¹ There are some 3, 200, 000 Bugis and 2, 500, 000 Makassar living in the southwest peninsula of Sulawesi i n Indonesia. These two groups are culturally and linguistically related but historically have always been rivals for dominance in the peninsula. Pelras, J.C., “Celebes-Sud: Fiche signaletique”, Archipel 10 (1975): 6Google Scholar; Mills, R.F., “The Reconstruction of Proto South Sulawesi”, Archipel 10 (1975): 217–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² From an examination of all fragments of the I La Galigo in Europe and Indonesia, R.A. Kern estimates that this work would contain between 6, 000 to 8, 000 pages, making it one of the largestepic poems in world literature. Kern, R. A., Catalogus van de Boeginese, tot del La Galigo-cyclus behoorende handschriften van Jqjasan Matthesstkhting te Makassar (Indonesie) (Makassar, 1954), p. v. Kern described the I La Galigo as a coherent whole, “a balanced structure with a beginning and an end”, “a firm and well-constructed edifice”.Google ScholarKern, R.A., Catalogus van de Boegineesche, lot den I La Galigo-cyclus behoorende handschriften der Leidsche Universiteitsbibliotheek (Leiden, 1939), pp. 2–4Google Scholar. While these conclusions are undeniable, it is precisely the “balanced structure” and the “well-constructed edifice” that have made possible the large numbers of stories which are today classified under the title J. La Galigo. From the time that the J. La Galigo first came to the notice of Western scholars to the present-day, there has not been a single individual who claims to have possession of the complete work. This admission is not a sad commentary on the ravages of time but rather a striking proof that this work is constantly growing within a prescribed structure and thus difficult to restrict to a “final version” of the J. La Galigo. What we know today as the J. La Galigo appears to be an outgrowth of hundreds of years of oral tales transmitted from generation to generation by word of mouth within a precisely laid framework. Perhaps an examination of similar works in other areas may shed light on the I La Galigo epjcm South Sulawesi. An enlightening study of the process of the growth of epic tales in oral and semi-literate societies is found in Lord, A.B., The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, Mass., 1960)Google Scholar.

³ Morris, F. van Braam, “Het Landschap Loehoe”, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (TGB) 32 (1889): 549–55Google Scholar; Matthes, B.F., “Boegineesche en Makassaarsche Lcgenden”, Bijdragen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI) 10 (1885): 432–35Google Scholar.

⁴ , Kern, Catalogus … Leidsche, pp. 834–47Google Scholar.

⁵ This concept is known in ancient Indian literature as matsyanyaya, or “the logic of the fish”. According o t Indian belief of the Cycle of Ages, man will degenerate at the end of a cycle and lose his sense of natural duty. Since there will be no rules, and a society without a king cannot be viable, the “logic of the fish” will then prevail. Lingat, R., The Classical Law of India (Berkeley, 1973), p. 207Google Scholar.

⁶ Lontara' Panguriseng, owned by Datu Galib of Soppeng, p. 1; Lontara' Bone, in Matthes, B.F., Boegineesche Chrestomathie (Makassar, 1864), p. 465 (both in Bugis script)Google Scholar. A notable exception is the Tomanurung story from Tanette where the people of Pangi discover a Tomanurung couple on the summit of a mountain while hunting. The chronicle begins very abruptly with: “There is a mountain to the west of the district of Pangi. Once upon a time….” With this the setting of the discovery of the Tomanurung is established. Although there is no mention of any disorder in the society prior to their discovery, the Arung (Lord of) Pangi expresses great happiness “in meeting the gods again”. This statement seems to indicate that the present chronicle of Tanette may be a continuation of some older document that may be more explicit about the condition of Tanette prior to the coming of the Tomanurung. Niemann, G.K., Geschiedenis van Tanette (Leiden, 1883), pp. 1–2 (in Bugis script)Google Scholar.

⁷ “Eeige historische stukken uit den Rapang”, in Matthes, B.F., Makassaarsche Chrestomathie (Amsterdam, 1883), p. 208 (in Makassar script); hereafter RapangGoogle Scholar.

⁸ , Matthes, Boegineesche Chrestomathie, pp. 465–66 (in Bugis script)Google Scholar.

⁹ Lontara' Panguriseng, p. 1.

¹⁰ Kasim, Sultan, Latar belakang perdjandjian persahabatan antara Am Palakka dan Kompeni BeIanda/ VOCpada tahun 1665 (unpublished thesis, IKIP Makassar, 12 1970), p. 17Google Scholar; Borahima, Ridwan, Sedjarah Bone pada musa pemerintahan Aru Palaka (unpublished thesis, IKIP Malang, 12 1971), pp. 37–38Google Scholar.

