Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 November 2010
The relationship between the Anti-Saloon League and the Ku Klux Klan in support of national prohibition has been a source of controversy since the 1920s. Both the ASL and the KKK acted to enforce prohibition, the ASL through legal and political means, the KKK through grassroots political pressure and extralegal vigilante methods. Wet observers and, more recently, historians of the Klan movement claimed that the ASL cooperated with the Invisible Empire in direct enforcement of dry laws. ASL activists and prohibition historians, in turn, denied league involvement with the intolerant, occasionally violent, dry vigilantism of the Klan and instead stressed the nonpartisan bureaucratic operations of the ASL. The actual ambivalent relationship reflected shortcomings in the dry regime and in the two organizations. Ineffective enforcement pushed some ASL officials into informal ties with local Klans, while the league tolerated pro-Klan sentiments among some leaders. But extensive and persistent cooperation was not apparent.
2 “Klan Organization Meeting Stirs Debate in Marlboro,” The Columbia State (South Carolina), July 7, 1924, 6Google Scholar, clipping enclosed in Boyd Doty to F. Scott McBride, July 28, 1924, microfilm edition of F. Scott McBride Papers, Ohio Historical Society, roll 2 (Hereafter MP roll #).
3 Wayne Wheeler to McBride, July 12, 1924; McBride to Wheeler, July 21, 1924, MP 10; “Form letter sent to all State Superintendents,” July 21, 1924Google Scholar, MP 3; E. J. Moore to E. M. Lightfoot, July 22, 1924, MP 5.
4 “Look Out, John,” Baltimore Evening Sun, Aug. 28, 1924Google Scholar, clipping, MP 9; “Darrow Says He Opposes Prohibition,” Fiery Cross, Nov. 7, 1924, 2Google Scholar. See also, “Pastor Says Klan Plans World Drive,” New York Times [Hereafter NYJ], Nov. 27, 1922, 1Google Scholar; and M. V. Boyland to Editor, ATT, Jan. 24, 1929, 19.
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7 For national ASL policy, see Kerr, K. Austin, Organised for Prohibition: A New History of the Anti-Saloon League (New Haven, 1985)Google Scholar. A good state-level example is Lantzer, Jason S., “Prohibition is Here to Stay: The Reverend Edward S. Shumaker and the Rise and Fall of Dry Culture in America,” (PhD diss., Indiana University, 2005)Google Scholar. More general histories of temperance reform within this framework include Blocker, Jack S., American Temperance Movements: Cycles of Reform (Boston, 1989)Google Scholar, and Pegram, Thomas R., Battling Demon Ram: The Struggle for a Dry America, 1800-1933 (Chicago, 1998)Google Scholar. For a preliminary assessment of the Anti-Saloon League and the Klan, see Pegram, Thomas R., “Kluxing the Eighteenth Amendment: The Anti-Saloon League, the Ku Klux Klan, and the Fate of Prohibition in the 1920s” in American Public Use and the Historical Imagination, ed. Gamber, Wendy, Grossberg, Michael, and Hartog, Hendrik (Notre Dame, IN, 2003), 240–61Google Scholar.
8 The key arguments of this interpretation are presented in Moore, Leonard J., “Historical Interpretations of the 1920s Klan: The Traditional View and Recent Revisions,” Journal of Social History (Winter 1990): 341–57Google Scholar. See also the essays in Lay, Shawn, ed., The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s (Urbana, 1992)Google Scholar.
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42 McBride to Thomas W Gales, Feb. 8, 1926, MP 12; Gales to McBride, Dec. 12, 1925, MP 3; O. M. Pullen to McBride, July 25, 1924, MP 7.
43 Samuel G.Jones to McBride, Jan. 27, 1926, MP 13.
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