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³ Scott, Anne Firor, “On Seeing and Not Seeing: A Case of Historical Invisibility,” Journal of American History 71 (June 1984): 7–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Stromquist, Shelton, Re-inventing “The People”: The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism (Urbana, IL, 2006)Google Scholar. His term “reform community” acts as a catchall for what historians had often disaggregated into incompatible branches of progressivism.

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⁷ Deegan, Mary Jo., ed., Women in Sociology: A Bio-bibliographical Sourcebook (Westport, CT, 1991)Google Scholar, a foundation for subsequent efforts properly to place women in the discipline's history, includes Deegan's essay on Balch, 55–62. Other exceptions include Timming, Andrew R., “Florence Kelley: A Recognition of Her Contributions to Sociology,” Journal of Classical Sociology 4 (Nov. 2004): 289–309CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ For an argument that the neglect of early female sociologists was a reflection of their tendency toward a “practical,” or applied, approach rather than the “scientific,” or pure, approach that enabled sociology to establish its academic authority, Chriss, James J., “Addams, Ward et al.,” Journal of Classical Sociology 8 (Nov. 2008): 491–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ On such canon formation in sociology, Alexander, Jeffrey C., “The Centrality of the Classics” in Social Theory Today, eds. Giddens, Anthony and Turner, Jonathan (Stanford, CA, 1987), 11–57Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For a historicizing of these not interchangeable terms, Roediger, David, Working toward Whiteness: How America's Immigrants Became White (New York, 2005)Google Scholar, pt. 1.

¹¹ Balch encountered Bourne while working with the American Union Against Militarism and the People's Council in New York in 1917–18. She later cited him as one of her influences. She also took a summer course with Boas at Columbia in 1918. Nichols, Christopher McKnight, Promise and Peril: American at the Dawn of a Global Age (Cambridge, MA, 2011), 160–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Randall, Improper Bostonian, 119–20, 430.

¹² On cosmopolitanism and the nation-state in classical sociology, Schillmeier, Michael, “The Social, Cosmopolitanism and Beyond,” History of the Human Sciences 22 (Apr. 2009): 87–109CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

¹³ Lengermann, Patricia and Niebrugge, Gillian, “Thrice Told: Narratives of Sociology's Relation to Social Work” in Sociology in America: A History, ed. Calhoun, Craig (Chicago, 2007), 98–110Google Scholar.

¹⁴ On reform activism in Progressive Era social science, Joas, Hans, Pragmatism and Social Theory (Chicago, 1993)Google Scholar; Eisenach, Eldon J., The Lost Promise of Progressivism (Lawrence, KS, 1994), esp. 31–36Google Scholar; Ross, Dorothy, The Origins of American Social Science (Cambridge, 1991), 229–56Google Scholar.

¹⁵ On the claim that objectivity was a masculine quality, see Smith, Bonnie G., The Gender of History: Men, Women, and Historical Practice (Cambridge, MA, 1998), 130–56Google Scholar; Laslett, Barbara, “Unfeeling Knowledge: Emotion and Objectivity in the History of Sociology,” Sociological Forum 5 (Sept. 1990): 413–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Harding, Sandra, “Standpoint Epistemology (a Feminist Version): How Social Disadvantage Creates Epistemic Advantage” in Social Theory and Sociology: The Classics and Beyond, ed. Turner, Stephen P. (Cambridge, MA, 1996): 146–60Google Scholar.

¹⁷ On the interconnection of immigration and imperialism, Jacobson, Matthew Frye, Barbarian Virtues: The United States Encounters Foreign Peoples at Home and Abroad, 1876–1917 (New York, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Lengermann and Niebrugge, “Thrice Told,” 103.

¹⁹ Ibid., 110. See also Lengermann, Patrica Maddo and Niebrugge, Gillian, The Women Founders: Sociology and Social Theory, 1830–1930, A Text with Readings (Boston, 1998)Google Scholar. On pragmatism's via media between theory and practice, Kloppenberg, James, Uncertain Victory: Social Democracy and Progressivism in European and American Thought, 1870–1920 (New York, 1986)Google Scholar.

