² I rely here on Linda Gordon's conclusions as to the “common denominators” of Progressivism: a call for an expanded, interventionist government, one that relied on data gathered by social scientists for policy making. See “If the Progressives Were Advising Us Today, Should We Listen?” Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 1 (April 2002): 109–21.

³ Wald, , “The Nurse as a Settlement Worker,” Cleveland Women's Journal (May 4, 1918)Google Scholar, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁴ Fox, Richard Wightman, “The Culture of Liberal Protestant Progressivism, 1875–1925,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23 (Winter 1993): 639–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ “By women's public culture or women's political culture,” Kathryn Kish Sklar writes, “I mean women's participation in public culture and the separate institutions women built to facilitate their participation.” See Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: The Rise of Women's Political Culture, 1830–1900 (New Haven, 1995), xiii; Sklar, , “The Historical Foundations of Women's Power in the Creation of the American Welfare State, 1830–1930,” in Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States, eds., Koven, Seth and Michel, Sonya (New York, 1993): 43–93Google Scholar; Muncy, Robyn, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 1890–1935 (New York, 1991).Google Scholar

⁶ Daniels, Doris Groshen, Always a Sister: The Feminism of Lillian D. Wald (New York, 1989, reprinted 1995).Google Scholar

⁷ Rodgers, Daniel, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA, 1998).Google Scholar

⁸ Connolly, James J., The Triumph of Ethnic Progressivism: Urban Political Culture in Boston, 1900–1925 (Cambridge, MA, 1998), 163, 199.Google Scholar

⁹ This question was posed by Nancy S. Dye in her introduction to an important and pathbreaking collection of essays, Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era, eds., Noralee Frankel and Nancy S. Dye (Lexington, KY, 1991), 4.

¹⁰ Stuart E. Rosenberg credits Jews' participation in the Civil War with boosting their economic and social positions: many Jews were in the clothing industry, which boomed during the war, and they were active supporters of the Union cause. See The Jewish Community in Rochester: 1843–1925 (New York, 1954).

¹¹ Rosenberg details Berith Kodesh's development in his chapter “The Synagogue and its By-products” in ibid. More recently, see Eisenstadt, Peter, Affirming the Covenant: A History of Temple B'rith Kodesh, Rochester, New York, 1848–1998 (Syracuse, NY, 1999).Google Scholar On Rochester's history, see McKelvey, Blake, Rochester on the Genesee: The Growth of a City (Syracuse, NY, 2nd ed. 1993).Google Scholar

¹² Louise Michel Newman discusses how this “universalizing language [came] to make generalizations about the ‘race’, ‘woman’, or ‘man’,” while intending these generalizations to apply only to people of Anglo-Saxon (or Euro-Protestant) descent” (10–11). Newman demonstrates the slight flexibility of racial categories in this era, as ancestry could be “transcended” by “climate, geography, education, upbringing and acculturation” (11). Certainly Wald viewed her family and herself as having benefitted from these elements. See White Women's Rights: The Racial Origins of Feminism in the United States (New York, 1999).