¹¹ Mus, Paul, India Seenfrom the East: Indian and Indigenous Cults in Champa, tr. from the French by Mabbett, l.W. and Chandler, D.P. (Monash, 1975).Google Scholar

¹² “Grondenrecht, heffingen en apanages”, Adatrechtbundels XXXI, 37 (1929): 118Google Scholar.

¹³ B.F. Matthes, “Over de Bissoe's of heidensche priesters en priesteressen der Boegineezen”, originally published 1872, republished in H. van den Brink, Dr. Benjamin Frederik Matthes (Amsterdam, 1943), pp. 497-503.

¹⁴ See , Mus, India Seen, pp. 15–17Google Scholar, for a discussion of the evolution of territorial and dynastic law in early communities in Asia. His description of early settlements in Champa is useful in understanding what may have also occurred in South Sulawesi.

¹⁵ Gilbert Hamonic posits an interesting theory concerning a change in the “mentality” of historical writing i n the Bugis-Makassar areas, which appears to coincide with the period of the agglomeration of gaukeng j gaukang communities into kingdoms. He sees the transformation of the concept of history beginning about the 16th century when the sacred writings of the bissu, conceived as a necessary ritua! to recall constantly the origins of the group and assure the equilibrium in the society, are superseded by Islamic ideas of history, which come to dominate the royal courts. Hamonic, Gilbert, “Du' Langage des Dieux' au Langage de l'Histoire”, Archipel 20 (1980): 307–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ For a description of this particular role of kingship in one of the Bugis kingdoms, see Andaya, L.Y., “The Nature of Kingship in Bone”, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, monograph no. 6 (1975), pp. 118–19Google Scholar. In early Minangkabau society, kingship played a similar role by serving as the final court of appeal for the people and as the common bond linking the nagari, or “village republics”. See Abdullah, Taufik, “Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau”, Indonesia II (10 1966): 4–5Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Yayasan Ms. No. 147, Library of the Yayasan Kcbudayaan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara, Ujung Pandang, p. 20 (in Bugis script).

¹⁸ For the purpose of this paper, I will be using the Romanized Bugis text of the Latoa that is found in , Mattulada, Latoa: Satu Lukisan Analitisterhadap Antropologi-Politik Orang Bugis (Ujung Pandang, 1975), pp. 104–293Google Scholar; hereafter Latoa. Rapang, pp. 208-16, 248-70.

¹⁹ Latoa, pp. 156-57.

²⁰ Latoa, pp. 176-77.

²¹ Latoa, pp. 172-73.

²² In attempting to clarify matters dealing with booty and other difficulties with the kingdoms of the Tellumpocco and the Cappagala, Arung Palakka Tonru' opens the Latoa and reads out a passage before an assembly of 200 princes (anak matola) about four ways of destroying one's kingdom. From “Berbagai ceritera tentang raja-raja di tanah Bugis” (in Bugis script), Yayasan Ms. 174 (new No. 3), Library of the Yayasan Kebudayaan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara, Ujung Pandang, p. 483. It is apparent from this episode that the Latoa was familiar to the princes and used as a political and moral guide to ruling.

²³ Latoa, pp. 104-105.

²⁴ Latoa, pp. 146-47.

²⁵ Latoa, pp. 142-43. The personal character of the court and the concern for contact between a ruler and his subjects are reminiscent of a 13th-century Sukhothai ruler, Ram Kamheng, who hunga bell in the palace doorway that could be struck by anyone who wished to report a grievance to him. G. Coedes, The Indianized States of Southeast Asia (Honolulu, 1968), p. 207. The Persian sage-ruler Nushirwan is said to have commanded that a chain be set up with bells attached to it so that even a seven-year-old child with a complaint for the ruler could reach it. Darke, Hubert, The Book of Government or Rules for Kings, of Nizam al-Muluk (London, 1960), p. 41Google Scholar.

²⁶ Latoa, pp. 142-44.

²⁷ Latoa, pp. 150-51.

²⁸ Latoa, pp. 174-75.

²⁹ Latoa, pp. 146-47, 154-55, 174-75.

³⁰ Latoa, pp. 154-55, 172-73, 275-77.

³¹ Latoa, pp. 276-79.

³² Koloniaal Archief 1227, Overgekomen Brieven 1679, Missive from Cops to Batavia, 31 May 1678, fol. 222.

³³ Latoa, pp. 154-55. The importance of manpower in early Southeast Asian kingdoms is a theme continually stressed in chronicles and inscriptions. It was not uncommon in war to have the vanquished population transported to the lands of the conquerors in order to augment the manpower of the victorious ruler and thus increase his wealth and prestige. A detailed study of this process operating in Thailand is found in Rabibhadana, A., The Organization of Thai Society in the Early Bangkok Period (Ithaca, 1969)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Latoa, pp. 122-23; Rapang, p. 258; Ms. Celebes 12, Korn Collection, the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Leiden, pp. 7, 19, passim. A letter from a Dutch official dated 26 Dec. 1912, which is attached to Ms. Celebes 12, states that this Bugis work contains many similarities with the Rapang and may be a mixture of both Bugis and Makassar material.

