1 Teeuw, A. and Wyatt, D.K., Hikayat Patani: The story of Patani, Bibliotecha Indonesica, no. 5 d(The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Puaksom, Davisakd, ‘Ayudhya in Patani's grasp: The relations between a Buddhist and a Muslim state in a historical perspective’, Paper presented at the First Inter-Dialogue Conference on southern Thailand (Pattani, June 2002), pp. 14–15Google Scholar.

3 Reynolds, Craig J., ‘Religious historical writing and the legitimation of the first Bangkok reign’, in Perceptions of the past in Southeast Asia, ed. Reid, Anthony and Marr, David, Asian Studies Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series, no. 4 (Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books, 1979), pp. 90–107Google Scholar; Wyatt, David K., ‘History and directionality in the early nineteenth-century Tai world’, in The last stand of Asian autonomies: Responses to modernity in the diverse states of Southeast Asia and Korea, 1750–1900, ed. Reid, Anthony (London: Macmillan, 1997), p. 435Google Scholar.

4 The prime minister or treasurer of Malay courts who functioned as the next most powerful figure after the raja.

5 Wyatt, The last stand of Asian autonomies, p. 433.

6 I surveyed over 1,000 Jawi manuscripts contained in Malaysian repositories penned by Patani authors, most notably Sheikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani. The period of 1810–40 was particularly active not only for original manuscript production but also the reproduction of existing texts, including several versions of the Hikayat Patani. Patani-born, Mecca-trained scholars also began to produce scholarship while abroad which began to appear back in the peninsula during the period. Refer to Azra, Azyumardi, The origins of Islamic reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern ‘Ulama’ in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Asian Studies Association of Australia, Southeast Asia Publications Series (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), pp. 122–6Google Scholar.

7 Following the lead of Teeuw and Wyatt, I chose to base this study on Abdullah bin Abdulkadir's 1839 recension since it is the oldest extant and most complete version of the chronicle yet known. The original Jawi manuscript is held in the Library of Congress, Washington, DC. For the convenience of those who do not have access to the original manuscript, I have included references (to the romanised version in Teeuw and Wyatt [1970]) whenever I refer to passages in the original manuscript. An earlier version of the chronicle inscribed upon 28 plates of bamboo dated 1836, deposited at Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka in Kuala Lumpur, appears to be a summary or abridgement of the longer text.

8 Smail, John R.W., ‘On the possibility of an autonomous history of modern Southeast Asia’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 2, 2 (1961): 72–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Recalling local pasts: Autonomous history in Southeast Asia, ed. Sunait Chutintarinond and Chris Baker (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2002); Chutintarinond, Sunait, ‘“Mandala,” “segmentary state” and politics of centralization in medieval Ayudhya’, Journal of the Siam Society [hereafter, JSS], 78 (1989): 89–100Google Scholar.

10 For the purposes of comparison, I analysed court hikayat from across the Malay-Islamic world in which Patani played a part. I concentrated upon the chronicles of the above mentioned polities in the original Malay, when available: ‘Hikayat Marong Maha Wangsa or Kedah annals’, ed. A.J. Sturrock, Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 72 (1916): 37–123; Hill, A.H., ‘Hikayat raja-raja Pasai’, Journal of the Malayan/Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [hereafter, JMBRAS], 33, 2 (1960): 1–215Google Scholar; Ras, J.J., Hikajat Bandjar: A study in Malay historiography, Bibliotheca Indonesica, no. 1 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1968)Google Scholar; Hikajat Potjut Muhamat: An Achehnese epic, trans. G.W.J. Drewes, Bibliotheca Indonesica, no. 19 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1979).

11 Malay: mouse-deer or chevrotain.

12 Abdullah bin Abdulkadir manuscript, Library of Congress [hereafter, LC 1839], pp. 1–5; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 68–71, 146–8; for references to the esteemed place afforded the pelanduk in Malay folk tales, refer to Hurgronje, C. Snouck, The Achehnese, vol. II, trans. O'Sullivan, A.W.S. with an index by R.J. Wilkinson (Leyden: E.J. Brill, 1906), pp. 158–9Google Scholar.

13 The Hikayat Patani called him Encik Tani, perhaps deliberately attempting to avoid calling him Pak Tani, which other stories suggest gave rise to the city's name. LC 1839: p. 5; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 70–1, 148.