¹³ Duffus, R. L., Lillian Wald: Neighbor and Crusader (New York, 1938).Google Scholar In debates surrounding Jewish emancipation which repeatedly erupted in Germany in the 1830s and 1840s, the liberalism endorsed by German pro-emancipationists had two sides: while its rhetoric of liberty, equality, and rights could be empowering for the disadvantaged, its working vision of the universal rights-bearing individual was a (white, male) Christian; those who stood outside of this category struggled to be accepted as equals. When Jews responded to these historical circumstances by gaining education and achieving social mobility, most endorsed social assimilation but stopped short of advocating the elimination of all religious difference. The conversion of Wald's uncle suggests for her a legacy of placing integration over affiliation in advocating for the abolition of difference. See Herzog, Dagmar, Intimacy and Exclusion: Religious Politics in Pre-Revolutionary Baden (Princeton, 1996), 58, 137–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ On the “social integration” of German-Jewish American women, see Goldstein, Eric L., “Between Race and Religion: Jewish Women and Self-Definition in Late Nineteenth Century America,” in Women and American Judaism: Historical Perspectives, eds., Sarna, Jonathan D. and Nadell, Pamela S. (Hanover, NH, 2001): 182–200.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Melosh, Barbara, “The Physician's Hand”: Work Culture and Conflict in American Nursing (Philadelphia, 1982)Google Scholar; Lewenson, Sandra Beth, Taking Charge: Nursing, Suffrage, and Feminism in America, 1873–1920 (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Roberts, Joan I. and Group, Thetis M., Feminism and Nursing: An Historical Perspective on Power, Status, and Political Activism in the Nursing Profession (Westport, CT, 1995)Google Scholar; Reverby, Susan, Ordered to Care: The Dilemma of American Nursing, 1850–1945 (Cambridge, UK, 1987).Google Scholar On Jewish women in nursing, see Benson, Evelyn R., “Public Health Nursing and the Jewish Connection,” Public Health Nursing 10 (December 1993): 55–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Wald's decision to remain on the East Side occurred after she first entered the sickroom of a woman in a dilapidated tenement: “All the maladjustments of our social and economie relations seemed epitomized in this brief journey,” she wrote, noting that the family were “not degraded human beings” and feeling “intent on my own responsibility” to remedy such conditions. Throughout her career, she referred to this experience as a “baptism of fire” See Wald, , The House on Henry Street (New York, 1915), 6–8.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Jacob Schiff wrote to Wald on December 31, 1903 that “well do we remember your first visit with Mrs. M. D. Louis, and from which resulted the first start, on the top floor of the Jefferson Street tenement” (Wald Papers, Research Publications). It was Loeb who subsidized Wald's first nursing lessons on Henry Street. See Duffus, , Lillian Wald, 35.Google Scholar

¹⁸ On Schiff, see Cohen, Naomi W., Jacob H. Schiff: A Study in American Jewish Leadership (Hanover, NH, 1999).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ Wald's nursing colleague, Mary Brewster, also joined the early experiment, though ill health soon forced her to leave nursing altogether.

²⁰ Yiddishe Tageblatt/Jewish Daily News, July 29, 1903.

²¹ Responding to an invitation to be included in a book entitled Jewish Women in America, Wald refused on the grounds that “the title suggests work done by women as Jews.” Wald to Madison C. Peter, February 13, 1918, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

²² The most recent work on Jane Addams' philosophies is Elshtain, Jean Bethke, Jane Addams and the Dream of American Democracy (New York, 2002).Google Scholar For a review of Elshtain that emphasizes Addams's radicalism, see Sklar, Kathryn Kish, “Defining Democracy,” The Women's Review of Boob 19 (June 2002): 16–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³ Wald, Windows on Henry Street (Boston, 1934), 10.

²⁴ Wald, Speech to the Council of Jewish Women, Baltimore, February 26, 1911, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

²⁵ On Schiff's longstanding activism on behalf of Jews in Russia, see Cohen, Jacob H. Schiff, esp. ch. 4, “Captivity and Redemption”.

²⁶ Their political commitments, too, grew from their own educations and lived experiences.

²⁷ Wald, , House on Henry Street, 236–37.Google Scholar

²⁸ These Progressives opened their doors to countless visitors representing the cause, even while their unchecked enthusiasm for the revolutionaries was due in part to the difficulty in getting unbiased information from visitors hoping to raise revolutionary enthusiasm. On this point, see Good, Jane E., “America and the Russian Revolutionary Movement, 1888–1905,” The Russian Review 41 (1982): 273–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ While Christopher Lasch labels the “Russophilia” of liberals in the West as “a form of rejection of the gospel of progress,” since Russia symbolized a romantic version of “backwardness,” Wald's writings suggest instead that she saw Soviet politics as the fulfillment of Progressivism. See The American Liberals and the Russian Revolution (New York, 1962), 4, 24–26.

³⁰ Lewis S. Feuer, “American Travelers to the Soviet Union 1917–1932: The Formation of a Component of New Deal Ideology,” American Quarterly 14 (Summer 1962): 119–49.

³¹ Richard Pells writes that in the early 1930s, many Americans found in socialism “a modern version of Christian brotherhood…a sense of communal solidarity.” The same may be said for Wald and other non-socialist Progressives in their hopeful attitudes toward Russia beginning in the early 1900s. See Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1973), 355.

³² On the Friends of Russian Freedom, founded in 1891, see Thompson, Arthur W., “The Reception of Russian Revolutionary Leaders in America, 1904–1906,” American Quarterly 18 (Autumn 1966): 452–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ Charter, “Friends of Russian Freedom,” (n.d.), Wald Papers, Research Publications. Wald is listed as a member of the Executive Committee as early as 1907.