³⁵ Thisisa typical phenomenon in the Malayo-lndonesian world. In the middle of the 18th century, there was no powerful Malay kingdom in the Straits of Melaka, that could control the piracy perpetrated by these young princes ( anak raja). For a discussion of the social and psychological circumstances within a Malay court that gave rise to this anak rajaI anakarung problem, see Andaya, Barbara Watson, “The Role of the Anak Raja in Malay History: A Case Study from 18th-century Kedah”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 7, 2 (09 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ Latoa, pp. 274-77, contains a listing of the ruler's obligations to his people; Rapang, p. 263.

³⁷ Latoa, pp. 122-23, 148-49;Rapang, pp. 249, 258.

³⁸ Latoa, pp. 158-59, The manner in which the Bugis-Makassar people viewed the world affected greatly their interpretation of events. When the Dutch East India Company invaded and defeated the kingdom of Gowa in 1667, this event was re-told within the framework of their world-view. The invasion by a “great enemy” (the Dutch) and the defeat of the kingdom were seen as the consequence of the ruler of Gowa acting in defiance of the laws and customs of the land. See Andaya, L. Y., “A Village Perception of Arung Palakka and the Makassar War of 1666-69”, in Perceptions of the Past in Southeast Asia, ed. Marr, D. and Reid, A. (Singapore, 1979), pp. 360–78Google Scholar.

³⁹ , Matthes, Makassaarsche Chrestomathie 3: 21 (in Makassar script)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Latoa, pp. 146-47; Rapang, p. 258.

⁴¹ Ms. Celebes 12, Korn Collection, pp. 206, 225.

⁴² Latoa, pp. 292-93.

⁴³ , Abdurrahim, “Kedatangan Orang Melaju di Makassar” (in personal possession of author, Ujung Pandang, Indonesia, no date), p. 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ There was a difference between the low Malay (pasar Melayu) of the marketplace and the literary Malay of the courts. But on both levels the Malay language was extensively used as a vehicle of communication throughout the archipelago.

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⁵⁷ Speaking of the Jam of the 17th century, Johns writes: “They belonged to the intelligentsia of their age, and they were guides to prince and pedlar alike. To them the Islamic world was one world, and they met one another on equal terms at Mecca, Medina, and other great centres of learning in the Middle East”. , Johns, “Problems of Perspective”, p. 315Google Scholar.

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⁵⁹ Patunru, Abdurrazak Daeng, Sedjarah Gowa (Makassar, 1969), p. 20Google Scholar. Amansjah, A. Makarausu, “Pengaruh Islam dalam Adat-Istiadat Bugis-Makassar”, Bingkisan Tahun 11/6 (02 1969): 21Google Scholar.

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⁶¹ Skinner, C., ed. and tr., Sja'ir Perang Mengkasar [The Rhymed Chronicle of the Makassar War] of Encik Amin fs-Gravenhage, 1963), p. 23Google Scholar.

⁶² Ibid., p. 24, n. 123, citing original passage from J. , Doorenboos, Degeschriflen van Hamzah Pansoeri (Leiden, 1933), p. 70Google Scholar.

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⁶⁷ Cense, A. A., “De Verering van Sjaich Jusuf in Zuid-Celebes”, Bingkisan Budi (Leiden, 1950), p. 51Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ La Menruranana Pelta Malampee Gemme'na, manuscript 183 (Bugis) of the Nederlandsch Bijbel Genootschap collection in the University of Leiden, Oriental Manuscript Section (Leiden, The Netherlands), p. 7.

⁶⁹ Milner, A.C., “Islam and Malay Kingship”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and ireland 1 (1981): 52–54, 65, n. 63Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ The Aceh Scholar Hamzah Pansuri (d. circa 1600) appears to have studied the ideas of Ghazlli (See al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naguib, “Raniri and the Wujudiyyah of 17th-Century Aceh”, monograph no. 3, Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [Singapore, 1966], p. 46Google Scholar), while the Malay author of the Sejarah Melayu, the earliest recension of which dates from the early 17th century, praises anyone whose knowledge is as great as “Imam Ghazali's”. See Brown, C.C., ed. and tr., “Sejarah Melayu of Malay Annals”, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 25 (10 1952): 180. The Nasihat al-Muluk was also translated into MalayGoogle Scholar.