14 The alternative version of the foundation story tells of the fisherman Pak Tani who established the settlement on the coast. Only after it became successful did the raja move his court to Patani. The Hikayat Patani explicitly references this story, but denounces it as incorrect. LC 1839, p. 5; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 70–1, 148; Syukri, Ibrahim, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, trans. Bailey, Conner and Miksic, John N. (Athens: Center for International Studies, Ohio University, 1985, Reprinted: Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005), pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Abdullah, Mohd. Shaghir, Tarikh Fathani (Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Fathaniyah, 1998), pp. 14–15Google Scholar; Malek, Mohd. Zamberi A., Pensejarahan Patani (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya, 2006), p. 154Google Scholar.

15 This story bears some resemblance to the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai's description of how the Prophet Muhammad converted the raja of Pasai in a dream, taught him Arabic and instructed him on the proper beliefs and practices. LC 1839, pp. 5–11; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 71–5, 148–52; Hill, ‘Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai’, pp. 57, 118.

16 I heard a different tale about conversion from the Pattani scholar Bang Lah, an expert in local oral tradition, who stated that the king converted after some local people already practised Islam. For other surviving stories relating to the early Islamic community in Patani, refer to Abdullah, Tarikh Fathani, pp. 20–1, 25–6; Malek, Pensejarahan Patani, pp. 157–60.

17 LC 1839, pp. 44–5; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 101, 174.

18 LC 1839, pp. 11–14; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 75–8, 152–4.

19 LC 1839, pp. 78–80; Teeuw and Wyatt, pp. 132–3, 201–2.

20 Hill, ‘Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai’, pp. 104, 163.

21 There are many examples: LC 1839, pp. 35–42, 46–9, 59–71; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 95–100, 103–5, 115–25, 168–73, 175–7, 186–94.

22 LC 1839, p. 93; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 144–5, 215.

23 I will discuss the sections of the Hikayat Patani text more fully later in this article. Here it may suffice to say that the first section of the text, pp. 1–74 in LC 1839, constitutes Patani's perceived golden age. Sections II–V, pp. 74–88 in LC 1839, represent stories of decline. The final section then returns to a memory of court life at the pinnacle of its prosperity.

24 LC 1839, p. 76; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 130, 199.

25 Ibid., p. 278.

26 Wyatt, David K., ‘A Thai version of Newbold's “Hikayat Patani”’, JMBRAS, 40, 2 (1967): 33Google Scholar.

27 Teeuw and Wyatt applied the term because the founder of Patani's first dynasty supposedly came from a town called ‘Kota Maligai’ which was located in the interior of the peninsula. Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 3, 11.

28 Dagh-register Gehouden int Casteel Batavia vant Passerende daer ter Plaetse als over Geheel Nederlandts-India [hereafter, DR] 1642, pp. 154–5.

29 DR 1644–45, p. 86.

30 Letter of Davis and Portman to Surat, 3 Feb. 1671, Records of the Relations between Siam and Foreign Countries in the 17^th Century [hereafter, RR] II, p. 101.

31 Gervaise, Nicolas, Histoire naturelle et politique du Royaume de Siam (Paris: Chez Claude Barbin, au Palais, sur le second Perron de la Sainte Chappelle, 1688), pp. 315–17Google Scholar.

32 Peter Floris: His voyage to the East Indies in the globe, 1611–1615, ed. W.H. Mooreland (Hakluyt Society, 1934, reprinted Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2002), pp. 62–3.

33 In fact, Teeuw and Wyatt speculate that Raja Dewi, a queen thought to have reigned c. 1707–16, may have ruled earlier. However, as I will argue later, a different queen occupied the throne during that time, allowing for Raja Dewi to remain as she appears in the loose chronology established by Teeuw and Wyatt.

34 The junk trade from Southeast Asia: Translations from the Tosen Fusetsu-gaki, 1674–1723, ed. Ishii Yoneo, Data Paper Series, Sources for the Economic History of Southeast Asia, 6 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998), pp. 122.

35 LC 1839, pp. 58–73; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 113–27, 184–96.

36 Gervaise, Histoire Naturelle, p. 316.

37 Junk trade, pp. 115–22.

38 Ibid., p. 122.

39 Ibid., pp. 115–24.

40 Al-Fatani relied upon several royal genealogies from Kelantan that appeared subsequent to Teeuw and Wyatt's publication. The dates extracted from these genealogies, as with Fatani's dates, should be taken as approximations. Refer to Mohamed, Abdullah bin, Keturunan raja-raja Kelantan dan peristiwa-peristiwa bersejarah (Kota Bharu: Perbadanan Muzium Negeri Kelantan, 1981)Google Scholar.

