² Rydell, Robert, The Book of the Fairs: Materials about World's Fairs, 1834–1916, in the Smithsonian Institution Libraries (Chicago, 1992), 10Google Scholar; Tanner, Benjamin quoted in Christian Recorder (Philadelphia), Nov. 19, 1874.Google Scholar For African Americans’ involvement with the 1876 Centennial, see Foner, Philip S., “Black Participation in the Centennial of 1876,” Negro History Bulletin 39 (Feb. 1976): 533–38Google Scholar; and Kachun, Mitch, “Before the Eyes of All Nations: African American Identity and Historical Memory at the Centennial Exposition of 1876,” Pennsylvania History 65 (Summer 1998): 300–23.Google Scholar On African Americans’ use of other public festivals and commemorations, see Kachun, Mitch, Festivals of Freedom: Memory and Meaning in African American Emancipation Celebrations, 1808–1915 (Amherst, MA, 2003).Google Scholar On racial discourse at early twentieth-century World's Fairs, see Rydell, Robert, All the World's a Fair: Images of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876–1916 (Chicago, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kramer, Paul, “Making Concessions: Race and Empire Revisited at the Philippine Exposition, St. Louis, 1901–1905,” Radical History Review 73 (Winter 1999): 74–114.Google Scholar

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⁴ Buffalo's Phyllis Wheatley Club of Colored Women took the lead by holding organizational meetings and criticizing the exposition organizers, but the Negro Exhibit appears to have come into being largely because it had already been compiled and displayed to glowing reviews at the Paris Exposition of 1900, which was organized by W. E. B. Du Bois, Daniel A. P. Murray, and others, and supported by a $15,000 congressional appropriation. See Seals Nevergold, Barbara A., “‘Doing the Pan’: The African American Experience at the Pan-American Exposition, 1901,” Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 28 (Jan. 2004): 23–41.Google Scholar

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⁶ Biographical details on Parker are sketchy. News reports consistently identified him as born in Georgia, with several accounts indicating that he had lived in Savannah, Atlanta, Chicago, New York, and Saratoga Springs. Most list his age as forty-four. The Portland (OR) New Age, Sept. 21, 1901, mentioned that Parker was born “in slavery.” He may have worked previously as a Pullman porter, a journalist, a letter carrier in Atlanta, a constable for a black magistrate in Savannah, and a waiter at other expositions. All accounts comment on Parker's imposing physical presence, referring to him as a “huge negro” (New York Times, Sept. 8, 1901) or “the colossal negro” (Buffalo Sunday Morning News, Sept. 8, 1901). The Atlanta Constitution described Parker as “of herculean physique” (Sept. 8, 1901), and later “of colossal build, tall, broad-shouldered, massive limbed and of great muscular development and strength” (Sept. 11, 1901). Some estimated his height at six feet to six feet six inches, with his weight listed as two-hundred-fifty pounds by several sources. See also, New York Times, Sept. 10, 1901; Daryl Rasuli, “James B. Parker Revisited,” Illuminations: Revisiting the Buffalo Pan-American Exposition of 1901, http://ublib.buffalo.edu/libraries/exhibits/panam/essays/rasuli/rasuli.html (accessed May 12, 2008); Rauchway, , Murdering McKinley, 64–65.Google Scholar

⁷ Early newspaper coverage affirming Parker's actions include, among others, Buffalo Evening News, Sept. 7, 8, 1901; Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 7, 1901; Buffalo Times, Sept. 10, 1901; Buffalo Courier, Sept. 7, 1901; New York Times, Sept. 8, 10, 1901; Portland New Age, Sept. 21, 1901; and Buffalo Sunday Morning News, Sept. 8, 1901.

⁸ Buffalo Sunday Morning News, Sept. 8, 1901; government job mentioned in Buffalo Evening News, Sept. 10, 1901. See also, Buffalo Morning Express, Sept. 13, 1901; Portland New Age, Sept. 21, 1901; Buffalo Courier, Sept. 11, 1901; Washington Post, Dec. 22, 1901.

