¹ Frances Erving Weston to Edward Osgood Brown, Roxbury, MA, March 12,1903, in Edward Eagle Brown Papers, “Family papers 1900–1959” box, The Newberry Library, Chicago, IL.

² “Edward Osgood Brown Family Record for the Chicago Historical Society,” CHS biography file, November 17, 1920. Brown wrote, “I can carry the line back directly through various branches to thirty-two direct ancestors who came to this country before 1650 or thereabouts” – in other words, all of his great-great-great-grandparents. Among his ancestors were a Massachusetts state senator and Revolutionary War colonels; he was collaterally related to Benjamin Franklin, “my first cousin six times removed.” There are two manuscript copies at the CHS of this sketch, and each has certain information lacking in the other.

³ Andreas, A. T., History of Chicago, vol. Ill (Chicago, 1886), 268.Google Scholar Brown's entry does not appear in all editions.

³ Chicago Defender, April 12, 1913.

⁵ Jeffrey, Julie Roy, The Great Silent Army of Abolitionism: Ordinary Women in the Antislavery Movement (Chapel Hill, 1998), 102–103Google Scholar, on the Salem Female Anti-Slavery Society. Browns appear in the “Vital Records of Salem to 1850,” pages of which were kindly supplied to me by Jennifer Strom, Assistant Librarian at the Salem Public Library, May 1, 2000. The Peabody Essex Museum, unfortunately, “was not able to find any information about E. O. Brown, or his family, in our collection”; letter from Deborah Massa, Library Assistant, Peabody Essex Museum, to author, July 25, 2000.

⁶ Edward Brown [the father] to Lucy Osgood, Salem, MA, February 6, 1860; and “The Records of the Associated Members of the Class of 1863 of the Salem English and Classical High School,” in Brown Papers, “Family Papers 1837–1899” box.

⁷ Andreas, , History, III, 268.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid.; Flinn, John J., comp., Handbook of Chicago Biography (Chicago, 1893), 70–71.Google Scholar

⁹ “Journals of Harvard Law School Assembly,” I (September 14, 1855, to June 12, 1857): 1 (in Harvard Law School Library, Special Collections, Langdell Hall). My thanks for this and several other items to Mary L. Person, Curatorial Associate.

¹⁰ Boston Morning Journal, September 21, 1868.

¹¹ Chicago Broad Ax, May 9, 1903.

¹² Ibid., January 2, 1909.

¹³ Harvard Advocate, October 2, 1868, 29.

¹⁴ Cleveland Gazette, December 15, 1883 and December 4, 1886; Boston Herald, November 20, 1886; A Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Harvard University for the Academical Year 1868–69. First Term (Cambridge, 1868), 54 (Ruffin), 56 (Brown); student record sheets of Ruffin and Brown, Harvard University Archives, Pusey Library (my thanks to Brian Sullivan, Reference Archivist, for this information by letter of September 1, 1999); Contee, Clarence G. Sr., “Ruffin, George L[ewis],” in Dictionary of American Negro Biography, eds., Logan, Rayford W. and Winston, Michael R. (New York, 1982), 535Google Scholar; American Biographical Archive, vol. I, 1395, 79–88.

¹⁵ Chicago Broad Ax, January 2, 1909; Logan and Winston, Dictionary of American Negro Biography, 535–36; Arroyo, Elizabeth Fortson, “Ruffin, Josephine St. Pierre,” in Black Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia, vol II, eds., Hine, Dartene Clark, Brown, Elsa Barkley, and Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn (Bloomington, IN, 1993), 994–97.Google Scholar

¹⁶ New York Catholic World, vol. I, April 1865, through vol. V, 1869.

¹⁷ Aliitt, Patrick, Catholic Converts: British and American Intellectuals Turn to Rome (Ithaca, 1997), 68–70Google Scholar; O'Brien, David J., Isaac Hecker: An American Catholic (New York, 1992), 71.Google Scholar Allitt also notes the friendships of Hecker and Orestes Brownson; of Brownson's with Emerson, Thoreau, William Ellery Channing, and Theodore Parker; and of Hecker's with leading “liberal” Catholics in England including Richard Simpson, Lord Acton, and St. George Mivart (92–93, 111–12). On converts to Catholicism, including Hecker, Brownson, and Eliza Allen Starr (aunt of Ellen Gates Starr, co-founder of Hull-House), see Rose, Anne C., “Some Private Roads to Rome: The Role of Families in American Victorian Conversions to Catholicism,” Catholic Historical Review 85 (January 1999): 35–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Hecker died in 1888 in quite orthodox circumstances. His disciple Walter Elliott then published a biography of him which, when translated into French by Abbé Felix Klein, triggered the papal condemnation of “Americanism” in 1899.

¹⁸ My thanks to Monique J. Marcotte, Secretary at St. Patrick Church, Providence; Bertha A. Lynch, Secretary at St. Mary Church, Providence; Veronica Lima, Diocese of Providence Archives; James O'Toole of Boston College, who searched the records of the Cambridge parishes for me; and Paulists Lawrence V. McDonnell, C.S.P. (who is writing a biography of Walter Elliott) and Michael E. Evernden, C.S.P., Director, Paulist Office of Media Relations, New York City.

¹⁹ Farina, John, An American Experience of God: The Spirituality of Isaac Hecker (New York, 1981), 123.Google Scholar Farina writes “Among Hecker's more effective lectures were ‘The Church and the Republic…’ ‘How and Why I Became a Catholic…’ ‘A Search after Rational Christianity,’” etc. (124). O'Brien, Isaac Hecker: An American Catholic, has him lecturing in Hartford in 1868 (198). Hecker also lectured in Detroit in 1868, where Elliott, twenty-six, back from a Confederate prison camp and just beginning to practice law, heard him speak and immediately followed him. On Elliott, see McSorley, Joseph, Father Hecker and His Friends: Studies and Reminiscences (St. Louis, 1952), 237–53Google Scholar; Tender, Leslie Woodcock, Seasons of Grace: A History of the Catholic Archdiocese of Detroit (Detroit, 1990), 290–93Google Scholar; Elliott Papers, Paulist House of Study, Washington, D.C.; Curtis, Georgina Pell, ed., The American Catholic Who's Who (St. Louis, 1911), 188Google Scholar; Chicago New World, September 18, 1897; Elliott, Walter, “The Experiences of a Missionary,” Catholic World 58 (1893–1894), 264, 389, 578.Google Scholar