41 al-Fatani, Ahmad Fathy, Pengantar sejarah Patani (Alor Setar: Pustaka Darussalam, 1994), p. 22Google Scholar.

42 Ibid., pp. 26–7.

43 Ibid., p. 34. The omission of the dethronement of Raja Kuning in the Hikayat Patani narrative seems naturally due to the succeeding dynasty's interest in establishing internal legitimacy. See later sections of this article for a thorough discussion of the chronicle's authorship and also Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 60–7.

44 The Thai version of the Hikayat Patani supports the idea of a coordinated attack in its claim that Siam placed the Kelantanese prince ‘Raja Bako’ upon the throne. Wyatt, ‘Thai version’, pp. 33–4.

45 Alternatively: Raja Bahar. Refer to ibid., pp. 35, 38.

46 LC 1839, pp. 74–5; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128–9, 197; John Nieuhoff, ‘Voyages and travels, into Brasil, and the East-Indies: containing, an exact description of the Dutch Brasil, and divers parts of the East-Indies; their provinces, cities, living creatures, and products; the manners, customs, habits, and religion of the inhabitants: with a most particular account of all the remarkable passages that happened during the author's stay of nine years in Brasil; especially, in relation to the revolt of the Portugueses, and the intestine war carried on there from 1640 to 1649; as also, a most ample description of the most famous city of Batavia, in the East-Indies’, in A collection of voyages and travels, ed. A. Churchill and J. Churchill (London: Printed for A. Churchill and J. Churchill, 1704), p. 220.

47 Alternatively: Raja Mas Kelantan, reflecting the Kelantanese dialect which often drops initial vowels in comparison to central Malay pronounciation and spelling. Refer to Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, p. 38.

48 LC 1839, p. 75; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 129, 197.

49 Alternatively: Raja Mas Chayam. Refer to Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, pp. 34–5, 38.

50 Ibid.

51 For a detailed discussion of the events of the 1670s, see the section following. Also refer to LC 1839, pp. 79–80, 83–7; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 129, 132–3, 136–9, 197, 201–2, 205–8, 266.

52 van Ravenswaay, L.F., ‘Translation of Jeremias van Vliet's description of the kingdom of Siam’, JSS, 7 (1910): 37Google Scholar; Bougas, Wayne A., The kingdom of Patani: Between Thai and Malay mandalas, Occasional Paper on the Malay World, no. 12 (Selangor: Institut Alam dan Tamadun Melayu, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1994), pp. 65–7Google Scholar; Suwannathat-Pian, Kobkua, Thai-Malay Relations: Traditional intra-regional relations from the seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries, ed. Gungwu, Wang, East Asian Historical Monographs (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 42–3Google Scholar.

53 Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, p. 37.

54 Wood, W.A.R., A history of Siam from the earliest times to the year A.D. 1781, with a supplement dealing with more recent events (London: T. Fisher Unwin, Ltd., 1926), p. 119Google Scholar.

55 LC 1839, 23–24; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 85, 160–1.

56 LC 1839, 18–24; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 81–6, 157–61.

57 Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, p. 37.

58 The title has been romanised in a number of ways including prachao, phraocao and pra'tJiau.

59 Quoted in Wood, History of Siam, pp. 176–7; Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, p. 37; Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘A political history of Siam under the Prasatthong dynasty 1629–1688’ (Ph.D. diss., University of London: 1984), p. 158. Japan, Lampang and Cambodia also refused to send tribute to the new king.

60 Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, p. 37.

61 DR 1640, pp. 85–6.

62 Bassett, D.K., ‘Changes in the pattern of Malay politics, 1629–c. 1655’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies [hereafter, JSEAS], 10, 3 (1969): 430Google Scholar.

63 Vlekke, Bernard H.M., Nusantara: A history of the East Indian archipelago (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1943), p. 109Google Scholar; Bassett, ‘Pattern of Malay politics’, p. 430; Hall, D.G.E., A history of South-East Asia, 4th edn (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981), p. 369CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 Bassett, ‘Pattern of Malay politics’, p. 431; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, p. 18.

65 Bassett, ‘Pattern of Malay politics’, p. 431.

66 In 1633, Ayudhya attempted unsuccessfully to forge an alliance with Aceh against both the Portuguese and Patani. Linehan, W., ‘A history of Pahang’, JMBRAS, 14 (1936): 39Google Scholar; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 167.