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²¹ I have found no evidence that Balch was taught directly by the pragmatists in Chicago, although she did spend considerable time in the orbit of Hull-House and Jane Addams. She also knew John Dewey's brother Davis, who taught at MIT, and her diaries indicate that she read William James, Dewey, and Henry Carter Adams at various points in her education. Her fluid conception of truth and experimentation suggests her affinity with pragmatism. On the ambiguous relationship between feminism and pragmatism, see Livingston, James, Pragmatism, Feminism, and Democracy: Rethinking the Politics of American History (New York, 2001), 71–72Google Scholar.

²² For example, Emily G. Balch, “Racial Contact and Cohesions as Factors in the Unconstrained Fabric of a World at Peace,” The Survey, Mar. 6, 1915.

²³ Giddings convinced Balch to switch from literature to economics and pursue graduate studies, especially after her reading of Jacob Riis's How The Other Half Lives (1890), the winter after her graduation.

²⁴ Balch, Emily G., “Personal Notes,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 1 (Oct. 1890), 295Google Scholar.

²⁵ Balch, Emily G., “Public Assistance of the Poor in France,” Publications of the American Economic Association 8 (July–Sept. 1893): 9–179Google Scholar. This work received a positive review from Foley, Caroline, The Economic Journal 3 (Dec. 1893): 676–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Emily Balch Notebook, Jan. 31, 1891, Emily Greene Balch Papers, Swarthmore College Peace Collection.

²⁷ “Program of School of Applied Ethics,” International Journal of Ethics (July 1891): 483–94Google Scholar.

²⁸ Lasch, Christopher, The New Radicalism in America, 1888–1963: The Intellectual as Social Type (New York, 1965), 11Google Scholar. Casey Blake quotes Waldo Frank's view of Adler's Society for Ethical Culture as an “adulterate religion,” that, in Blake's words, served as a “way station on the road to secularism.” Blake, Beloved Community: The Cultural Criticism of Randolph Bourne, Van Wyck Brooks, and Lewis Mumford (Chapel Hill, 1990), 30Google Scholar.

²⁹ Lengermann and Niebrugge, “Thrice Told,” 98–99.

³⁰ James, William, Essays in Pragmatism (New York, 1907), 161Google Scholar. While James had not fully developed his concept of pragmatism until the early 1900s, his ideas already exerted considerable influence on Balch's intellectual milieu and on American reform thought through writings as varied as Principles of Psychology (1890) and The Will to Believe (1896). Richardson, Robert D., William James in the Maelstrom of American Modernism (Boston, 2006)Google Scholar.

³¹ See Neil Gross, “Pragmatism, Phenomenology, and Twentieth-Century American Sociology” in Sociology in America, ed. Calhoun, 183–224; Giddens, Anthony, Social Theory and Modern Sociology (Cambridge, 1987), 20Google Scholar.

³² In a diary entry from October 1, 1893, Balch mused about the dilemmas facing educated women with parental support during difficult economic times. She felt “torn between the desire to be useful, to use my faculties to what I ought at present and what I must probably in future in regard to money making, and at the time not to pain Papa with absence or disliked plans … My practical course seemed barred by lack of theoretical conclusions as to what the idea of a woman's life should be, the ethics of money making and of work confused between belief that every member of the community should work and work a full share and the feeling that in present conditions to work often meant to deprive another of employment unless the work was purely voluntary.” Diary, Series III: Writings, Balch Papers.

³³ Balch, who fell under the influence of Jane Addams's pragmatism, nevertheless did not have any early contact in Chicago with George Herbert Mead or John Dewey, despite having studied with Davis Dewey at MIT. Lewis, J. David and Smith, Richard L., American Sociology and Pragmatism: Mead, Chicago Sociology, and Symbolic Interactionism (Chicago, 1980)Google Scholar, 227 & append. 2, 272–85.