²⁰ Brown, Edward O., “The Shore of Lake Michigan: A Paper Read Before the Law Club of the City of Chicago April 25, 1902,” 6.Google Scholar This forty-seven page paper, a copy of which is in the Chicago Historical Society, goes into fascinating detail on legislation and litigation to preserve the lake front, from the Chicago River northward, for public use. Episodes include the foiling of a corrupted Commissioner of the U.S. land office and the schemes of “that somewhat picturesque and exceedingly disreputable character known as Capt. Streeter, George Wellington,” whose “plain, unvarnished story…is nothing but the story of very squalid, commonplace swindling” (29–30).Google Scholar

²¹ Brown's defense of the constitutionality of the Sanitary District and the Probate Court, and his other important cases, are mentioned in Palmer, John M., The Bench and Bar of Illinois: Historical and Reminiscent (Chicago, 1899), 282–83Google Scholar and Crossley, Frederic B., Courts and Lawyers of Illinois, vol. II (Chicago, 1916), 448–49.Google Scholar My thanks to Ellen Skerrett for these references.

²² Edward Eagle Brown (known as “Ned”) was also one of the ten American delegates (and the sole banker) to the Bretton Woods Monetary Conference of 1944, which set up the International Monetary Fund and other aspects of the post-World War II world monetary system. Ned Brown followed his father as a Democrat, serving as a precinct captain in the 1912 Wilson campaign and supporting Franklin Delano Roosevelt's fourth-term re-election in 1944, but not as a Catholic. At his death on August 24, 1959, Ned Brown's funeral took place in Rockefeller Chapel of the University of Chicago, with eulogy by Chancellor Lawrence Kimpton, who remarked on Ned's “monumental integrity” but that “Ned once told me that he did not believe in a life after death.” In his “Family Record for the Archives of the Chicago Historical Society,” Ned wrote “none” for “Church affiliation” and he was buried in non-Catholic Graceland Cemetery. Obituary, Chicago Tribune, August 25, 1959. Also, Chicago Tribune profile, January 5, 1952.

²³ Andreas, , History of Chicago, III, 268.Google Scholar

²⁴ In addition to Brown's biographical sketch in Andreas, see Flinn, , Handbook of Chicago Biography, 70–71Google Scholar; Marquis, Albert Nelson, ed., The Book of Chicagoans: A Biographical Dictionary of Leading Living Men of the City of Chicago (Chicago, 1911), 90Google Scholar; ibid., (1917), 89.

²⁵ Brown, Edward Osgood, “Biographical Sketch of Hon. John Peter Altgeld, Twentieth Governor of Illinois…read before The Chicago Historical Society, December 5, 1905” (Chicago, ca. 1906), 27–28.Google Scholar

²⁶ Avrich, Paul, The Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton, 1984), 417.Google Scholar

²⁷ Browne, Waldo R., Altgeld of Illinois: A Record of His Life and Work (New York, 1924), 24.Google Scholar

²⁸ Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, 338–39Google Scholar, 417; Browne, , Altgeld of Illinois, 26Google Scholar; Barnard, Harry, Eagle Forgotten: The Life of John Peter Altgeld (Indianapolis, 1938), 117Google Scholar (footnoting Chicago Tribune, November 9, 1887).

²⁹ Avrich, 416, 419–25.

³⁰ Barnard, , Eagle Forgotten, 239Google Scholar, footnoting a letter from Brown to Schilling, June 28, 1893. Schilling was a prominent labor leader. Barnard refers to Brown as Altgeld's “first Chicago friend” more than once in his book.

³¹ Brown to Gary, Joseph E., [no date, probably late June] 1893Google Scholar, in Brown Papers, “Family Papers 1837–1899” box.

³² Brown, , “Biographical Sketch of John Peter Altgeld,” 30–31.Google Scholar

³³ Newspaper clippings, box 4, Brown Papers.

³⁴ Henry George to Rev. Dawson, Thomas (in London), New York, December 23, 1892.Google Scholar The whole letter reads: “Something wonderful has happened on this side of the water. The Pope has quietly but effectively sat down on the ultramontane Toryism of prelates like Archbishop Corrigan. Their fighting of the public school has been stopped. Dr. McGlynn is to be restored and the fighting of the single tax as opposed to Catholicism effectually ended. I will send you a straw from the Archbishop's organ which will be to you of very great significance…I have for some time believed Leo XIII to be a very great man; but this transcends my highest anticipations. Whether he will ever read my letter I cannot tell, but he has been acting as though he had not only read it, but had recognized its force. If this policy is continued it will tremendously increase the growth of the Catholic Church in the United States.” In Papers, Henry George, New York Public Library, microfilm reel 5.Google Scholar

³⁵ For a survey, see McAvoy, Thomas T., The Great Crisis in American Catholic History, 1895–1900 (Chicago, 1957).Google Scholar

³⁶ Barker, Charles Albro, Henry George (New York, 1955), 575Google Scholar (quote); 571–77 on the George/McGlynn/Leo XIII connections. The Brown quote also appears in Abell, Aaron I., “The Reception of Leo XIII's Labor Encyclical in America, 1891–1919,” Review of Politics 1 (October 1945): 477Google Scholar, with a footnote to Henry George's newspaper, The Standard, August 12 and November 18, 1891. For a detailed exposition, see Green, James Jeremiah, “The Impact of Henry George's Theories on American Catholics” (Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame [under Abell's direction], 1956)Google Scholar: Brown is mentioned on iii, 253–57, 285–90, 325, 330. On Corrigan reading about McGlynn's reinstatement in a newspaper, see Andreassi, Anthony D., “Fighting Ed McGlynn,” Commonweal (September 22, 2000): 31Google Scholar; and (cited in Green, 276), Zwierlein, Frederick J., Letters of Archbishop Corrigan to Bishop McQuaid and Allied Documents (Rochester, NY, 1946), 137–38.Google Scholar

³⁷ Talk to Loyola School of Sociology, no date but perhaps 1915 (since he refers to “this lamentable war,” meaning World War I), in Brown Papers, box 1, vol. 2, no. 7.

