 1892.

³⁸ The New York Times writer emphasized Berkman's extensive planning, despite that fact that he had only recently devised the assassination plot (his head “was turned by the reading of the Homestead troubles”). In addition to its remark about Berkman's physique, the Times noted that his “lips were thick, his nose large, and he was a typical Russian Jew in appearance.” The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 24, 1892, noted that Berkman was “a Hebrew with a mean and sneaking look.” The Cleveland Plain Dealer, July 24, 1892, referred to him as “a dark complexioned young man with a Jewish cast of countenance.” The Pittsburg Press, July 24, 1892, described the assailant as having “a peculiar appearance, but not that of a desperate man by any means."

³⁹ The Pittsburg Press juxtaposed the sentiments of the crowd outside the Carnegie offices with those of a crowd of “idle null men” in the city's Lawrenceville section: “The [workers'] remarks made in many instances are not worthy of repetition and unbecoming a citizen of this country.”

⁴⁰ On the use of crowd imagery as a means of representing a mass readership, see Shaya, Gregory, “The Flâneur, the Badaud, and the Making of a Mass Public in France, circa 1860–1910,” American Historical Review 109 (February 2004): 41–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴¹ Martin, James M., Which Way, Sirs, the Better?: A Story of our Toilers (Boston, 1895), 17, 98Google Scholar; New York Times, July 9, 1892; Burgoyne, , Homestead, 60.Google Scholar O'Donnell was a heater in the Homestead works' 119-inch plate mill, in charge of keeping slabs of steel at the correct temperature between various stages of rolling. On the use of “types” in images of striking workers, see Pfitzer, , Picturing the American Past, 227–28.Google Scholar

⁴² Youngner, Rina C., “Paintings and Graphic Images of Industry in Nineteenth-Century Pittsburgh: A Study of the Relationship Between Art and Industry” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1991): 203Google Scholar; Leach, , “The Literature of Riot Duty,” 26.Google Scholar

⁴³ Pittsburgh Illustrated (Pittsburgh, 1892), 26.