³⁴ Kloppenberg, Uncertain Victory, 210–11; Eisenach, Eldon J., “Progressive Internationalism” in Progressivism and the New Democracy, eds. Milkis, Sidney M. and Mileur, Jerome M. (Amherst, 1999), 234–36Google Scholar; Ross, Origins of American Social Science, 143–71; Cohen, Nancy, The Reconstruction of American Liberalism, 1865–1914 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2002), ch 5Google Scholar.

³⁵ Ross, Origins of American Social Science, 117; Furner, Mary O., Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865–1905 (Lexington, KY, 1975)Google Scholar. Coats, A. W., “The Professionalization of the Social Sciences,” Journal of American Studies 12 (Aug. 1978): 227–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ Alan Sica, “Defining Disciplinary Identity: The Historiography of U.S. Sociology” in Sociology in America, ed. Calhoun, 719.

³⁷ On Balch's year in Berlin, Gwinn, Kristin E., Emily Greene Balch: The Long Road to Internationalism (Urbana, IL, 2010), 37–47Google Scholar.

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⁴⁰ Frisby, David, Georg Simmel (London, 2002), 35–36Google Scholar, describes Simmel's “salon.” Simmel, for his part, expressed discomfort with the large numbers of women in his lectures. Frisby, David, Sociological Impressionism: A Reassessment of Georg Simmel's Social Theory (London, 1992), 17–18Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Levine, Donald N., Carter, Ellwood B., and Gorman, Eleanor Miller, “Simmel's Influence on American Sociology,” American Journal of Sociology 81 (Jan. 1976): 813–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴³ Balch, Emily G., “International Social [Socialist] Workers and Trade Union Congress,” Lincoln House Review 2 (Nov. 1896): 107–14Google Scholar, copy in Miscellaneous Writings, Balch Papers.

⁴⁴ Menand, Louis, The Metaphysical Club: A Story of Ideas in America (New York, 2001), 313Google Scholar. On Addams's belief that radical democracy could obviate the class conflict of Marxism, see Lengermann and Niebrugge, “Thrice Told,” 98–101.

⁴⁵ Balch, “Draft: Autobiography,” box 20, Balch Papers.

⁴⁶ Ross, Origins of American Social Science, 162–68.

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⁵² Addams, Jane, Twenty Years at Hull-House (New York, 1910), 236Google Scholar, attributes the expression “reconstruction of experience” directly to Dewey. On the need to “socialize democracy,” Addams, “The Objective Value of a Social Settlement,” (1892) in The Jane Addams Reader, ed. Elshtain, Jean Bethke (New York, 2002), 14–28Google Scholar

⁵³ Fischer, Marilyn, “Addams's Internationalist Pacifism and the Rhetoric of Maternalism,” NWSA Journal 18 (Fall 2006): 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ Preface to the second edition, Ritchie, David G., Darwinism and Politics (London, 1890)Google Scholar, iii.

⁵⁵ On Balch's teaching, Glasscock, Jean, ed., Wellesley College 1875–1975: A Century of Women (Wellesley, MA, 1975), 100Google Scholar, 145.

⁵⁶ Dimand, “Emily Greene Balch, Political Economist.”

⁵⁷ Jevons, William Stanley, The Theory of Political Economy (London, 1871)Google Scholar; and Jevons, The State in Relation to Labour (London, 1882)Google Scholar. On marginalism in the United States, see Sklansky, The Soul's Economy, 171–74; Cohen, The Reconstruction of American Liberalism, 188–92; Sklar, Martin J., The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890–1916 (Cambridge, 1988), 68–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Livingston, James, Pragmatism and the Political Economy of Cultural Revolution, 1850–1940 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1994), 49–56Google Scholar.

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⁵⁹ Randall, Improper Bostonian, 108.

