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³ Barrows, Samuel J. and Barrows, Isabel C., The Shaybacks in Camp: Ten Summers Under Canvas (Boston, 1888), 56.Google Scholar This book was part of the Out-Door Books series published by Hough-ton, Mifflin and Company, which included the works of authors such as Thoreau and Emerson. See Lupfer, Eric, “Before Nature Writing: Houghton, Mifflin and Company and the Invention of the Outdoor Book, 1800–1900,” Book History 4 (2001): 194.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Lupfer argues that for this series the editors placed a particularly high priority on literary quality, targeting a genteel market above all. Shaybacks in Camp had gone out of print by 1898. Isabel Barrows to June Barrows, June 26, 1898, Barrows Family Papers (hereafter BFP), ser. 1:32, Houghton Library, Harvard University.

⁴ Aron argues that “camping retained a male aura throughout the last half of the nineteenth century” (Working at Play, 158)Google Scholar, but Patricia Jasen notes that “some established elements of Victorian gender relations were more easily challenged in the woods than they were at home.” Jasen, , Wild Things: Nature, Culture, and Tourism in Ontario, 1790–1914 (Toronto, 1995), 115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ The Barrowses apparently believed that contact of bare feet with the ground was “good for the nerves,” as did the elderly author who made this observation; see Smith, Mary P. Wells, Three in a Camp (Boston, 1916), 51, 61–62Google Scholar, 88. On the changing nature of tourism in New England, see Brown, Dona, Inventing New England: Regional Tourism in the Nineteenth Century (Washington, 1995)Google Scholar; and Harrison, Blake, The View from Vermont: Tourism and the Making of an American Rural Landscape (Burlington, VT, 2006).Google Scholar

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⁷ The phrase “modernizing antimodernism” is from Mckay, Ian, The Quest of the Folk: Anti-modernism and Cultural Selection in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia (Montreal, 1994), 106, 109–10Google Scholar, 136.

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¹⁰ On this theme, see Baker, Jean Harvey, “Women in Utopia: The Nineteenth-Century Experience” in Utopias: The American Experience, ed. Moment, Gairdner B. and Kraushaar, Otto F. (Metchuen, NJ, 1980), 56–71.Google Scholar

¹¹ While Murray was in favor of women campers and supported the women's movement on the basis that middle-class women were “surrounded with brain-softening and energy-sapping leisure,” he did not consider the movement worthy of sustained attention. Strauss, “Toward a Consumer Culture,” 275, 280; Aron, , Working at Play, 160–61.Google Scholar

¹² Cohen, Nancy, The Reconstruction of American Liberalism, 1865–1914 (Chapel Hill, 2002), 11.Google Scholar

¹³ Barrows, Isabel C., A Sunny Life: The Biography of Samuel June Barrows (Boston, 1914), 62.Google Scholar

¹⁴ It has not been possible to determine how common the name June was for males as opposed to females in the 1860s, but in 1900 it was among the 200–300 most popular first names for newborn American girls, but barely in the top 900 baby names for boys; see www.think-babynames.com/meaning/0/June. On name changes and sense of self, see Alford, Richard D., Naming and Identity: A Cross-Cultural Study of Personal Naming Practices (New Haven, 1988), 85–86.Google Scholar On manliness and the Civil War, see Kimmel, Michael, Manhood in America: A Cultural History (New York, 1996), 72–78Google Scholar; and Rotundo, E. Anthony, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York, 1993), 232–34.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Barrows's father, a New York City printer, died only four years after he was born in 1845, leaving his mother with five children to support by making shoe blacking from an old English recipe. The following biographical overview is largely from Fishel, Leslie H., “Barrows, Samuel June,” American National Biography Online, www.anb.org; Paul Kellogg, Samuel June Barrows: A Circuit Rider in the Humanities (New York, 1909)Google Scholar; and I. Barrows, A Sunny Life.