³⁸ Records of the Chicago Single Tax Club, folder 2 (General Meetings Minutes I, July 1894 to March 1897), Special Collections, University of Illinois at Chicago, regarding the meeting of October 26, 1894, when McGlynn spoke, and December 21, 1894, when the Club passed resolutions congratulating McGlynn, “our modern Athanasius,” on his reinstatement; also, New World, November 3, 1894. The Chicago Single Tax Club existed from at least 1892 to 1912, and Brown was president at least part ofthat time. It supported Altgeld in 1892. In 1894 it unanimously adopted the platform of the Illinois People's [Populist] party. Brown spoke to the Club several times in the 1890s; other well-known speakers included John R. Commons, Clarence Darrow, Louis F. Post, Henry Demarest Lloyd, Emil Hirsch, Lyman Gage, Isaac Hourwich, E.W. Bemis, Wm. H. “Coin” Harvey, Judge (later governor) Edward F. Dunne, and “Rev. J.E. Ford, pastor of the Bethesda Colored Baptist Church.” Several women spoke, and the Club had at least one female member. Chicago Single Tax Club Records.

³⁹ Malone, Sylvester L., Dr. Edward McGlynn (reprint ed., New York, 1978), 122.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Brown to George, 617 First National BankBuilding, Chicago, [late 1892], in George Papers, NY Public Library. The letter is marked “Ans. Jan 2nd 1893” though that reply is in neither the George nor the Brown papers. The letter reads, “My dear Mr. George, I wish to express to you my great enjoyment of your new book. It could not be more cogent, forcible, and convincing. It is a reinforcement in their fight which I hope our religious teachers will not undervalue. I am very much interested in the McGlynn matter. Do you think he ‘recanted’ or made any unmanly acknowledgments? If not, despite his course in later years, his reinstatement is a matter it seems to be devoutly thankful for. I have sent the Perplexed Philosopher [George's new book, an argument against Herbert Spencer] to several of my Catholic friends lay & clerical, and I am anxiously awaiting the result on their merits! Cordially yours, E O Brown.”

⁴¹ Chicago New World, December 4 and 11, 1897. Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch also spoke. Not all Catholics, even on the “liberal” side, were fully sympathetic. John A. Ryan, American Catholicism's leading theologian on the rights of labor, expressed serious reservations about Georgeism in his pamphlet published by the Paulists, , Henry George and Private Property (New York, 1910)Google Scholar, and Brown's Paulist uncle-by-marriage, Walter Elliott, “was never enamored of McGlynn's ways but did not approve of Corrigan's treatment of him.” Hecker himself “was shocked by the excommunication of McGlynn”; Isacsson, Alfred, The Determined Doctor: The Story of Edward McGlynn (Tarrytown, NY, 1990), 340, 263.Google Scholar Brown may not have known, but would have approved, of McGlynn's concern “for the care of American blacks,” as when McGlynn petitioned the bishops in 1866 “for a vicar general for blacks with power to send priests from any diocese to aid in this work. The proposal was tabled.” (Isacsson, 46).

⁴² Broad Ax, November 16, 1901. The editor of the Broad Ax, Julius Taylor, was a Democrat. The editor of the Defender, the now better-known (because longer-lived) black paper in Chicago, Robert Abbott, was Republican.

⁴³ Abell, Aaron I., American Catholicism and Social Action: A Search for Social Justice, 1865–1950 (Notre Dame, IN, 1963), 113.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Chicago Tribune, September 6, 1893.

⁴⁵ Green, , “Impact of Henry George's Theories on American Catholics,” 285–90Google Scholar (quote, 290). Brown, Green calls “Chicago's most outspoken Catholic single taxer,” 285.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Brown, , “The Rights of Labor, a paper read before the Columbian Catholic Congress, September 5, 1893” (Chicago, 1893), 3.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Not all of these speeches and papers are dated. By a rough count, about fifteen were on racial prejudice and the need for racial equality; another fifteen on historical topics (early Massachusetts, Mackinac Island) or biography (Marquette, Stephen A. Douglas, Lincoln, etc.); ten on the single tax; ten on technical legal questions; six on specifically Catholic issues such as education; three on labor, three promoting Altgeld, four against war or condemning imperialism in the Philippines, and over a dozen at the Massachusetts Club of Chicago and the Chicago Literary Club. Brown also corresponded or authored several items in Benjamin F. Tucker's radical (now libertarian) periodical, Liberty, defending the Single Tax in the issue of April 18, 1896, and that of May 16, 1896, where he wrote, “I am sorry to be classed by you among the dangerous opponents of liberty, for I hold it to be the one thing of supreme importance to mankind…. I am a firm believer in the right of all men to equal liberty.”

⁴⁸ Helen's brothers operated a substantial grocery at 68 and 70 Wabash Avenue, H. and Eagle, J., “with a large city and country trade,” according to New World, January 25, 1896.Google Scholar See advertisements for the store in New World, March 3 and 31, June 20, 1894. Helen had four brothers, all associated in the family business, and three sisters: Frances, the oldest of the eight, a nun of the Religious of the Sacred Heart (b. Detroit 1855, d. St. Joseph, MO, 1908; file EAG 6791, National Archives of Society of the Sacred Heart, St. Louis, MO, and Lettres Annuelles, Western Province, 1906–1908, vol. III, 167–69Google Scholar, courtesy of Elizabeth Farley, RSCJ, archivist, by letter to Suellen Hoy, St. Louis, February 5, 1999); one in New York City; and one in Pasadena, CA. Her brother Edgar died at forty-three in 1894, and the Catholic bishop of Dallas and many clergy were present at the funeral; the chancellor of the Chicago diocese, P.J. Muldoon, gave the sermon; Walter Elliott said the Mass; the pallbearers were prominent Chicagoans. New World, April 28, 1894. The family moved to Chicago about 1865 (sketch of Eagle, Harry R., New World, January 25, 1896Google Scholar).

⁴⁹ Marriage License 83098, Cook County Clerk's office; Marriage Record, Holy Name Cathedral, in Bernardin Archives and Records Center of the Archdiocese of Chicago.

