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“THEORY RUN MAD”: JOHN DEWEY AND “REAL” VOCATIONAL EDUCATION

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2017

Joseph F. Kett*
Affiliation:
James Madison Professor of History emeritus, University of Virginia

Abstract

Democracy and Education appeared amid intense debate over the relationship between school and work. This debate revealed a stark contrast between Dewey's idea to educate young people to understand the complex relationships of modern industry and the ideas of educators who equated vocational education with training fourteen- to sixteen-year-olds for maximal productivity, a view written into the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917. Whereas Dewey favored integrating vocational education with “a new kind of general education,” his antagonists assailed advocates of the “general” or “academic” curriculum as reactionaries who infected public education with impractical theories that only served those with time and money to indulge their interest in cultural values detached from daily life. Significantly, Dewey did not respond with a defense of theory over practice but with an assertion that his opponents’ thought was permeated by theories, ironically drawn from some of the same sources that influenced mainstream advocates of the “new” education. Understanding how combatants could derive conflicting conclusions from the same sources illuminates the paradoxes and aids in explaining the timing and scope of the Progressive movement.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2017 

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References

NOTES

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19 Paul H. Douglas, University of Chicago labor economist and future U.S. senator and icon of post-1945 liberalism, saw continuation schools as the best hope for providing social mobility at a time when most families, he was sure, could not afford the opportunity costs of prolonging schooling until sixteen. See Douglas, ibid., 266–68.

20 Digest of State Laws Relating to Public Education in Force Jan. 1, 1915, U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Bulletin No. 27, 1915, William R. Hood, comp. (Washington, D.C., 1916), 527–59.

21 “What Is the Smith-Hughes Bill?,” NSPIE, Bulletin No. 25 (1917), 34.

22 Ibid. 12.

23 Charles A. Prosser, “Trade and Educational Agreements”; “What Is the Smith-Hughes Bill?,” 34–36.

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35 John A. Lapp. who had served with Prosser on the Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education and who headed the Indiana Commission on Industrial and Agricultural Education, described the Indiana Law as the law the commission asked for “down to the dotting of an I, and crossing of a t.” Lapp, “The Indiana Commission on Industrial and Agricultural Education,” NSPIE, Bulletin No. 18 (1914), 188.

36 Dewey, “Industrial Education-A Wrong Kind,” 119.

37 Ibid., 119–21.

38 Dewey stated that the part of the Indiana law that worked best was its provision for agricultural education since there was “no organization of theorists to influence the law.” Dewey, “Industrial Education-A Wrong Kind,” 121.

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45 Prosser and Allen, Vocational Education in a Democracy, 83–84.

46 Wesley O'Leary, with the assistance of Charles A. Prosser, “The Short Unit Course,” NSPIE, Bulletin No. 17, 1913, 45–112; Prosser, “Short Unit Courses for Wage Earners and a Factory School Experiment,” U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin No. 159 (Washington, DC, 1915).

47 Snedden, Vocational Education, 20–21.

48 Prosser and Allen, Vocational Education in a Democracy, 114–16.

49 Ibid., 382–486; Kliebard, Schooled to Work, 137–41.

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55 Snedden, Vocational Education, 97.

56 Historians disagree on whether Dewey influenced CPSE. See Wraga, William, Democracy's High School (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1994), 2628 Google Scholar.

57 Kett, Pursuit of Knowledge, 550, n. 47.

58 Quoted in Cremin, Lawrence A., American Education: The Metropolitan Experience, 1876–1980 (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 192 Google Scholar.