¹⁷ The 1896 election saw “the largest transfer of strength from one party to another in the history of the United States”; Gould, Lewis L., “Party Conflict: Republicans versus Democrats, 1877–1901” in The Gilded Age: Perspectives on the Origins of Modern America, ed. Calhoun, Charles W., 2nd ed. (Lanham, MD, 2007), 266–67Google Scholar, 276. See also Santis, Vincent P. De, “The Republican Party Revisited, 1877–1897” in The Gilded Age: A Reappraisal, ed. Morgan, H. Wayne (Syracuse, NY, 1963), 91–110.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Sproat, John G., “The Best Men”: Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York, 1968), 257.Google Scholar See also, Curtis, Susan, A Consuming Faith: The Social Gospel and Modern American Culture (Baltimore, 1991), 132–34.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Simon, Jonathan, Poor Discipline: Parole and Social Control of the Underclass, 1890–1990 (Chicago, 1993), 34.Google Scholar Rather than seeing parole and probation as humanitarian or enlightened gestures, Simon suggests (35–37) that they were disciplinary tactics necessitated by the decline of prison labor. Like other progressive prison reformers, Barrows favored indeterminate sentences for “incorrigible” offenders. See Rotham, David J., Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston, 1980)Google Scholar; and Pisciotta, Alexander W., Benevolent Repression: Social Control and the American Reformatory-Prison Movement (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

²⁰ Quoted in Barrows, I., A Sunny Life, 279.Google Scholar

²¹ Barrows was a strong supporter of Booker T. Washington's Tuskegee Institute, claiming in January 1892 that his friends had begun to call him a Negrophilist and a Negromaniac since his visit to the South a few weeks earlier. See the letters by Howlands, Emily and Barrows, June in Harlan, Louis R., ed., The Booker T. Washington Papers, vol. 3, 1889–1895 (Urbana, 1974), 171, 205–07.Google Scholar

²² Barrows, I., A Sunny Life, 177.Google Scholar

²³ Curtis, , A Consuming Faith, 9.Google Scholar

²⁴ Curtis, Susan, “The Son of Man and God the Father: The Social Gospel and Victorian Masculinity” in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, ed. Carnes, Mark C. and Griffen, Clyde (Chicago, 1990), 67–68Google Scholar, 72–77. Barrows wrote an incomplete book manuscript titled “The Mother God.” See Barrows, I., A Sunny Life, 132.Google Scholar

²⁵ Kimmel, Michael S., The History of Men: Essays in the History of American and British Masculinities (Albany, NY, 2005), 112Google Scholar and 74–77.

²⁶ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 55–56.Google Scholar

²⁷ Griffen, Clyde, “Reconstructing Masculinity from the Evangelical Revival to the Waning of Progressivism: A Speculative Synthesis” in Meanings for Manhood, 191.Google Scholar

²⁸ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 67.Google Scholar Barrows's reports from Dakota are reprinted in Krause, Herbert and Olson, Gary D., Prelude to Glory: A Newspaper Account of Custer's 1874 Expedition to the Black Hills (Sioux Falls, SD, 1974), 187–229.Google Scholar

²⁹ Strauss, , “Toward a Consumer Culture,” 279Google Scholar; Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 250.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, chs. 11–12.Google Scholar

³¹ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 217–18.Google Scholar June later gave up fishing “as taking too much precious time at small return of health and exercise.” Isabel also states that “he had a good deal of sympathy too with the fish and liked better to eat the food from the garden than the lake.” Barrows, I., A Sunny Life, 137.Google Scholar

³² See Little, J. I., “Scenic Tourism on the Northeastern Borderland: Lake Memphremagog's Steamboat Excursions and Resort Hotels, 1850–1900,” Journal of Historical Geography 35 (Oct. 2009): 716–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ Aron, , Working at Play, 164Google Scholar, 171.

³⁴ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 70–71.Google Scholar

³⁵ Isabel's father, Henry Hay, followed Gibb from Banff to Stanstead, Lower Canada, changing the spelling of his name to Hayes after he became a medical doctor. See Isabel Barrows, “Chopped Straw or the Memories of Threescore Years, by I. H. C. B. Written at the Request of Her Daughter,” typed by Michael M. Davis Jr. in 1993, from manuscript c. 1907–08, 54–55, Georgeville Historical Society hereafter GHS]. The manuscript in the Houghton Library, Harvard University, does not include the thirty-eight-page addendum written in Berlin in 1908. While Isabel insisted that this memoir was to be for her family's eyes only, she did publish a biography of her husband (A Sunny Life) in 1914. Madeleine B. Stern relied largely on these publications in her biographical studies of Isabel: Stern, , “Barrows, Katharine Isabel Hayes Chapin” in Notable American Women, 1607–1950: A Biographical Dictionary (Cambridge, MA, 1971), 99–101Google Scholar; and Stern, , “The First American Woman Stenographic Reporter for Congressional Committees, Isabel C. Barrows, 1871” in We the Women: Career Firsts of Nineteenth-Century America, ed. Stern, Madeleine B. (1962Google Scholar; New York, 1974), 178–204. Stern, , So Much in a Lifetime: The Story of Dr. Isabel Barrows (New York, 1964)Google Scholar, was written for a young audience.