67 Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, p. 38.

68 Ibid.

69 Manguin, Pierre-Yves, ‘The vanishing jong: Insular Southeast Asian fleets in trade and war (fifteenth to seventeenth centuries)’, in Southeast Asia in the early modern era: Trade, power, and belief, ed. Reid, Anthony, Asia East by South series (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 212Google Scholar.

70 Bassett, ‘Patterns in Malay politics’, p. 431.

71 DR 1634, p. 432.

72 The Dutch nevertheless made a symbolic attack on six empty junks and captured a few Patani prisoners whom they took to Ayudhya to defray accusations that the failure of the invasion had been their fault. Refer to Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, pp. 39–40; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, pp. 178, 180.

73 Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, pp. 39–40; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 178.

74 Generale missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie [hereafter, GM] I, p. 516; Ravenswaay, ‘Van Vliet's description’, p. 41.

75 Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 183.

76 DR 1636, p. 55.

77 Davisakd, ‘Ayudhya in Patani's grasp’, p. 7; Wyatt, David K., Thailand: A short history (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), p. 111Google Scholar; Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, pp. 227–8.

78 Ibid., p. 228.

79 Ibid., pp. 228–9.

80 Ibid., p. 231.

81 David and Portman to Surat, 3 Feb. 1671, RR II, p. 101.

82 The letter stated that Patani's army was four times the size of Songhkla's force. This also coincides with the population difference between the two polities likely due to Songhkla's two and a half decades of near-constant conflict with Siam. Refer to ibid.

83 The intrigue between Patani and its peninsular neighbours in the 1670s to 1680s plays out in Section V of the Hikayat Patani, which chronicles the many political players during the reign of Raja Emas Kelantan. Corroborating the events and key figures from the Hikayat Patani with Dutch and English records support the revised chronology of this article. Refer to LC 1839, pp. 83–8; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 136–40, 205–10.

84 An English East India Company agent in Kedah claimed the war had ceased nine months prior with Siam as the victor. Refer to letter of Burroughs to Surat, 28 Oct. 1674, Ibid., p. 111.

85 Ibid.

86 The two-year interval between the rebellions of 1674 and 1676 fits with the chronology given in the Hikayat Patani. Refer to LC 1839, pp. 84–5; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 137, 206; DR 1676, p. 340; GM IV, p. 160.

87 Potts to Siam Factors, 18 Sept. 1678, RR II, p. 178.

88 DR 1678, p. 20.

89 DR 1679, p. 563.

90 William Strangh's Journal, 23 Nov. 1683, RR III, p. 234.

91 GM IV, p. 380.

92 Dhiravat, Political history of Siam, p. 339. One of the Siamese officials sent by Ayudhya in the early 1680s to solidify its position in Patani, Aya Wang or Okya Wang, appears both in Malay and Dutch records, which helps to solidify the revised chronology set forth in this article. Refer to LC 1839, p. 85; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 137–8, 206–7, 269; GM IV, p. 662.

93 Junk trade, pp. 115, 118.

94 Ibid., pp. 120, 122–4; O'Kane, John, The ship of Sulaiman, Persian Heritage Series, no. 11 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 219Google Scholar.

95 Note that an initial Dutch report listed the Siamese casualties as 60,000, but later amended the number. See GM IV, pp. 464, 499; Pombejra, Dhiravat na, ‘Ayutthaya at the end of the seventeenth century: Was there a shift to isolation?’, in Southeast Asia in the early modern era: Trade, power, and belief, ed. Reid, Anthony, Asia East by South series (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 256–7Google Scholar.

96 The tactic apparently inflicted frequent casualties, however. Refer to Junk trade, pp. 121–4; GM IV, p. 660.

97 Hamilton, Alexander, A new account of the East Indies, vol. II, ed. Foster, William (London: The Argonaut Press, 1930), p. 84Google Scholar; also see Junk trade, pp. 124–9.

98 Villiers, John, ‘The cash-crop economy and state formation in the Spice Islands in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries’, in Southeast Asian port and polity: Rise and demise, ed. Kathirithamby-Wells, J. and Villiers, John (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1990), p. 91Google Scholar; Reid, Anthony, Southeast Asia in the age of commerce 1450–1680, vol. II: Expansion and crisis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), pp. 265–6Google Scholar.