⁵⁰ Quitclaim deed, Ursula Lozon to Edward O. Brown, March 12, 1887, and Warranty deed, Edward O. Brown to Helen Gertrude Brown, July 1, 1887, in Mackinac County Clerk's office, St. Ignace, MI. The house, now painted turquoise, still stands, and is the home of Margaret and Pierce Cunningham, the daughter and son-in-law of Mr. and Mrs. R.D. Musser, owners of the Grand Hotel on Mackinac Island (R.D. Musser to me, Mackinac Island, June 11, 1998: “We raised our family there and have owned it since the mid-1950's.” Mr. Musser also very kindly photocopied and sent me an album of photographs left in the house by Judge and Mrs. Brown.)

⁵¹ They were: Edward Eagle Brown, b. June 4, 1885, m. Phyllis Wyatt; Helen Dolton Brown, b. January 13, 1887, m. Lawrence W. Haggerty; Walter Elliott Brown, b. August 12, 1888 and d. March 26, 1974, on Mackinac Island and buried there, an Annapolis graduate and later Captain, U.S.N., m. Carolina Sarmiento; Robert Osgood Brown, b. February 15, 1890, physician in Santa Fe, NM; Mary Wilmarth Brown, b. September 15, 1891, m. John W. Brown. The last child was named after the Browns' friend, Mary Wilmarth, widow of Henry Wilmarth (d. 1885), a successful real-estate investor and an original stockholder in the First National Bank of Chicago (see Andreas, , History of Chicago, III, 96Google Scholar). The Wilmarth's daughter Anna married Harold Ickes, Chicago lawyer and Franklin D. Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior. The “W” in the name of Senator Nelson W. Aldrich of Rhode Island, Republican majority leader of the U.S. Senate in the Progressive era, stood for “Wilmarth,” but any relationship of him to Henry is unclear, and any connection of him to progressive-era reform is simply absent. Mary Wilmarth was a friend and benefactress of Ellen Gates Starr, the co-founder with Jane Addams of Hull-House. Mary Wilmarth's obituary in the Chicago Tribune, August 27, 1919, states that “It was at Mrs. Wilmarth's home that Jane Addams first unfolded her plan of establishing Hull-House, and Mrs. Wilmarth was a member of the first board of trustees” (indeed, its first president). Addams', Twenty Years at Hull-House, (New York, 1910), 54Google Scholar, confirms that she broached “our new little plan” during “a spirited evening at the home of Mrs. Wilmarth.” A letter fromMary Wilmarth, Lake Geneva, WI, October 16, 1916, to Starr (in Starr Papers, Smith College, Northampton, MA) reads in part, “The E. O. Browns – father and daughters spent yesterday with me – plenty of good talk to stimulate.” See also “Address of Miss Jane Addams at the Funeral of Mrs. Mary Jane Wilmarth, at the residence of Mr. Harold L. Ickes,” August 30, 1919, in Ickes Papers, Library of Congress. Further information on Mary Wilmarth and her relations with Starr and Addams may be found in Morgan, Anna, My Chicago (Chicago, 1918), 140–41Google Scholar; Beadle, Muriel, The Fortnightly of Chicago: The City and Its Women: 1873–1973 (Chicago, 1973), 80–81Google Scholar; Stebner, Eleanor J., The Women of Hull House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany, 1997), 61–63Google Scholar, 147; Diliberto, Gioia, A Useful Woman: The Early Life of Jane Addams (New York, 1999), 245–46Google Scholar; Weinberg, Lila, “Wilmarth, Mary J. Hawes,” in Women Building Chicago, 1790–1990: A Biographical Dictionary, eds., Schultz, Rima Lunin and Hast, Adele (Bloomington, IN, 2001): 982–86.Google Scholar

⁵² “To Show a Novel Tenement,” Chicago Tribune, February 20, 1900. Thanks to Ellen Skerrett for this reference.

⁵³ Chicago Tribune, December 1, 1912 (story, “House of Good Shepherd Plans Exhibit This Week”); House of the Good Shepherd Newsletter, November 16, 1997; Hoy, Suellen, “Caring for Chicago's Women and Girls: The Sisters of the Good Shepherd, 1859–1911,” Journal of Urban History 23 (March 1997): 260–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ McCartin, James P., “Chicago's Visitation and Aid Society and the Development of Catholic Progressivism, 1888–1911” (unpublished seminar paper, University of Notre Dame, 1998).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Chicago Tribune, December 14, 1892; Chicago New World, November 17, 1895; November 15 and 28, 1896; November 13, 1897; October 5, 1901; December 19, 1903. Timothy A. Hurley, later ajudge in Chicago and, with the better-known “Children's Judge” Ben Lindsey of Denver, an officer of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections, spearheaded the passage of the Illinois Juvenile Court Act in 1899. See McCartin, “Chicago's Visitation and Aid Society”; also First Annual Report (1890) and subsequent reports of the Visitation and Aid Society. As an example of its work, Hurley reported in 1900 that “fully half the dependent children and probably as large a part of the delinquent children in the city are Catholics. To care for these is our especial and almost our exclusive privilege….[W]e send children to the St. Mary's Industrial School at Feehanville, the Chicago Industrial School for Girls at Forty-ninth street and Prairie avenue, St. Vincent's Orphan Asylum, St. Joseph's Provident Orphan Asylum, St. Elizabeth's Hospital and several other institutions. On this account the society is not under the necessity of maintaining a home of its own. Its organizers do not believe in keeping children in institutions longer than is absolutely necessary, but rather in finding homes into which they can be adopted. So we use the institutions as clearing-houses.…During the last year we rendered assistance to 1,606 children, found work for 139 men and women, gave transportation…to 277, sent 269 to hospitals and 213 to the poorhouse, buried twenty-seven, assisted 2,179, procured temporary shelter or help from other societies for 4,322, and disapproved 3,188 other applications”; New World, January 6, 1900.