³⁴ Wald tells the story of Breshkovskaia's visit in House on Henry Street, 238–48. Good points out that Breshkovskaia herself downplayed divisions in the broader revolutionary movement and the role of violence she endorsed in working toward her own revolutionary vision. Good writes that Breshkovskaia, an “advocate of socialism and terror,” relied on “wildly exaggerated stories” and chose to ignore “theoretical and tactical issues.” In addition, she used the ten thousand dollars she raised from American audiences in 1905 to purchase arms for revolutionaries in Odessa. Good, “America and the Russian Revolutionary Movement,” 286, 287.

³⁵ Goldman, Emma, Living My Life (Garden City, NY, 1934), 362.Google Scholar

³⁶ The correspondence sent to and from Wald by Nicholas Tchaykovsky, his daughter and his wife can be found in Wald Papers, Research Publications. The quote is from Thompson, , “The Reception,” 463.Google Scholar

³⁷ Wald, , Windows on Henry Street, 254.Google Scholar

³⁸ For example: Alexis Aladin was a relatively moderate revolutionary, a friend of Tchaykovsky. In 1907, Wald wrote Aladin a letter of introduction to her friend Ramsay MacDonald, a Labour government official in England and a popular ally of American Progressives. Hearing that MacDonald spoke at the “Russian Socialist convention,” she hoped Aladin would “find a friend” in him. When Aladin later appealed to Wald from England for support, she consulted with Jacob Schiff. Because of Jewish sympathy to the cause, she and Schiff felt that Claude Montefiore, member of a prominent Anglo-Jewish family, was “logically the one to appeal to.” Wald to Alexis Aladin, January 14, 1911; Aladin to Wald, February 22, 1911, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

³⁹ Reed, John, “East Side Exiles Stirred by Russian Envoy's ‘Welcome Home’: Orthodox and Jews Alike Jubilant Over Bakhmetieff s Message to Crowds that Swarmed Around Henry Street Settlement,” The Evening Mail, July 11, 1917Google Scholar, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁴⁰ Wald, , Windows on Henry Street, 255.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Wald to Schiff, March 29, 1917, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁴² “Russian Envoy Thrills East Side,” New York Times, July 10, 1917; Schiff to Wald, June 28, 1917, Wald Papers, Research Publications; Wald also tells this story in Windows on Henry Street, 255–56, as does Howe, Irving in World of Our Fathers (New York, 2nd ed., 1989), 326.Google Scholar

⁴³ On Cahan's sentiments toward Russia and Zionism, see Soyer, Daniel, “Abraham Cahan's Travels in Jewish Homelands: Palestine in 1925 and the Soviet Union in 1927,” in Yiddish and the Left, eds., Estraikh, Gennady and Krutikov, Mikhail (University of Oxford: European Humanities Research Centre, 2001).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ “Russian Envoy.” Schiff later wrote privately to Wald that that evening he and his wife had observed “so happy and gratified an expression on your face…that it looked to me as if you felt the reception to the Ambassador of new Russia was a heavenly reward to you for years of unselfish efforts in imbuing with courage and confidence in better things to come, those who were so sacrificingly struggling in the Russian darkness in order to reach the light.” Schiff to Wald, July 11,1917, Schiff Papers, American Jewish Archives. On Schiff and his sentiments toward the Russian Revolutions, see Cohen, , Jacob H. Schijf, 242–45.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Wald, , House on Henry Street, 248.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ A key example occurred in 1926, when Lucy Branham, a representative of Russian Reconstruction Farms, an organization that funded agricultural education projects in Russia, wrote to Wald. Branham sought a person to tap for funds for the organization, but Wald replied “I have already tapped everybody whom I know to be interested in Russia…. All my Jewish friends are engaged in the Russian Reconstruction work and are already doing all they can.” Wald to Lucy Branham, May 6, 1926, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁴⁷ Secretary of State Robert Lansing to President Wilson, Woodrow, April 12, 1917, in Woodrow Wilson, Life and Letters, vol. 7, ed., Baker, Ray Stannard (New York, 1939), 18Google Scholar; Wald to Henry Morgenthau, May 23, 1917, Wald Papers, Research Publications; Wilson to Lansing, (April 1917), in Baker, , Woodrow Wilson, 28–29.Google Scholar On the anger of the Jewish community over Jewish exclusion from the Root Commission, see Szajkowski, Zosa, Jews, Wars, and Communism, Volume I: The Attitude of American Jews to World War I, The Russian Revolutions of 1917, and Communism (1914–1945) (New York, 1972), 267–73.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ “Social Workers Comment on Elihu Root Charges,” New York Evening Post, August 27, 1917, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁴⁹ Wald to Katherine Breshkovskaia, February 27, 1919, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁵⁰ Paul Warburg to Wald, March 5, 1919, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁵¹ Soyer, , “Abraham Cahanapos;s Travels,” 60–61.Google Scholar