⁶⁰ Balch, Emily G., “Acceptance and Transcendence of Socialism” in Beyond Nationalism: The Social Thought of Emily Greene Balch, ed. Randall, Mercedes (New York, 1972), 48–50Google Scholar. On Marx's theory of surplus value, see Balch quoted in Randall, Improper Bostonian, 124. On her state commission work, ibid., 112–14.

⁶¹ Henry Cabot Lodge, “Efforts to Restrict Undesirable Immigration,” Century Magazine, Jan. 1904, 466–69.

⁶² Pula, James, “American Immigration Policy and the Dillingham Commission,” Polish American Studies 37 (Spring 1980): 5–8Google Scholar; Zeidel, Robert F., Immigrants, Progressives, and Exclusion Politics: The Dillingham Commission, 1900–1927 (DeKalb, IL, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁶³ Balch, Emily G., “Review of Der nationale Besitzstand in Bohmen,” Political Science Quarterly 21 (Mar. 1906): 155–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Rauchberg, see Cornwall, Mark, “The Struggle on the Czech-German Language Border, 1880–1940,” English Historical Review 109 (Sept. 1994): 914–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ Masaryk's interpretation of Marx may have affected Balch the most. He had concluded by 1899 that while socialism was ethically more appealing, the materialist philosophy that often underpinned it was a dead end. Like Balch and Addams, he contended that changing economic structures and greater interdependence of people, not class conflict or other forms of antagonism, would produce new social realities. Masaryk, Tomas, Otázka sociální [The Social Question] (Prague, 1898)Google Scholar. The long friendship with Masaryk is recounted in Randall, Improper Bostonian, 124–25.

⁶⁵ Gerstle, Gary, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 2001)Google Scholar. Balch's argument does not feature in Gerstle, “Liberty, Coercion, and the Making of Americans,” Journal of American History 84 (Sept. 1997): 524–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ Tarde, Gabriel, Les lois de l'imitation (Paris, 1890)Google Scholar. Tarde's influence on early American sociology is discussed in Sklansky, The Soul's Economy, 192–93.

⁶⁷ A. B. Faust, The Economic Bulletin 3 (Sep. 1910): 298–305; Kelsey, Carl, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 37 (Jan. 1911): 233Google Scholar; Journal of Political Economy 19 (May 1911): 434; McKenzie, F. N. in American Journal of Sociology 17 (July 1911): 125–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁸ Craig Calhoun, “Sociology in America: An Introduction” in Sociology in America, ed. Calhoun, 16. The leading French history of sociology also refers to it as “the first great empirical research in American sociology.” Simon, Pierre-Jean, Histoire de la sociologie: tradition et foundation (Paris, 1991), 752Google Scholar. For an example of this hyperbole at the time, see Faris, Ellsworth, “Review of The Polish Peasant in Europe and America by William I Thomas and Florian Znaniecki,” American Journal of Sociology 33 (Mar. 1918): 816–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ The concept of attitude appeared in Thomas's 1907 studies of the psychology of sex. It was intended as a conceptual mediator between the individual and the environment, a description of individual consciousness as it adjusts to the external world. See Ross, Origins of American Social Science, 350.

⁷⁰ Thomas, William I. and Znaniecki, Florian Witold, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918–20; New York, 1958), 18, 271Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Balch, “Review of The Polish Peasant in Europe and American by William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki,” Survey 40 (May 1918): 166Google Scholar.

⁷² Despite its positive reviews in 1910, Balch's book received no mention, for example, in Small, Albion's “Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States (1865–1915),” American Journal of Sociology 21 (May 1916): 721–864CrossRefGoogle Scholar, nor in his Origins of Sociology (New York, 1924)Google Scholar. She is also absent (along with Addams and Kelley) from the massive postwar anthology, Parsons, Talcott, Shils, Edward, Naegele, Kapsar D., and Pitts, Jesse R., eds., Theories of Society: Foundations of Modern Sociological Theory (New York, 1961)Google Scholar.