99 For an account of Patani's sixteenth-century rise to prominence, refer to Bradley, Francis R., ‘Piracy, smuggling, and trade in the rise of Patani, 1490–1600’, JSS, 96 (2008): 27–50Google Scholar.

100 Groeneveldt, W.P., De Nederlanders in China. Vol. 1: De Eerste bemoeiingen om den handel in China en de vestiging in de Pescadores (1601–1624), Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1898), pp. 14–19Google Scholar; for an account of VOC activities in Patani, refer to Terpstra, H., De Factorij der Oostindische Compagnie te Patani (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1938)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

101 DR 1636, p. 45; De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indie (1595–1610), vol. II, ed. J.K.J. de Jonge (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1865), p. 247; Jan Pietersz. Coen: Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indie Verzameld, vol. II, ed. H.T. Colenbrander (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1920), pp. 228–9, ibid., vol. III (1921), p. 856; Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen Archipel, ed. P.A. Tiele (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1890), pp. 173–4, 220.

102 DR 1624–29, p. 125; Reid, Age of commerce, l. II, p. 129; Cummings, W., ‘The Melaka Malay diaspora in Makassar, c. 1500–1669’, JMBRAS, 71, 1 (1998): 114Google Scholar; Heather Sutherland, ‘The Makassar Malays: Adaptation and identity, c. 1660–1790’, in Contesting Malayness: Malay identity across boundaries, ed. Barnard, Timothy P. (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2004), p. 80Google Scholar.

103 Even after the 1630s conflict, the German traveller Mandelslo estimated Patani's ‘fighting men’ to number approximately 10,000. Refer to de Mandelslo, John Albert, The travels of John Albert de Mandelslo, (a gentleman belonging to the embassy) from Persia, into the East-Indies (London: Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey, 1662), pp. 133–4Google Scholar; Coen, vol. VII, pp. 639–49; Peter Floris, pp. 94–5; Reid, Anthony, Southeast Asia in the age of commerce. vol. 1: The lands below the winds (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 21Google Scholar; Terpstra, Factorij der Oostindische Compagnie, p. 163.

104 Reid, Anthony, ‘Economic and social change, c. 1400–1800’, in Cambridge history of Southeast Asia, Vol. 1: From early times to c. 1800, ed. Tarling, Nicholas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 485Google Scholar.

105 Ibid., p. 479; Floris borrowed money from the raja of Patani at 7.5% interest during his visit to the port in 1612. Refer to Mooreland, Peter Floris, pp. 75–6.

106 Patani supplied pepper to Aceh and several ports of northern Java, but the Dutch and English companies began to interrupt this trade gradually after 1600. The head of Dutch mercantile strategy, Jan Pieterszen Coen, led the push by the VOC to control the Jambi pepper trade after 1615 which cut off one of the supply lines to the Patani market. The Dutch Dagh-register affords Patani noticeably fewer entries in the 1650s and 1660s than in the preceding and succeeding decades. Refer to DR 1631, p. 19; Bouwstoffen, p. 221.

107 GM III, pp. 56, 68, 323.

108 Reid, Age of commerce, vol. II, p. 320.

109 The letters of Samuel Potts, the English East India Company agent in Songhkla (Malay: Singgora), are invaluable to the study of Patani's relations with the company during the period. ‘Several transactions at Siam’, July–Nov. 1678, RR II, pp. 167–8; Letter of Potts to Siam Factors, 18 Sept. 1678, RR II, pp. 177–81; Letter of Burnaby to Bantam, 28 Oct. 1678, RR II, p. 184; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 16 Nov. 1678, RR II, pp. 189–90; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 19 Dec. 1678, RR II, pp. 200–1; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 22 Jan. 1679, RR II, pp. 214–15; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 23 Mar. 1679, RR II, pp. 220–1; Letter of Potts to Burnaby, 9 Aug. 1679, RR II, pp. 237–9; ‘Council at Batavia to the Dutch East India Company’, 3 Mar. 1680, RR II, p. 267.

110 Potts to Siam Factors, 18 Sept. 1678, RR II, p. 178.

111 GM IV, pp. 691, 760.

112 DR 1632, p. 123.

113 The Chinese were most prevalent at Patani, Johore, and Melaka. GM III, p. 19.

114 Nieuhoff, ‘Voyages and travels’, p. 218.

115 Reid, Anthony, ‘Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a source of diverse modern identities’, JSEAS, 32, 3 (2001): 301Google ScholarPubMed.