⁵² On “The International Jew,” see Higham, John, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1955), 277–86.Google Scholar On Jewish support for the Bolsheviks, see Szajkowski, Jews, Wars, and Communism. On the culture of Yiddish Communism well into the 1930s, see Howe, Irving, World of Our Fathers, 325–59.Google Scholar

⁵³ Wald did not escape suspicion during this Red Scare. Interestingly, though, the accusations against her attest to her successful campaign to distance herself from Jewish affiliation: critics located her in the secular network of “women dictators” including Addams, Florence Kelley, and others whose pro-suffrage and anti-war stands were attacked as anti-family and anti-American. In the Lusk-Stevenson investigation, she was cited alongside friends and colleagues as one of the “leaders of the radicals and liberals and apologists for radicals.” Quoted in “The Lusk-Stevenson ‘Investigation,’” Soviet Russia (July 5, 1919): 4.

⁵⁴ Wald, , Windows on Henry Street, 256.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Haines, Anna J., Health Work in Soviet Russia (New York, 1928).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ The JDC donated over eight million dollars to Russian relief between 1921 and 1923, “more than one-third of it through the American Relief Administration for nonsectarian purposes.” See Gitleman, Zvi, A Century of Ambivalence: The Jews of Russia and the Soviet Union (New York, 1988), 123.Google Scholar Felix Warburg, Jacob Schiffs son-in-law, rose to prominence in the JDC after Schiffs death in 1920. On Warburg's JDC work for Russian Jews in the 1920s, see Chernow, Ron, The Warburgs: The Twentieth-Century Odyssey of a Remarkable Jewish Family (New York, 1993), 289–304.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Wald to Hoover, March 3, 1923, Wald Papers, Research Publications. On Hoover's attitudes toward Zionism and his work with American Jewish leaders during his presidency, see Wentling, Sonja, “Hoover, Palestine, and the American Jewish Community,” American Jewish Archives 53 (2001): 45–64.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Strong was a prominent figure in the history of U.S.-Soviet (and U.S.-Chinese) relations. She was a close friend of Leon Trotsky. Though no evidence suggests that Wald met Trotsky, her support of Strong's work continued at least though 1925.

⁵⁹ Wald's invitation may have stemmed from the Soviet's Fifth Congress of Health Departments in the summer of 1924, where attention was drawn to the need for preventati ve health work, one of Wald's specialties. See Davis, Christopher M., “Economics of Soviet Public Health, 1928–1932: Development Strategy, Resource Constraints, and Health Plans,” in Health and Society in Revolutionary Russia, eds., Solomon, Susan Gross and Hutchinson, John F. (Bloomington, IN, 1990), 148.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Wald, , “Public Health in Soviet Russia,” The Survey 53 (December 1, 1924): 270–74.Google Scholar See Feuer, , “American Travelers to the Soviet Union, 1917–1932,” 119–49.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Neil B. Weissman, “Origins of Soviet Health Administration: Narkomzdrav, 1918–1928,” in Solomon, and Hutchinson, , Health and Society, 104–05, 108.Google Scholar

⁶² Wald, to “Beloveds,” June 12, 1924Google Scholar, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁶³ Haines, , Health Work in Soviet Russia, 17.Google Scholar Though Wald earned her invitation through her expertise, she did not speak Russian, and she traveled with a formal delegation: these factors no doubt limited what she could learn of Soviet progress. Her visit was also part of the Soviet mission to win over foreigners, especially foreign leaders. With their visits carefully planned by Soviet officials, experts like Wald would then testify to Soviet progress and hopefully argue for recognition of the Soviet government. On foreigners' visits to the Soviet Union in this period, see Margulies, Sylvia R., The Pilgrimage to Russia: The Soviet Union and the Treatment of Foreigners, 1924–1937 (Madison, WI, 1968)Google Scholar; see also Hollander, Paul, Political Pilgrims: Travels of Western Intellectuals to the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba (New York, 1981).Google Scholar Daniel Soyer argues that in the 1920s and 1930s, American Jewish visitors to the Soviet Union were motivated to go “home to a country with which they closely identified and which they nostalgically associated with their families and their own youthful years” they also wanted to witness the “astounding reversal of the Jewish situation in Russia.” As observers, their impressions of Russia “divided clearly along political lines.” See Soyer, , “Back to the Future: American Jews Visit the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s,” Jewish Social Studies 6 (Spring/Summer 2000): 124–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Once again, Wald's impressions offer no evidence of her “Jewish connection” to Russia.