⁹ Gibbs, Mifflin Wistar, Shadow and Light: An Autobiography with Reminiscences of the Past and Present Century (Washington, 1902), 334.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Description of Parker being accosted by “crazy souvenir hunters” and selling buttons and pieces of his clothing in Buffalo Sunday Morning News, Sept. 8, 1901. See also, “‘Jim’ Parker Is Happy,” New York Tribune, Sept. 11, 1901. Parker's refusal of theatrical offers in “Reward for ‘Jim’ Parker, ,” Washington Post, Dec. 22, 1901.Google Scholar Photograph sales noted in Townsend, G. W., Our Martyred President: Memorial Life of William McKinley (n.p., 1901)Google Scholar, photograph caption on sixth unnumbered page preceding p. 257, reproduced at McKinley Assassination Ink: A Documentary History, http://mckinleydeath.com/documents/books/MLWMphoto05p.htm (accessed May 12, 2008).

¹¹ Parker as a “modest hero” who “never lost an hour” in Buffalo Morning Express, Sept. 13, 1910; Parker's Savannah background in New York Times, Sept. 10, 1901; “Reward for ‘Jim’ Parker,” Washington Post, Dec. 22, 1901. See also Portland New Age, Sept. 21, 1901; Afro-American Ledger, Sept. 14, 1901; Cleveland Gazette, Sept. 14, 1901; Rauchway, , Murdering McKinley, 63–66Google Scholar; Rasuli, “James B. Parker Revisited” (accessed Jun. 8, 2004).

¹² Trial transcript, Supreme Court, Erie County, The People of the State of New York against Leon F. Czolgosz.

¹³ Buffalo Courier, Sept. 26, 28, 1901.

¹⁴ Buffalo Evening News, Sept. 27, Oct. 1, 1901; Sept. 27, 1901; Mather, Frank Lincoln, ed., Who's Who of the Colored Race, vol. 1, 1915 (Chicago, 1915), 234.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Barry, Richard H., An Historic Memento of the Nation's Loss; the True Story of the Assassination of President McKinley at Buffalo (Buffalo, 1901)Google Scholar, title page, 16, 21–22; Townsend, G. W., Our Martyred President: Memorial Life of William McKinley (Chicago, 1901), 203.Google Scholar

¹⁷ “Big Jim Parker in Columbus,” Atlanta Constitution, Mar. 10, 1904; “Negro Speaks at Cov-ington,” Atlanta Constitution, Jun. 18, 1904; “McKinley Protector Mad?” New York Times, Mar. 23, 1907; “Dissect Body of Hero,” Washington Post, Mar. 27, 1908.

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¹⁹ Jun, Helen H., “Black Orientalism: Nineteenth Century Narratives of Race and U.S. Citizenship,” American Quarterly 58 (Dec. 2006): 1047–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quotations 1049, 1054. Jun relates her argument to Kevin K. Gaines's discussion of black Americans’ promotion of “a developmental ideology of racial progress emphasizing black moral and cultural propriety” (1054). See Gaines, Kevin K., Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill, 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²¹ Richmond Planet, Sept. 14, 1901. After the assassination, there was widespread speculation that Czolgosz was involved in a larger conspiracy directed by Emma Goldman or other well-known anarchist leaders. Czolgosz consistently claimed sole responsibility, and no evidence ever connected anyone else with the assassination.

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²⁴ Rauchway, , Murdering McKinley, 66–72Google Scholar; Logan, Rayford W., The Betrayal of the Negro: From Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

²⁵ Grimke, Archibald H., Open Letter President McKinley by the Colored People of Massachusetts (Boston, 1899), 1–11Google Scholar, Daniel Murray Pamphlet Collection, Library of Congress.

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⁴⁷ Turner quoted in Dittmer, John, “The Education of Henry McNeal Turner” in Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century, ed. Litwack, Leon and Meier, August (Urbana, 1988), 253–74Google Scholar, quoted at 270–71.

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