³⁶ Stern claims that Isabel was a “clinical lecturer on Diseases of the Eye,” but Isabel's memoirs claim that she taught German and English. Stern, , So Much in a Lifetime, 134Google Scholar; Stern, , “The First American,” 193Google Scholar; Barrows, I., “Chopped Straw,” 221.Google Scholar

³⁷ Barrows, I., “Chopped Straw,” 256.Google ScholarStern, , So Much in a Lifetime, 150–52Google Scholar, nevertheless claims that Isabel opened a doctor's office in their home and that she contributed one afternoon a week to the New England Hospital for Women and Children.

³⁸ Among the many people who lived for a time in the Barrows home were Isabel's “invalid” sister, who was in charge of the household duties; a German nurse who had cared for the children and remained with the family even after they had grown up; and a woman who moved in to take charge of daughter Mabel's violin lessons; see Barrows, I., “Chopped Straw,” 254–55Google Scholar, 258, 268–69.

³⁹ Isabel's reminiscence is less critical of her lack of a salary than of the fact that her female successor at the newspaper accepted one even though she was from a wealthy family. Barrows, I., “Chopped Straw,” 188Google Scholar, 265.

⁴⁰ Cohen, , Reconstruction of American Liberalism, 12–13.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See, for example, Barrows, Isabel C., ed., The First Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question (Boston, 1890).Google Scholar

⁴² See Harlan, Louis R. and Smock, Raymond W., eds., Booker T. Washington Papers, vol. 5, 1899–1900, (Urbana, 1976), 26–28.Google Scholar

⁴³ Isabel Barrows was Breshkovsky's chief supporter when she traveled to the United States in 1904 and after to publicize her country's oppressive policies. See Blackwell, Alice Stone, ed., The Little Grandmother of the Russian Revolution: Reminiscences and Letters of Catherine Breshkovsky (Boston, 1919), 125–29Google Scholar, 134–35, 142, 143–44, 151–52, 172, 188, 190, 212, 223–26, 242–48, 261.

⁴⁴ Pease, , Sequestered Vales, 48–49.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 19.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibid., 88.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 252.

⁴⁸ Pease, , Sequestered Vales, 50.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ The copy in the GHS provides no source information, but this story, dated Sept. 11, 1890, is one of a series titled “The Shaybacks in Camp.” Judging from the point size and font, this article could have been published either in the Christian Register or the Woman's Journal, but the former is more likely given Barrowses' past association with the newspaper.

⁵⁰ Hayes, Elinor Rice, Morning Star: A Biography of Lucy Stone, 1818–1893 (New York, 1961), 298–300Google Scholar; DuBois, Ellen Carol, Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women's Movement in America, 1848–1869 (Ithaca, 1978), 163.Google Scholar In her biography of her mother, Alice Stone Blackwell wrote that Lucy Stone had secretly asked Isabel Barrows “to try to draw me out into wider and more varied interests” because “she did not want my life to be so completely absorbed in [the suffrage cause] as hers had been.” Blackwell, Alice Stone, Lucy Stone, Pioneer of Woman's Rights (Boston, 1930), 272.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Shaw had originally been associated with the American Woman Suffrage Association. Flexner, Eleanor, Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United States (1959; Cambridge, MA, 1973), 219–20Google Scholar, 237–38, 363n21; Coolidge, Olivia, Women's Rights: The Suffrage Movement in America, 1848–1920 (New York, 1972), 84–95.Google Scholar

⁵² The other two camp guests were Zilpha D. Smith, general secretary of the Associated Charities of Boston, and Florence Buck, a former science teacher from Kalamazoo, Michigan, who was about to enter the Unitarian ministry. Blackwell, Alice Stone, “Women in Camp,” Woman's Journal, July 1890Google Scholar, copy in GHS. Like Shaw and Anthony, Buck would have a lifelong same-sex relationship. Tucker, Cynthia Grant, Prophetic Sisterhood: Liberal Women Ministers on the Frontier, 1880–1930 (Boston, 1990), 82–84.Google Scholar

⁵³ Isabel Barrows to June Barrows, July 13, 1890, BFP, ser. 1:32.