⁶⁴ Wald, 1924 letter quoted in Windows on Henry Street, 263.

⁶⁵ Its main goal was to promote cultural intercourse between the two nations and especially the interchange of students, doctors, scholars, scientists, artists and teachers. Pamphlet, “The American Society for Cultural Relations with Russia (U.S.S.R.),” 1928, Wald Papers, Research Publications. The announcement of the meeting on April 27, 1927 is in Wald's Russia files, Wald Papers, Research Publications. The Society constituted the American chapter under the umbrella of the Soviet VOKS (The All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries), part of the Soviet “campaign to woo foreigners.” See Margulies, , The Pilgrimage, 32, 58–64.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ For example, see note to Wald from Elizabeth Clark, Secretary of the Society, on a formal solicitation letter to Felix Warburg, 12 June 1929: “We carried this out as per your instructions.” Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁶⁷ Kutulas, Judy, The Long War: The Intellectual People's Front and Anti-Stalinism, 1930–1940 (Durham, NC, 1995), 48.Google Scholar Kutulas' “Comparison of Subgroups within the Left Intellectual Community of the 1930s” (24) aided my thinking about Wald's political allegiances in the context of her generational, ethno-religious, cultural, class and educational/career backgrounds. Wald fits squarely into the Progressive category, and her political choices reflect those of others similarly situated.

⁶⁸ Wald to John Wilkie, June 18, 1931, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁶⁹ As early as 1918, Wald accepted an invitation to sit on the platform at Madison Square Garden for a “Justice for Russia” rally organized by the “Russian Soviet Recognition League.” Ticket found in Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁷⁰ Wald, , Windows on Henry Street, 282Google Scholar, 283, 284. Wald was joined in this campaign by radicals and Progressives, including Jane Addams, who while skeptical of the Bolsheviks advocated official recognition. Wald tells of Addams' role in the campaign in “An Afterword” to Forty Years at Hull House (New York, 1935); Addams writes about Russia in Peace and Bread in Time of War (Boston, 1960, 1st ed., 1922), 91–106; see also Levine, Daniel, Jane Addams and the Liberal Tradition (Madison, WI, 1971 ), 237.Google Scholar Like Wald, Addams was not well in the mid-1920s; Addams suffered a heart attack in 1926 that left her a semi-invalid for her remaining years. She died in 1935.

⁷¹ Quoted in Taylor, S. J., Stalin's Apologist: Walter Duranty, the New York Times's Man in Moscow (New York, 1990), 355.Google Scholar

⁷² Wald to “Very Dear Grace [Abbott],” February 18, 1937, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁷³ Ibid.

⁷⁴ “An Open Letter to American Liberals,” Soviet Russia Today VI (March 1937): 14–15, reprinted in American Views of Soviet Russia, 1917–1965, ed., Filene, Peter G. (Homewood, IL, 1968), 117–21Google Scholar; Lyons, Eugene, The Red Decade: The Stalinist Penetration of America (New York, 1941), 253–55.Google Scholar Lyons' is a highly partisan source, and for additional assistance I relied on Kutulas, , The Long War, 5Google Scholar, 110–22; and Engerman, David C., “Modernization from the Other Shore: American Observers and the Costs of Soviet Economic Development,” American Historical Review 105 (April 2000): 383–416.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ Lyons, , The Red Decade, 253.Google Scholar The essay “Echoes from Moscow, 1937–1938” by Malcolm Cowley, who also signed the letter protesting the actions of the American Committee for the Defense of Leon Trotsky, sheds light on the “obstinate credulity” of those who supported Stalin; in Cowley's case, such support was based on Stalin's anti-fascism. The Southern Review 20 (Winter 1984): 1–11.