⁷³ Smith, Dennis, The Chicago School: A Liberal Critique of Capitalism (New York, 1988), 109CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ Mostwin, Danuta, “Thomas and Znaniecki's The Polish Peasant in Europe and America: Survival of the Book,” Polish American Studies 50 (Spring 1993): 75–84Google Scholar; Wiley, Norbert, “Early American Sociology and the Polish Peasant,” Sociological Theory 4 (Spring 1986): 20–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Balch, Emily G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1910)Google Scholar, vii.

⁷⁶ Ross, Origins of American Social Science, 353–55.

⁷⁷ Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, 397–99, 424–25.

⁷⁸ Boas, Franz, “Race Problems in America,” Science 29 (May 1909)CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. Balch gave a cautiously favorable review to a 1912 collection of essays edited by Jeremiah Jenks and W. Jett Lauck entitled The Immigration Problem, which included an important essay by Boas. The book, a de facto summary of the work of the Dillingham Commission, argued that the most extreme racial fears generated by American nativists were perhaps misplaced but that some form of restriction was warranted if only to protect “native labor.” Balch, Emily G., “Review of J. W. Jenks and W. J. Lauck, ‘The Immigration Problem,’” Political Science Quarterly 27 (Sept. 1912): 549–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Despite her sympathetic views on immigrants, Balch was nevertheless in roundtable discussions of the restrictionist debate. See Balch et al. , “Restriction of Immigration—Discussion,” American Economic Review 2 (Mar. 1912): 63–78Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Balch, Emily G., “Oesterreichische Fragen in Amerikanischer Beleuchtung,” Der Weg: Wochenschrift für Politik und Kultur (1906), 6–7Google Scholar, Miscellaneous Writings, Balch Papers. I am grateful to Bettina Koschade for the translation.

⁸⁰ Balch, Emily G., “Race Contacts and Cohesions” in The Overthrow of the War System, ed. Mead, Lucia Ames (Boston, 1915), 135–36Google Scholar. In an unpublished review of Madison Grant's The Passing of the Great Race or the Racial Basis of European History (1916), she wrote, “Rash is the man who passes lightly from skull measurements to the vast unprovable sociological and historical generalizations. The pseudo-science of Gobineau and Houston-Chamberlain and the tics which make it the function of the strong man to purge the world [of] the weak might, one hoped, have by this time have gone out of date.” Miscellaneous Writings, Balch Papers.

⁸¹ Emily G. Balch, “Toward a Planetary Civilization,” (1942), in Randall, Beyond Nationalism, 163.

⁸² Quoted in Herman, Sondra, “Internationalism as a Current in the Peace Movement” in Peace Movements in America, ed. Chatfield, Charles (New York, 1973), 173Google Scholar.

⁸³ Schott, Linda, Reconstructing Women's Thoughts: The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom before World War II (Stanford, 1997), 40Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ On the Noordam that took her across the Atlantic, Balch prepared herself for understanding peace by reading Anatole France's Monsieur Begeret à Paris, Kant's essay on “Eternal Peace,” and Bertha von Suttner's Die Waffen Nieder. She also worked on a Dutch translation of Julia Grace Wales's concept of “continuous mediation.” Randall, Improper Bostonian, 150.

⁸⁵ See esp. Knock, Thomas, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order (New York, 1992), 52Google Scholar. On the women's missions in Europe and meetings with Wilson and his entourage, see Patterson, David, The Search for Negotiated Peace: Women's Activism and Citizen Diplomacy in World War I (New York, 2008), 51–152Google Scholar. For documentation of these meetings, Woodrow Wilson to Edith Bolling Galt, Aug. 18, 1915; Balch to Addams, Aug. 19, 1915; Robert Lansing to Wilson, Sept. 1, 1915; and Wilson to Lansing, Sept. 1, 1915; Woodrow Wilson Papers, vol. 34 (1915), 243, 250–52, 397–99; House to Wilson, July 17, 1915; and House to Wilson, July 19, 1915, WWP, 33 (1915), 516, 532–33; Addams, Jane, Peace and Bread in Time of War (1922; Urbana, IL, 2002), 17Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Balch, Emily G., “Working for Peace,” Bryn Mawr Alumnae Bulletin 13 (May, 1933), 78Google Scholar. Even after the disappointments of the Paris Peace, Balch, in her capacity as secretary of the WILPF, wrote to Wilson praising him for having established the League of Nations. For all its flaws, she argued, the very existence of a permanent international secretariat created the beginnings of a “new type of public servant.” Balch to Wilson, Jan. 9, 1921, 1920 correspondence, Balch Papers.