⁵⁴ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 155–56.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Aron, , Working at Play, 176–77.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 105–06.Google Scholar On American utopian communities, see Guarneri, Carl J., The Utopian Alternative: Fourierism in Nineteenth-Century America (Ithaca, 1991)Google Scholar; Clark, Christopher, The Communitarian Moment: The Radical Challenge of the Northampton Association (Ithaca, 1995)Google Scholar; and Brundage, W. Fitzhugh, A Socialist Utopia in the New South: The Ruskin Colonies in Tennessee and Georgia, 1894–1901 (Urbana, 1996).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Smith, , Three in a Camp, 96–97.Google Scholar Smith published an article in 1906 describing the Barrows camp that year, but the novel is based on a later visit, for one chapter focuses on the girls' camp, Mossy Ledge, which did not open until 1910. Smith, Mary P. Wells, “In Camp with the Shaybacks,” Christian Register, Sept. 13, 1906, 1024–25.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 93, 110–15.Google Scholar As late as 1906, the campers were still adhering to a daily work schedule hung on the dining room wall. Smith, , “In Camp with the Shaybacks,” 1024.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Theodore Clarke Smith, “Camp by the Cliff” (unpublished typescript in possession of GHS), ch. 1, pp. 24–25. In Smith's, Mary Wells novel, Three in a Camp, 77–78Google Scholar, Isabel bakes the bread each morning, but after 1890 the Barrowses' bread was baked and their washing done by the woman whose family occupied the farm purchased by the three camp families. Wilcox, Morris R., Keep Your Mind Off the Puddin': An Autobiography (self-published, 1975), 47Google Scholar; Isabel to June Barrows, July 6, 1890; July 13, 1890, BFP, ser. 1: 32.

⁶⁰ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 10Google Scholar, 110. During the later nineteenth century, fashionable summer resorts were criticized in part because of the lavish dresses worn by the female guests. See Aron, , Working at Play, ch. 3.Google Scholar Isabel, on the other hand, was proud that her daughter's waist was of “the third uncorseted generation.” Barrows, I., “Chopped Straw,” 181.Google Scholar

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⁶² Blackwell, Alice Stone, “Camp Jottings,” Woman's Journal, Sept. 7, 1895Google Scholar, copy in GHS.

⁶³ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 157.Google Scholar Feminism is one Barrows cause that Smith's Three in a Camp does not openly promote, though the girls do swim, row boats, and hike. In an interesting commentary on women's costume, the boys level the playing field, so to speak, by wearing skirts and playing with only one arm in a baseball game against the girls. Three in a Camp, 243–57.

⁶⁴ Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 1, pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Blackwell, “Women in Camp.”

⁶⁶ Kett, Joseph F., Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (New York, 1977), 133–43.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Pease, , Sequestered Vales, 49.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ “People with Ideas: Miss Mabel Hay Barrows and her Greek Plays,” clipping from the Boston Saturday Beacon, n.d. Mabel's rheumatism is mentioned in Blackwell, “Camp Jottings.”

⁶⁹ Hains, D.D., “Greek Plays in America,” The Classical Journal 6 (Oct. 1910): 26–27Google Scholar, 34–35; “The Presentation of Classical Plays,” part 2, The Classical Journal 9 (Mar. 1914): 258. Mabel also wrote a five-act pantomime of Greek life to be staged by a group of “society women” in Elizabeth, New Jersey. “People With Ideas.” Her only work with a contemporary theme appears to have been the songs and music she wrote for her father's play, “The Beacon Street Tramp,” presented in Boston in 1894 by the Shayback Campers for the Massachusetts Prison Association. Barrows, Samuel June, The Beacon Street Tramp (n.p., 1894)Google Scholar, manuscript copy in BFP, ser. 10:18. The Georgeville Historical Society has a playbill for the May 12, 1894 performance of “The Beacon Steet Tramp” in Copley Hall, Grundmann Studios, Boston, as well as playbills for a number of Isabel's Greek drama productions.

⁷⁰ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 98–99.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 4, p. 10.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 1, pp. 9Google Scholar, 19, 23, 24.