⁵⁶ From 1889 to 1911, “approximately twenty nuns took responsibility each year for about two hundred dependent girls, mostly first- or second-generation whites and a few mulattos. Nearly all were from poor Catholic families.” Hoy, Suellen, “The Illinois Technical School for Girls: A Catholic Institution on Chicago's South Side, 1911–1953,” Journal of Illinois History 4 (Summer 2001): 104.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ As a home for “dependent black girls between the age of six and sixteen,” the Illinois Technical School “began abruptly as an orphanage, but it evolved gradually into a boarding school for girls ‘of parents of medium or small income or of homes broken by death or divorce.’” See Hoy, , “Illinois Technical School,” 105.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Julius Rosenwald to Most Rev. George W. Mundelein, Chicago, February 22,1917, in Bernardin Archives; ibid., Mundelein to Rosenwald, Chicago, February 24, 1917; ibid., attorney Joseph F. Keany to Mundelein, New York City, February 13, 1917 (“I can see no way to meet the situation other than to repeal the section of the [Illinois] constitution which stands in your way”).

⁵⁹ Thompson, Joseph J., The Archdiocese of Chicago: Antecedents and Development, ch. 28, “Charitable Institutions” (Des Plaines, IL, 1920), 745, 756–57Google Scholar; Kantowicz, Edward R., Corporation Sole: Cardinal Mundelein and Chicago Catholicism (Notre Dame, IN, 1983), 22–24Google Scholar; flyer, “Third Annual Commencement of the Illinois Technical School, 4910 Prairie Avenue, Chicago, Illinois, Sunday, June 20th 1915,” from Archives of Sisters of the Good Shepherd, St. Louis, MO; E.O. Brown to Monsignor Hoban, Chicago, November 12, 1917, which reads: “I have today secured the redocketing of the case of Dunn v. Chicago Industrial School and others in the Circuit Court and then had the injunction dissolved and the bill dismissed at complainant's costs. Dunn's counsel was there and said that they had filed a notice with the clerk of the Supreme Court that they were going to apply for a rehearing. That, however, operated as no stay to the mandate and I doubt very much if they even prepare any petition for a rehearing. If they should do so, they certainly will not, in my opinion, get the rehearing nor any stay upon the petition.”

⁶⁰ New World, February 24, 1894 (Union Catholic Library Assn.); October 17, 1896, January 28, 1897 (Columbus Club); Iowa Catholic Messenger, August 18, 1900 (Marquette); Chicago Inter-Ocean, June 1, 1903 (St. Ann's); Amberg, Mary Agnes, Madonna Center: Pioneer Catholic Social Settlement (Chicago, 1976)Google Scholar, ref. to Brown, not paginated; “The Italian Institute of Chicago,” circular of February 15, 1895, in Hull-House Scrapbooks 3, folder 508, Special Collections, University of Illinois at Chicago (thanks for this to Ellen Skerrett); New World, May 25, 1917 (St. Monica's).

⁶¹ Brown and Lloyd were apparently not especially close, but several letters from Brown to Lloyd are in the Lloyd Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, dated November 17, 1891; May 30, 1893 (“I am obliged to you for coming in yesterday, and am sorry that I missed you”); July 18 and November 17, 1896; and (a condolence to Lloyd's family) October 1903. Destler, Chester McArthur, in his Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia, 1963)Google Scholar connects Lloyd and Brown in 1877 and in 1896: “Lloyd secured funds from New York and Boston and with…Edward Osgood Brown of the Chicago Literary Club, and Franklin MacVeagh, a wholesale grocer, reorganized the local Free-Trade Club. [Brown was a free-trader, steadfastly against tariffs.] Brown brought William Graham Sumner, [David B.] Wells, and Charles Francis Adams, Jr., to lecture in Chicago in 1877” (85). And: “In December 1896 Lloyd convoked a Hull-House Social and Economic Conference to stimulate reform. [Washington] Gladden, Ernest Crosby, John Dewey, and Charles Henderson of the University of Chicago, [Charles G.] Boring, Graham Taylor, Edward O. Brown, and William Douglas of the Chicago Theological Seminary discussed Tolstoian theories, the Social Gospel, Fabianism, cooperation, the Single Tax, social and business ethics, and education's relation to social reform” (427).

⁶² Dreier, Mary E., Margaret Dreier Robins: Her Life, Letters, and Work (New York, 1950), 127.Google Scholar

⁶³ Interview with Phil Porter, Chief Curator of Mackinac State Historie Parks, Mackinac Island, May 29, 1998; Miller, Al, “History of Northern Steamship,” Inland Seas 55 (Spring 1999), esp. 27Google Scholar on passenger steamships between Chicago and Mackinac Island; Kane, William, The Education of Edward Cudahy (Chicago, 1941), 212.Google Scholar On Edith Hamilton, see Forrest Weber, Catherine E., “A Citizen of Athens: Fort Wayne's Edith Hamilton,” Traces of Indiana and Midwestern History 14 (Winter 2002): 38–47Google Scholar, and on Alice, Catherine E. Forrest Weber, “Alice Hamilton, M.D.: Crusader against Death on the Job,” ibid., 7 (Fall 1995), 28–39; also, Sicherman, Barbara, “Hamilton, Alice,” in Schultz, and Hast, , eds., Women Building Chicago 1790–1990, 345–47.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Gottlieb, Robert, “Beyond NEPA and Earth Day: Reconstructing the Past and Envisioning a Future for Environmentalism,” Environmental History Review 19 (Winter 1995): 3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁵ Letter to Agnes Hamilton, in Sicherman, Barbara, Alice Hamilton: A Life in Letters (Cambridge, MA, 1984), 27–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁶ Hamilton, Alice, Exploring the Dangerous Trades: The Autobiography of Alice Hamilton, M.D. (Boston, 1943), 41–42.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Wood, Edwin O., Historic Mackinac (New York, 1918), 90–121Google Scholar, contains Brown's, “The Parish Register at Michilimackinac.” His “Marquette at Michilimackinac” is in Proceedings of the Chicago Historical Society, vol. I (1888–1902), 253, 264–72.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Harrison, Carter H., Stormy Years: The Autobiography of Carter H. Harrison (Indianapolis, 1935), 176–77.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Iroquois Club speech, February 1899, in Brown Papers, Box 1, vol. 3, #12. Zwick, Jim, in the introduction to his edition of Mark Twain's Weapons of Satire: Anti-Imperialist Writings on the Philippine-American War (Syracuse, 1992Google Scholar; accessible on www.boondocksnet.com/ai/twain/deffunst.html), refers to “the prominent anti-imperialist, Edward Osgood Brown,” who wrote the Chicago Evening Post in support of Twain's satirical “Defence of General Funston.”