116 Ibid.

117 GM III, p. 323.

118 Sutherland, ‘The Makassar Malays’, p. 83.

119 GM IV, p. 417.

120 Reid, ‘Economic and social change’, p. 493.

121 Arasaratnam, Sinnappah, ‘The Coromandel-Southeast Asia trade 1650–1740: Challenges and responses of a commercial system’, Journal of Asian History, 18 (1984): 126Google Scholar.

122 Satow, E.M., ‘Notes on the intercourse between Japan and Siam in the seventeenth century’, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 13 (1885): 140Google Scholar.

123 Reid, Age of commerce, vol. II, pp. 289–90.

124 Junk trade, pp. 103–29; GM IV, p. 537; Sarasin, Tribute and profit, pp. 15–16, 65–6.

125 Junk trade, pp. 115–29; Sarasin, Tribute and profit, p. 66.

126 Hamilton, New account, p. 84.

127 GM V, p. 721.

128 GM VII, p. 98.

129 Junk trade, pp. 115, 118; Nieuhoff, ‘Voyages and travels’, p. 220.

130 GM VI, p. 813, 856; GM VII, p. 67.

131 In the Hikayat Patani's account of the bendahara of Patani, it specifically notes that the raja could no longer effectively bestow royal patronage upon court elites. Refer to LC 1839, pp. 74–80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128–33, 197–202.

132 LC 1839, pp. 74–78, 83–88; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128–31, 136–40, 197–201, 205–10.

133 Please refer to table 1 (Appendix). Refer to Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, p. 52.

134 LC 1839, pp. 5, 14, 46, 50, 58; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 71, 78, 103, 106, 113, 148, 154, 175, 178, 184.

135 This feature appears throughout the text as a bridge between separate sections of the story.

136 One of the authors complained about how the traditions of the court changed with the first king of the Kelantan dynasty. Among other things, the influx of a new elite patronised by the king, literally replaced the old court functionaries, including those involved in preserving the stories of olden times. See LC 1839, p. 80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 132–3, 202.

137 Newbold, T.J., ‘A note on Malayan Mss. and books presented to the Society’, Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 7 (1838): 85Google Scholar.

138 Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 201; A note on Malayan Mss. and books presented to the Society: 2.

139 LC 1839, pp. 20–4; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 83–6, 159–61.

140 LC 1839, pp. 54–8; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 110–13, 181–4.

141 Junk trade, pp. 115–24.

142 Ibid., pp. 127–9.

143 LC 1839, pp. 74–80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 128–30, 132–3, 197–9, 201–2, 266.

144 LC 1839, p. 79, Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 132, 201.

145 Ibid., p. 266.

146 Ibid.

147 Only a weak oral tradition has survived telling of the early raja of the Kelantan dynasty. It may follow from this that a faction associated with the Inland dynasty survived in court life after Raja Kuning was deposed which, for whatever reason, chose not to continue to record tales of the raja of the new dynasty.

148 Ibid., pp. 200–1.

149 Wyatt, ‘Thai version’, p. 33.

150 Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, p. 50.

151 Milner, A.C., Kerajaan: Malay political culture on the eve of colonial rule, ed. Reynolds, Frank et al. , Association for Asian Studies Monograph no. 40 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1982), pp. 53–71Google Scholar.

152 The instruments of the Patani nobat were far more numerous than any of the other Malay nobats of the peninsula. ‘Such a large orchestra is evidence of great affluence and elaborate royal pageantry. Other courts that possessed nobats, viz. Kedah, Perak, Selangor, and Terengganu each consisted of five instruments: one nafiri, one serunai, two gendang, and one negara, whereas Patani's nobat consisted of eight nafiri, four serunai, twelve gendang, and eight negara.’ Letter from Tan Sri Haji Mubin Sheppard to A. Teeuw, 25 Mar. 1969, quoted in Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 59–60; also see 51–2, 141, 211, 285; LC 1839, p. 89.

153 The Malay word nobat refers to the royal ensemble of the court that had many ceremonial functions. The verb form of the word, menobatkan, means ‘to install, inaugurate, crown’.

154 Sejarah Melayu or Malay annals, Oxford in Asia Historical Reprints, C.C. Brown (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 146.

155 Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, pp. 58–9.

156 The author used an obscure Arabic phrase, ‘la‘nat al-zaman’, that hints at a religious connotation. See LC 1839, p. 80; Teeuw and Wyatt, Hikayat Patani, pp. 133, 202.