⁷⁶ Christine Stansell links liberal support for World War I with the decline of the “middle ground” and “ambiguity” that had nurtured bohemian culture in New York; that Wald remained opposed to American involvement in the war suggests that her vision lasted long into the twenties, when, as Stansell writes, “the world did change, inalterable, but not in the ways [the moderns]”– nor Wald “anticipated.” See Stansell, , American Moderns: Bohemian New York and the Creation of a New Century (New York, 2000), 315–16, 337.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See Raider, Mark A., The Emergence of American Zionism (New York, 1998)Google Scholar, esp. ch. 2, “From Immigrant Party to American Movement” Fox, Maier Bryan, American Zionism in the 1920s (Ph.D. diss., George Washington University, 1979).Google Scholar Fox's data indicate that in 1921, Zionist organizations (including the Zionist Organization of America, Hadassah, and B'snai Zion) claimed 30,000 members; by 1929, that number was 60,000 (147). On the integration and institutionalization of Zionism into the diasporic identities of Western Jews, see Berkowitz, Michael, Western Jewry and the Zionist Project, 1914–1933 (Cambridge, UK, 1997).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Mark Dollinger writes that in the 1930s, “second-generation Jews crafted a liberal definition of Americanism” as they allied with the New Deal, they learned that “liberalism offered the promise of inclusion.” See Dollinger, , Quest for Inclusion: Jews and Liberalism in Modern America (Princeton, 2000), 22, 42.Google Scholar Wald's experiences testify to a more narrow definition of American Jewish identity: those who, like her, had lived on the boundary of the American Jewish community were marginalized. Quote in text is Svonkin, Stuart, Jews Against Prejudice: American Jews and the Fight for Civil Liberties (New York, 1997), 180.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Some qualification must be made, though, in grouping Schiff and his son-in-law. According to one scholar, Warburg, unlike Schiff, “was not intrinsically interested in things Jewish” his family “considered him somewhat of a universalist.” Still, Warburg felt pulled in to Jewish concerns by his father-in-law. After Schiff s death in 1920, Warburg inherited Schiff s “mantle of leadership” in the German-Jewish community. See Kutnick, Jerome M., “Non-Zionist Leadership: Felix M. Warburg, 1929–1937” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1983): 86, 82, 91.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Schiff to Professor Solomon Schechter, August 8, 1907 and September 22, 1907, in Adler, Cyrus, Jacob Schiff: His Life and Letters, vol. II (Garden City, NY, 1928), 165–69.Google Scholar

⁸¹ On the origins of cultural Zionism in the thought of Ahad Ha-Am, see Friesel, Evyatar, “Ahad Ha-Amism in American Zionist Thought,” in At the Crossroads: Essays on Ahad Ha-Am, ed., Kornberg, Jacques (Albany, NY, 1983).Google Scholar Friesel notes the fact that many cultural Zionists rejected the secular vision of Ha-Am; Schiff certainly saw cultural Zionism as the key to Jewish religious survival. On opposition to Zionism, see Kaufman, Menahem, An Ambiguous Partnership: Non-Zionists and Zionists in America, 1939–1948 (Detroit, 1991).Google Scholar

⁸² Schiff, , “The Need for a Jewish Homeland,” The Nation (April 26, 1919).Google Scholar See also Friesel, Evyatar, “Jacob H. Schiff Becomes a Zionist: A Chapter in American Jewish Self-Definition, 1907–1917,” Studies in Zionism 5 (April 1982): 55–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cohen, , Jacob H Schiff, 229–37.Google Scholar On German Jewish opposition to Zionism, see Kolsky, Thomas A., Jews Against Zionism: The American Council for Judaism, 1942–1948 (Philadelphia, 1990).Google Scholar After Schiff's death in 1920, Felix Warburg worked for Palestine, also as a non-Zionist. See Chernow, , The Warburgs, 299–304.Google Scholar

⁸³ Wald, , House on Henry Street, 254.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Wald, , Windows on Henry Street, 49.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Mendelsohn writes that by the 1920s, “in the face of growing estrangement of American Jews from all forms of Jewishness, hostility to secular Zionism as an illegitimate form of Jewishness was now tempered by an awareness that any form of Jewishness was preferable to no Jewishness at all.” See Mendelsohn, Ezra, On Modern Jewish Politics (New York, 1993), 85.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Dr. Dora Askowith to Wald, February 18, 1917; Wald to Dr. Dora Askowith, February 20, 1917, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁸⁷ Wald to Adolph Ochs, September 10, 1929, Wald Papers, Research Publications.