⁷⁰ Broad Ax, October 6, 1900: “Hon. Edward O. Brown, who stands at the head of his profession, the law, is greatly interested in the election of Col. Wm. J. Bryan. Mr. Brown is president of the Henry George Bryan and [Adlai E.] Stevenson club….In many ways Mr. Brown has proven himself to be a friend to the colored race.” Brown was one of the founders ofthelroquoisClubin 1880. Andreas wrote that the “desire to form…a social club that should be representative of progressive democratic principles, induced a number of leading [D]emocrats, nearly all of whom were prosperous business men, and including a large proportion of young men, to form what is now widely known as the Iroquois Club of Chicago.” Brown was on the committee of five to write the constitution and by-laws, and on the committee of three on “permanent organization.” Andreas, , History of Chicago, III, 268.Google Scholar His positions in 1900 echoed those of 1897, when he urged Iroquois Club Democrats to unite on the money question and fight the Republicans on the Dingley-Aldrich tariff, and also viewed the choice between gold monometallism and gold-silver bimetallism as not fundamental. Liberty (May 1897): 2 and (December 1897): 5. The highly divisive “battle of the standards” seemed to strike Brown as a diversion from more basic questions of liberty and justice.

⁷¹ Iroquois Club speech, October 1900, in Brown Papers, Box 2, vol. 4, #9.

⁷² Appomattox Club speech, 1913 (it is undated but refers to 48 years since Appomattox), Brown Papers, Box 1, vol. 1, #3. Chicago Defender, April 12, 1913, describes the event.

⁷³ Speech to “Political Equality Club,” (1915?), in Brown Papers, Box 1, vol. 2, #1. The “strenuous ex-President was, of course, Theodore Roosevelt, who may also have been the “military madman” Brown referred to in his Appomattox Club speech.

⁷⁴ Paper on “Peace,” in Economic League Quarterly, probably 1915, in Brown Papers, Box 2, vol. 1, #4.

⁷⁵ “Moral Aims of War,” in Brown Papers, Box 3, vol. 1, #4.

⁷⁶ Clippings from Chicago Tribune and Chicago American, in Brown Papers, clippings album, Box 4. Brown read telegrams from Governor Dunne, Senator J. Hamilton Lewis, five Illinois congressmen, and others. Speakers included Addams, Father Peter J. O'Callaghan (a prominent Chicago Paulist priest), Booker T. Washington, Rev. Archibald Carey (“negro pastor of the Institutional Church”), Jenkin Lloyd Jones, and Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch.

⁷⁷ Brown, to “My dear wife,” Chicago, August 5, 1917.Google Scholar This is his only lengthy, truly personal letter in the Brown Papers. In it, Brown reminded Helen that he was writing on his 70th birthday – “a sad day! I have arrived at the appointed limit for the life of man – + a disappointed & defeated career at the very end behind me!” – referring probably to his defeat for judicial re-election in 1915. He also complained that although daughter-in-law Caro and son Walter had dropped him a line, she hadn't.

⁷⁸ Brown, “Foreword” to Levinson, Salmon O., “Outlawry of War. December 25, 1921,” 8–9.Google Scholar Pamphlet in Chicago Historical Society.

⁷⁹ Chicago Tribune, November 8, 1893; June 2, 1903. In 1893 the Catholic paper, the New World (November 4, 1893) supported him (“We know not [!] which ticket he is on – in fact we do not care; our only concern is that he be elected. He is one of the best lawyers in Chicago, but, better qualification still, he is a good, virtuous and high-principled man.” Brown enjoyed the support of the African American Broad Ax throughout his career. See for example, January 19, 1901 (“The Hon. Edward O. Brown knows how to sling his pen in defence of the equal rights of all and the Constitution as it was interpreted by its framers”); May 3, 1902; June 7, 1902; April 25, 1903; May 7, 1903 (“Mr. Edward Osgood Brown has always proven himself to be a true friend of the colored race”); May 30, 1903; June 27, 1903, and many more through October 21, 1922, when it wrote, “There have been white men who took no thought of a man's color. Abraham Lincoln, Bob Ingersoll, Mayor Wm. Hale Thompson, Rabbi Hirsch, and the lamented George Burnham Foster, Judge Edward Osgood Brown, the late Bishop Fallows, are a few notable examples worthy of mention.” The Chicago Defender also backed him consistently.

⁸⁰ Broad Ax, April 10, May 8, June 5, 1909.

⁸¹ Brown to Ickes, Chicago, June 11, 1909, in Ickes Papers, Library of Congress.

⁸² Broad Ax, November 12 and 19, 1910; also, before the election, June 25 (with frontpage photo), July 23, August 20, September 10, October 29, 1910.

⁸³ Brown just missed re-election in 1915. Of thirty-nine candidates slated by the Democratic and Republican parties, twenty were elected, and Brown came in twenty-second, only a few hundred out of tens of thousands below the twentieth-place candidate. The Tribune, never a friend to Democrats, nevertheless editorialized that “The sitting judges all were returned save Judge E. O. Brown, an unfortunate exception. In this case the advice of the Bar Association was not followed by voters, who thus deprive our Appellate court of one of its ablest, most enlightened, and most industrious members. It is a great pity that men like…Judge Brown, are sometimes lost to the bench through lack of public knowledge and because of the mere drift of party voting. Perhaps the bar is not without fault in not making a more effective effort for the protection of such men.” Chicago Tribune, June 7 (slates), 8 (results), 9 (editorial), 1915. The Broad Ax wrote that “Judge Brown, was one of the very best judges…and he should have cheerfully been rewarded with one or two terms more.…To say the least, the Colored ministers of this city and county fell far short of their duties, by failing to urge the members of their congregation prior to June 7 to solidly support Judge Brown for re-election and by displaying a spirit of indifference in this respect, the Colored ministers and the Colored people in general let the world know, that they are not in favor of standing by the few White men who have the courage, and the manhood to stand up and plead for justice for them at all times.” The Defender also supported Brown (May 29 and June 15, 1915).