157 Until 1809, there is little evidence of a strong literary culture in Patani.

158 Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, pp. 52–3. Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, p. 41.

159 Bonney, R., Kedah 1771–1821: The search for security and independence (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 81Google Scholar.

160 Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, p. 59; Fatani, Pengantar sejarah Patani, pp. 53–5.

161 For an account of the abortive 1791 rebellion, refer to Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, pp. 101–2. After Siam put down the 1808 rebellion, Patani was divided into seven small provinces known collectively as Khaek Jet Huamuang in an aim to quell further resistance to Siamese rule. Refer to Kobkua, Thai-Malay relations, pp. 124, 161. The American missionary Howard Malcolm, who passed through the Patani region in the late 1830s, observed that the area had been depopulated in the recent rebellion and many slaves taken back to Bangkok, where they were distributed to the chief families of the court there. Refer to Malcolm, Howard, Travels in South-Eastern Asia, embracing Hindustan, Malaya, Siam, and China; with notices of numerous missionary stations and a full account of the Burman empire with dissertations, tables, etc., vol. II, 6^th edition (Boston: Gould, Kendall and Lincoln, 1840), pp. 106Google Scholar.

162 The head of British operations in Penang, Francis Light, in one of his letters to the governor-general of India, wrote of the invasion, ‘The Siamese general is extirpating Pattany [sic] of all the men, children and old women, he orders to be tied down upon the ground and then trampled to death by elephants.’ Quoted in Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, p. 79. Furthermore, the uparat of the Siamese army warned Sultan Abdullah of Kedah not to accept any refugees from Patani, though such was an impossibility given their incredible number. Refer to ibid., pp. 79–80. Population estimates are difficult during this period. In the seventeenth century, Patani's population peaked around 50,000. By the 1820s, the British envoy Henry Burney approximated Patani's population to have grown to only 70,000, which seems likely due to its recent wars. Refer to Burney, Henry, The Burney papers, vol. V, pt. 1 (Bangkok: Vajiranana National Library, 1914), p. 30Google Scholar.

163 Wurtzburg, C.E., ‘A brief account of the several countries surrounding Prince of Wales's Island with their production’, JMBRAS, 16, 1 (1938): 123Google Scholar.

164 Islam had well-established roots in the Patani Sultanate dating to as early as the 14^th century. After the invasion, however, which resulted in the destruction of the political elites but which left Islamic leadership more or less intact, religious elites no longer had to ‘compete’ with court notables for positions of leadership in the community. The entire system of symbolic authority surrounding the raja, including the royal regalia of nobat, the centrality of the palace, and the strength of the cannons had all been swept away. Refer to ‘Eredia's description of Malaca, Meridional India, and Cathay, translated from the Portuguese with notes’, ed. and trans. J.V. Mills, JMBRAS, 8, 1 (1930): 49; Syukri, History of the Malay kingdom of Patani, p. 56.

165 Sheikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani was the first of the prominent Patani ulama who, through the course of the 19^th century, became involved in pan-Islamic movements towards reforming education not only in Patani but throughout Islamic parts of the peninsula, Sumatra, Cambodia and Vietnam. Refer to Roff, William R., ‘The origin and early years of the Majlis Ugama’, in Kelantan: Religion, society and politics in a Malay state (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 101–52Google Scholar; Matheson, Virginia and Hooker, M.B., ‘Jawi literature in Patani: The maintenance of an Islamic tradition’, JMBRAS, 61, 1 (1988): 1–86Google Scholar; Abdullah, Mohd. Shaghir, Syeikh Daud bin Abdullah al-Fatani: Ulama dan pengarang terulung Asia Tenggara (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbitan Hizbi, 1990)Google Scholar; Daud, Ismail Che, Tokoh-tokoh ulama semenanjung Melayu (Kota Bharu: Majlis Ugama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Kelantan, 1992)Google Scholar; Riddell, Peter, Islam and the Malay-Indonesian world: Transmission and responses (London: Hurst, 2001), pp. 198–200Google Scholar; al-Fatani, Ahmad Fathy, Ulama besar dari Patani (Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2002)Google Scholar; Madmarn, Hasan, The pondok & madrasah in Patani, ed. Teh, Wan Hashim Wan, Monograph Series of Malay World and Civilisation (Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2002), pp. 17–48Google Scholar; Azra, Origins of Islamic reformism, pp. 122–6.