⁸⁸ Ameen Rihani to Wald, September 15, 1929; Ameen Rihani to Wald, September 21, 1929, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁸⁹ On reactions to the 1929 riots, see Medoff, Rafael, Zionism and the Arabs: An American Jewish Dilemma, 1898–1948 (Westport, CT, 1997), esp. ch. 5Google Scholar, “Zionism and Democracy in the Wake of the 1929 Riots: The View from America” Cohen, Naomi W., The Year After the Riots: American Responses to the Palestine Crisis of 1929–1930 (Detroit, 1988).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ On the Jewish Agency, see Urofsky, Melvin I., American Zionism From Herzl to the Holocaust (Garden City, NY, 1976), 297–303.Google Scholar

⁹¹ MacDonald to Wald, October 30, 1930, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁹² MacDonald to Wald, October 29, 1930, in ibid.

⁹³ On Warburg's leadership of the Jewish Agency, see Kutnick, , “Non-Zionist Leadership,” 172–99.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Felix Warburg to Wald, November 13, 1930, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁹⁵ Kutnick, , “Non-Zionist Leadership,” 313–15.Google Scholar Kutnick entirely neglects Wald's impact on this event, her role as a go-between for Felix Warburg and MacDonald.

⁹⁶ Wald to MacDonald, December 10,1930, James Ramsay MacDonald Papers, Public Record Office, England.

⁹⁷ Wald to MacDonald, January 30, 1931, Wald Papers, New York Public Library.

⁹⁸ Kallen believed Jewish life to be “national and secular” See his “Jewish Life is National and Secular” (1918) and “Zionism and Liberalism” (1919) in The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader, ed., Arthur Hertzberg (New York, 1959). See also Toll, William, “Horace M. Kallen: Pluralism and American Jewish Identity” American Jewish History 85 (March 1997): 57–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹⁹ Wald, , “A Social Worker's Viewpoint,” Opinion: A Journal of Jewish Life and Letters 6 (August 1936): 16–17.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Sarna, Jonathan, “A Projection of America as It Ought to Be: Zion in the Mind's Eye of American Jews” in Envisioning Israel: The Changing Ideals and Images of North American Jews, ed., Gal, Allon (Detroit, 1996).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ See Gal, Allon, Brandeis of Boston (Cambridge, MA, 1980).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰² Sarna, Jonathan, “Converts to Zionism in the American Reform Movement,” in Zionism and Religion, eds., Almog, Shmuel, Reinharz, Jehuda, and Shapira, Anita (Hanover, NH, 1998).Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Arad, Gulie N'seman, America, Its Jews, and the Rise of Nazism (Bloomington, IN, 2000), 18.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ In New York Jews and the Decline of Urban Ethnicity, 1950–1970, Eli Lederhendler describes post-World War II New York Jews as in a “particularist, tribal mode” living within a “prevailing pro-Zionist consensus” See Lederhendler, New Yock Jews (Syracuse, NY, 2001), 24, 32. Wald's experiences indicate the important role Zionism played within this ethnic identity – this “tribal mode” – even before World War II.

¹⁰⁵ Yearbook of the Central Conference of American Rabbis (Reform Judaism's Rabbinate) [1934], quoted in Mendelsohn, , On Modern Jewish Politics, 112.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Wald to Mrs. Rockefeller, July 11, 1934, Wald Papers, New York Public Library. Doris Groshen Daniels, Wald's most recent biographer, examines the above quote in order to elucidate the role of women in anti-militarist and pacifist movements. Indeed, Wald assured Mrs. Rockefeller that both Jane Addams and Mary Beard concurred with her suggestion. See Daniels, , Always a Sister, 134–35.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Arad, , America, Its Jews, 108.Google Scholar In locating Wald's words alongside those of American Jewish organizations who feared anti-Semitic reprisals, however, I do not suggest a convergence of conscious motivations.

¹⁰⁸ Wise drew much public attention to the cause of Jews and other minorities in Europe, to be sure. Arad discusses the tensions and resultant compromises he made in his positions of leadership, especially with President Roosevelt, in her final chapter, “On Being an American' (In Place of a) Conclusion.” See Arad, , America, Its Jews, 209–24.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ American Jewish Committee appeal, quoted in Arad, , America, Its Jews, 127.Google Scholar