⁸⁴ For example, in his first term, 1904, Brown rendered nine decisions (all but one affirmed); the cases concerned replevin, personal injury, a cable-car accident, enforcement of a property-rights decree, a foreclosure suit on a trust deed, use-of-premises, whether civil service rules were violated in the removal of an office-holder, a paternity suit, and another personal injury. See Clyde Jones, W. and Addington, Keene H., eds., Illinois Appellate Court Reports, vol. 117 (Chicago, 1905), 208Google Scholar intermittently to 427. In his final term, 1915, Brown rendered fourteen decisions, similarly on close legal matters including contract, commissions, legacies, foreclosure, replevin, a divorce case, estate claims, and a wrongful death of a miner in which he affirmed judgment in favor of the widow (Ill. Appellate Court Reports, vol. 191).

⁸⁵ “The Frederick Douglass Center,” Unity [Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones' Unitarian paper] 55 (May 4, 1905). Hull-House, for all its good works on the near West Side, seldom involved itself with African Americans, most of whom, at that time, were living a few miles south.

⁸⁶ Chicago Defender, February 15, 1913.

⁸⁷ Unity 55 (May 4, 1905); Chicago Defender, March 16,1918 (on the death of Celia Parker Woolley). For a more extended treatment, see Lee-Forman, Koby, “The Simple Love of Truth: The Racial Justice Activism of Celia Parker Woolley” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1995)Google Scholar; on the opening, 260. Also, Lee-Forman, , “Woolley, Celia Anna Parker,” in Schultz, and Hast, , eds., Women Building Chicago, 1790–1990, 993–95.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Broad Ax, October 11, 1910.

⁸⁹ Survey, 27 (March 23, 1912), 1986: “The local committee in charge includes Jane Addams, F.L. Barnett, Ida Wells Barnett, S.P. Breckinridge, Judge E.O. Brown, W. E. Furness, Dr. CE. Bentley, D.T. Harris, Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Rev. J.T. Jenifer [a prominent black minister in Hyde Park], Robert McMurdy, Louis F. Post [reform journalist], Julius Rosenwald, W[illiam] E[nglish] Walling, Dr. A.W. Williams, Celia Parker Woolley. Miss Addams is the honorary chairman and T.W. Allinson secretary-treasurer.” Also, Sophonisba P. Breckinridge (Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, 31 W. Lake St.) to Julius Rosenwald, March 5, 1912, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 7, Folder 16, University of Chicago Library Special Collections; Chicago Defender, January 20, 1912, on the planning session at Hull House on January 14; Broad Ax, April 13 and 27, 1912; Chicago Evening Post, April 15, 1912.

⁹⁰ Brown, E.O., “The Nation's Duty: an address delivered at the conference in Chicago…”, The Crisis 4 (June 1912): 84–87.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Brown and the Committee to President Harry Pratt Judson of the University of Chicago, November 12, 1912, in Jane Addams Memorial Collection, University of Illinois at Chicago (original to be found with Breckinridge to William E. Dodd, November 25, 1912, in Dodd Papers, Library of Congress).

⁹² Broad Ax, February 1, 8 and 15, 1913.

⁹¹ Broad Ax, February 1, December 13, 1913; see Reed, Christopher Robert, “Organized Racial Reform in Chicago during the Progressive Era: The Chicago NAACP, 1910–1920” Michigan Historical Review 14 (Spring 1988): 90CrossRefGoogle Scholar and The Chicago NAACP and the Rise of Black Professional Leadership, 1910–1966 (Bloomington, IN, 1997).

⁹⁴ W.C. Graves [secretary to Julius Rosenwald] to Brown, Chicago, April 16, 1914; Graves to Rosenwald, February 19, 1920; Graves to A. Clement MacNeal [Exec. Secy, of the Chicago branch], February 20, 1920; MacNeal to Graves, April 3, 1920; “NAACP Annual Budget – $55,000,” sheet showing Rosenwald' s contributions, 1911–1926, dated March 9, 1928; all in Rosenwald Papers, Box 26, folder 13. Also, Reed, , “Organized Racial Reform,” 94–96Google Scholar, says that some of the energy of both black and white leaders, including Rosenwald and Brown, diverted into other organizations such as the Appomattox Club (“established by Edward Wright, formerly of New York City, in 1900 as a meeting place for the newly rising black professional leadership”) and the Urban League.

⁹⁵ “Men of the Month: J. E. Spingarn,” The Crisis 2 (August 1911): 146.

⁹⁶ “Fifth Annual Report,” The Crisis 9 (April 1915): 301.

⁹⁷ Shanabruch, Charles, Chicago's Catholics: The Evolution of an American Identity (Notre Dame, IN, 1981), 139–54.Google Scholar Bio-bibliographical sketch in Loyola University (Chicago) archives (thanks to Brother Michael Grace, S J., Archivist, for this item); “Hail Siedenburg Welfare Pioneer,” Chicago Daily News, November 6, 1928. Siedenburg educated many Catholic social workers. Shanabruch calls him American Catholicism's “most significant force in the cause of economic justice” (153).

⁹⁸ Lee-Forman, , “Simple Love of Truth,” 304Google Scholar; itinerary and names of the traveling party, entitled “Tuskegee/1915 Fourth trip Tuskegee” in Rosenwald Papers, Box 54, folder 1; also, an album entitled “Tuskegee 1915” in ibid., Box 39, folder 24.

⁹⁹ Reed's comment on this point (“Organized Racial Reform,” 87) seems sensible to me: “Scholars have interpreted disagreements over which strategy the blacks should endorse for their advancement as schismatic, with a Washington camp in opposition to a Du Bois following. However, the discord was never that divisive. Contemporary editorials in the Chicago Defender and Chicago Broad-Ax captured the essence of the black community's feelings when they explained that Washington's strategy ‘represented a line of thought that was essential to the masses living under the conditions from which he [sic] arose.’ When radical and conservative strategies were evaluated the newspapers commented that, ‘both were necessary to complete the armament of this oppressed race.’” (citing Defender, January 10, 1914, and Broad Ax, September 7, 1912). Reed makes the same point in his book, The Chicago NAACP: “The concept…of totally divisive ideological warfare in Chicago lacks contemporary evidence to support its existence” (11).

¹⁰⁰ Broad Ax, April 5, 1915; Defender, March 13, 1915.