⁷⁴ Kimmel, Michael S., “Consuming Manhood: The Feminization of American Culture and the Recreation of the Male Body, 1832–1920” in History of Men, 44, 46–47.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Smith became an expert in local bird song, publishing two articles on the subject in a natural history journal as well as the Atlantic Monthly. Smith, Theodore Clarke, “A Hermit Thrush Song,” O.S.U. Naturalist 3 (Feb. 1903): 371–73Google Scholar; “The Song of the Fox Sparrow,” O.S.U. Naturalist 3 (Apr. 1903): 411–13; “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 3, pp. 5–6, 15.

⁷⁸ Wilcox, , Keep Your Mind Off the Puddin', 50–52Google Scholar; Burnet Barrows to Henry Mussey, Feb. 23, 1908, Barrows Papers, GHS.

⁷⁹ The Barrowses adopted William Burnet Hayes as an infant after his mother died of cholera in Kansas in 1886.

⁸⁰ Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 1, p. 31.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ Barrows, I., “Summer Camping in the Woodland,” 737.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ This is the model described in Three in a Camp, set in approximately 1910, for the two children at the center of the novel are accompanied by their aunt. For a good description of the camp's physical appearance, see Howe, Frances S., 14,000 Miles, a Carriage and Two Women (Fitchburg, MA, 1906), 255–57.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 2, p. 10.Google ScholarMacleod, , Building Character, 237Google Scholar, states, “Hoping that boys would idolize their counselors, camp directors changed around 1900 from middle-aged volunteers to college students.”

⁸⁷ Birchbay Camp (n.p., n.d.), 3, copy in GHS.

⁸⁸ Putney, , Muscular Christianity, 109Google Scholar; Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 2, pp. 6–8.Google Scholar The Bar-rowses had built the Birchbay camp when they and two other families purchased and divided a lakeside farm in 1890, after they had been asked to leave their original campsite. They returned to that campsite in 1898 when Isabel purchased the farm on which Cedar Lodge was located. Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 4, p. 10Google Scholar; Barrows, I., Sunny Life, 131.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Birchbay Camp, 4–14; Maynard, W. Barksdale, “‘An Ideal Life in the Woods for Boys’: Architecture and Culture in the Earliest Summer Camps,” Winterthur Portfolio 34 (Spring 1999): 16–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁹⁴ Mabel to June Barrows, Oct. 5, 1901, BFP, ser. 1:361. June Barrows took up tinsmithing because, according to Isabel, he believed that “every one should learn to do something useful with his hands by which, if worse came to worst, he could earn his bread and butter.” He also learned to crochet. Barrows, I., A Sunny Life, 136–37.Google Scholar On “arts and crafts ideology,” see Lears, , No Place of Grace, ch. 2Google Scholar; and on “medieval mentalities,” see ch. 4.

⁹⁵ Mussey, Mabel Hay Barrows, Social Hymns of Brotherhood and Aspiration (New York, 1914).Google Scholar According to George Cotkin, American thinkers of this era believed that “between the precipice of modernity and the certitude of Victorian ideals lay a comforting middle ground.” Cotkin, , Reluctant Modernism: American Thought and Culture, 1880–1900 (New York, 1992), 153.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Stromquist, Shelton, Reinventing “The People”: The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism (Urbana, 2006).Google Scholar The most influential figure for these men who had recently graduated from Columbia University was Frank Henry Giddings, a principal architect of the progressive movement.

⁹⁷ While at the Barrows-Mussey wedding, Stokes became informally engaged to the former “factory girl,” Rose Pastor of the Jewish Daily News, though their marriage would end when she became an outspoken opponent of World War I and a member of the Communist Party. On Stokes and Pastor, see “I Belong to the Working Class”: The Unfinished Autobiography of Rose Pastor Stokes, ed. Herbert Shapiro and David L. Sterling (Athens, GA, 1992); and Zipser, Arthur and Zipser, Pearl, Fire and Grace: The Life of Rose Pastor Stokes (Athens, GA, 1990).Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ Isabel Barrows was still at the camp, but failing in health in 1912. Smith, , “Camp by the Cliff,” ch. 4, pp. 11–12Google Scholar; ch. 5, pp. 1, 6; ch. 6, p. 5.

¹⁰⁴ Lupfer, , “Before Nature Writing,” 178–79Google Scholar, 195–96.

¹⁰⁵ Barrows, and Barrows, , Shaybacks in Camp, 45.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁹ Kimmel, , “Consuming Manhood,” 52.Google Scholar

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