⁸⁷ Balch, Emily G., “The Time to Make Peace,” Survey 35 (Oct, 1915): 24–25Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ “International Colonial Administration” (1916), pamphlet issued by the Stockholm Neutral Conference, in Randall, Beyond Nationalism, 87–91.

⁸⁹ “A Memorial to the President of the United States by the American Union Against Militarism” [May 8, 1916]; “A Colloquy with a Group of Antipreparedness Leaders,” May 8, 1916, Woodrow Wilson Papers, vol. 36, 632–48.

⁹⁰ Amos Pinchot to John A. McSparran, Oct. 11, 1917, Amos Pinchot Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.

⁹¹ In his interview with Addams, German Chancellor Theobald Bethmann-Hollweg said that Germans could not easily see the difference between wanting to crush German militarism and wanting to crush Germany. “The army in Germany is part of the government.” Addams reported that the chancellor then “went on to talk in that half mystical way they do—so difficult for us to understand. It is as if their feeling for the army was that of a church for its procession. It was part of it.” Quoted in Randall, Improper Bostonian, 172.

⁹² John Dewey, “Force, Violence and Law,” (1916); and Dewey, “Force and Coercion,” (1916) in John Dewey: The Middle Works: 1899–1924, vol. 10 (Carbondale, IL, 1985), 211–15Google Scholar, 244–51; Emily G. Balch, “The Great Solution,” The Friend (July 16, 1917), in Randall, Beyond Nationalism, 220–21.

⁹³ On the affinity between pragmatism and feminism, Seigfried, Charlene Haddock, Pragmatism and Feminism: Reweaving the Social Fabric (Chicago, 1996)Google Scholar; and Livingston, Pragmatism, Feminism, and Democracy.

⁹⁴ This is a central theoretical debate in feminism that Joan Scott argued some time ago was a false binary between difference and equality. Nonetheless, a generation of feminists articulated this binary in diverse ways precisely because their special claims to service as defenders of family facilitated their access to politics. Scott, Joan W., “Deconstructing Equality-Versus-Difference: Or, the Uses of Post-Structuralist Theory for Feminism,” Feminist Studies 14 (Spring 1988): 33–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Forcey, Linda Rennie, “Women as Peacemakers: Contested Terrain for Feminist Peace Studies,” Peace and Change 16 (Oct. 1991): 331–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Forcey, “Women's Studies, Peace Studies, and the Difference Debate,” Women's Studies Quarterly 23 (Fall/Winter, 1995): 9–14Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Emily G. Balch, “Zurich, May 24, 1919,” Miscellaneous Writings (1919), Balch Papers.

⁹⁶ Balch, “The Habit of Peace,” McCall's Magazine, Feb. 1919; and Balch, “Women's Work for Peace,” The World Tomorrow, Nov. 1922. At about the time that she stepped down from the WILPF, she was working on a book on the “differences and resemblances between groups or individuals.” It was, in effect, a study of the social psychology of identity from an epistemologically radical position that saw identity as the culmination of continuous differentiation and imitation. Here, again, she was influenced by French sociologist Tarde's theory of imitation. See Essay notes, “Connections” (1923), and notes for unpublished book on “a study of the differences and resemblances between groups or individuals” (1923, 1924), Balch Papers.

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