¹⁰¹ Brown, speech to the Cook County Real Estate Board, “Negro Education and Progress in the South,” published in Chicago Real Estate Advertiser, April 2, 1915. Copies are in Rosenwald Papers, Scrapbook 12, p. 67, and Brown Papers, Box 1, vol. 1, #7.

¹⁰² Remarks at Memorial Meeting for Booker T. Washington, November 1915, in Brown Papers, Box 1, vol. 1, #11 (in envelope in the back of the volume).

¹⁰³ Instead of Peckham and Brown, it was now Miller, Starr, Brown, Packard & Peckham, 1522 First National Bank Building. The Peckham in the title was John J., son of Brown's old partner Orville, who had retired. Edward Eagle Brown, E.O.'s son, appeared on the letterhead as “attorney for First National Bank.”

¹⁰⁴ Brown to Spingarn, Chicago, January 10, 1917, in Joel Spingarn Papers, Box 95–2, folder 67, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, Washington, D.C. My thanks to Katie Salzmann, Manuscript Librarian at the Center, for providing me with a copy (Salzmann to author, Washington, November 24, 1998).

¹⁰⁵ Defender, March 30, 1918. Despite Wells-Barnet's initial involvement with the Chicago branch, she soon backed off. Her biographer writes that “Wells-Barnett remained ambivalent about the NAACP and distant from the Chicago branch, whose thin ranks were perennially thick with Tuskegee supporters.” Schechter, Patricia A., Ida B. Wells-Barnett and American Reform, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill, 2001), 154.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Broad Ax, February 2, 1918.

¹⁰⁷ Defender, April 6 and 20, 1918; Broad Ax, May 24, 1919.

¹⁰⁸ Reed, “Organized Racial Reform,” 92; and The Chicago NAACP, 34, 46. Rosenwald nevertheless continued to contribute to both the NAACP and the Urban League.

¹⁰⁹ Chicago Urban League, Two Decades of Service, 1916–1936 (Chicago, 1936)Google Scholar, no page numbers; photo, and this comment: “A tower of strength in our early years was the great legal learning and the splendid devotion of Judge Edward O. Brown. He was already quite an old man when the League was started, and I was amazed by the unwearying fidelity with which he would turn out at night, in the worst weather, and journey to the South Side to attend our meetings. No consideration of his own health or comfort ever kept him away. Had we owed to him nothing else than the example of his devotion, it would have been a debt that we could never forget. But we owed him much more than this. For he was not only in years, but also ‘in sage counsels old.’ On any question related to the law, his advice was invaluable, and he always knew towards what person or channel to direct us when action was required.” See also Strickland, Arvarh E., History of the Chicago Urban League (Urbana, 1966), 27, 32, 34–35.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Brown to Dawes, Chicago, December 14, 1916, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 9, folder 13. The full name of the League was “the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes.” Rosenwald supported the League and the NAACP simultaneously, usually $2,000 to the League and $1,000 to the NAACP, between 1913 and 1928 (except for 1917–1919, when he apparently did not give to the NAACP); Lists of Contributions, Rosenwald Papers, Box 9, folders 13, 15, and 16; Box 53, folder 5.

¹¹¹ Defender, February 10, 1917. Park was the eminent urban sociologist at the University of Chicago.

¹¹² Officially the “Chicago Commission on Race Relations,” it had twelve members, among whom were Brown, Robert S. Abbott (editor of the Defender), Victor Lawson (editor of the Chicago Daily News), and Rosenwald.

¹¹³ T. Arnold Hill [of the Urban League] to L. Hollingsworth Wood [in New York], telegram from Chicago, July 29, 1919, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 6, folder 4.

¹¹⁴ Broad Ax, December 25, 1920.

¹¹⁵ Brown and others to Chief of Police, July 28, 1919, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 6, folder 4.

¹¹⁶ A. Clement MacNeal, Secretary of the Joint Committee to Secure Equal Justice for Colored Riot Defendants, to Rosenwald, November 18, 1919, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 26, folder 13.

¹¹⁷ Broad Ax, August 30, 1919; “Minutes of Race Commission/1919,” and minutes of February 25, 1920, and March 12, 1920, meetings, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 6, folder 4; Platt, Anthony, ed., The Politics of Riot Commissions 1917–1970: A Collection of Official Reports and Critical Essays (New York, 1971), 139.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Mundelein to Brown, Chicago, August 16, 1919, in which Mundelein apologized for a tardy reply because he had been away from the city for three weeks, “although I believe that valuable aid was given through the Acting Chancellor.” He does not state what the aid consisted of.

¹¹⁹ Brown to Rosenwald, December 13, 1918, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 9, folder 14; W.C. G[raves] to Rosenwald, January 26, 1920, in Rosenwald Papers, Box 53, folder 5, in which Graves (Rosenwald's secretary for philanthropy) reminds Rosenwald that Brown is president; that the branch “now has a regular paid secretary, Mr. A. Clement Macneal [sic]”; that “We have had rather scratchy contact with this organization for many years [since about 1916]. It tried to run without an executive secretary, depending on voluntary effort to do the work. I became so disgusted with the organization that I ceased to attend meetings.…Now, however, there seems to be an awakening. I think we are justified in making a contribution or perhaps an offer and then attend meetings again and see whether there is an improvement in the service.” Graves also records that the Committee to Secure Equal Justice for Colored Riot Defendants “is really an Advancement [i.e. NAACP] offshoot” to which “we have agreed to contribute $500.”

¹²⁰ Broad Ax, April 16 and 30, 1921, and August 26, 1922.

¹²¹ Brown to Ickes, Chicago, September 26, 1922; “Minutes of Executive Committee Meeting…February 9, 1923; and Ickes to Robert W. Bagnali, Director of Branches, NAACP, Chicago, May 24, 1924, all in NAACP files, Ickes Papers.

¹²² Death Certificate #31372, Cook County Clerk's office.

¹²³ Chicago Daily News, December 11, 1923; Chicago Tribune, December 9, 1923.

¹²⁴ Chicago Defender, December 15, 1923.

¹²⁵ Eleanor Grace Clark to Ellen Gates Starr, [New York City, March 1932], Ellen Gates Starr Papers, Smith College.