⁷¹ Bagley, F.R.C., ed. and tr., Ghazali's Book of Counselfor Kings [NasThat al-Muluk] (London, 1964), p. 14Google Scholar.

⁷² Ibid., pp. 45 46. “This divine effulgence is a Persian concept of the manifestation of the sacred element of fire or light in the person of the rightful ruler; Ibid., p. xli. Among the Javanese there is also a belief in the sacred flame, called andharu or pulung kraton, which is associated with the legitimacy of rulers. Kartodihardjo, Sartono, Segi-Segi strukturil historiografi Indonesia (Djokjakarta, 1968), p. 26Google Scholar; Moertono, Soemarsaid, State and Statecraft in Old Java (Ithaca, 1968), p. 56Google Scholar. A reference in the Bone Chronicles in South Sulawesi to one of the early rulers of that kingdom being spirited away by a flame from heaven may represent the chronicler's attempt to associate rulers with the sacred flame. Matthes, B.F., Boegineesche Chrestomaihie, p. 476 (in Bugis script)Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Williams, John Alden, ed., Themes of Islamic Civilization (Berkeley, 1971), p. 98Google Scholar. The principal ministers of the Malay kingdom of Melaka, the Bendaharas, proudly claimed descent from this illustrious Persian wazir. , Milner, “Islam and Malay Kingship”, p. 65, n. 63Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ , Darke, Book of Government, p. 192Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Levy, Reuben, ed. and tr., A Mirror of Princes, The Qābus Nāama, by Kaj Kāūs ibn Iskandar, Prince of Gurgan (London, 1951), p. 196Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Quoted from the Persian Book of the Crown, a manual for court etiquette, written between A.D. 847 and 861 and cited in Williams, Themes, p. 81. Many of the Persian books of ethics and courtly literature were being translated into Arabic about this time; Ibid., p. 78. Many Islamic scholars with only a knowledge of Arabic, as was mainly the case in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago, were therefore able to gain access to this rich Persian literature.

⁷⁸ Quoting from the Prolegomena of Ibn Khaldun, cited in Williams, Themes, p. 95.

⁷⁹ Mees, C.A., Kroniek van Koetai (Santpoort, 1935), pp. 54, 100, 240Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ The first Moslem ruler in South Sulawesi was the Datu of Luwu' who converted a year earlier than the ruler of Gowa, but little is known about the circumstances of this conversion. , Matthes, Boeginnesche Chrestomathie 1:9, 529Google Scholar; Noorduyn, J., Een achtliende-eeuwse kroniek van Wadjo' ('s-Gravenhage, 1955), p. 93Google Scholar; Amansjah, A. Makarausu, “Pengaruh pukulan gelombang kebudayaan Islam memajukan kebudayaan Bugis-Makassar”, Bingkisan Th. 11/1 (1 09 1968): 55Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Ligtvoet, A., “Transcriptie van het Dagboek der vorsten van Gowa en Tello'”, Bijdragen van het Koninklijk lnslituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde BA7 28 (1880): 6, 86Google Scholar.

⁸² Tapala, La Side Daeng, Lontara'na Petta Malampee Gemme'na [in Bugis script] (Ujung Pandang, 1971), 1: 11–15Google Scholar. Matthes, B.F., Boegineesche Chrestomathie, pp. 491–92 (in Bugis script)Google Scholar.

⁸³ , Noorduyn, Kroniek, pp. 94–97Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Hurgronje, C. Snouck (tr. by CSuliivan, A.W.S.), The Achehnese (Leiden, 1906), 1: 97–98Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Ibid., pp. 121-22.

⁸⁶ Crab, P. van der, De Moluksche Eiianden (Batavia, 1862), p. 293Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ An interesting contrast may be seen in Java where the introduction of Islam marked no radical departure in the traditional Javanese idea of the role and significance of the ruler. Although the rulers did not forego the opportunity of strengthening their prestige by assuming Islamic titles and bringing Islamic officials into their service, there was little change in their position. See Benedict Anderson, R. O'G., “The Idea of Power in Javanese Culture”, in Culture and Politics in Indonesia, ed. Holt, Clare (Ithaca, 1972), pp. 58–59Google Scholar. The striking difference in receptivity of Islam by the rulers of Aceh, Ternate, Sulu, Magindanao, and South Sulawesi and by those in Java may be explained by the already strong position of the latter rulers within their society at the time of the introduction of Islam. Islam preached a kind of kingship that was already in practice in Java. Nevertheless, the rulers of Java were not unaware of the added advantages of having Islam as another source for the enhancement of their status.

⁸⁸ , Majul, Muslims, p. 327Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Amansjah, A. Makarausu, “Pengaruh Islam dalam Adat Istiadat Bugis-Makassar, Bingkisan 11/5 ( 1 01 1969): 40Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ ibid., p. 38.

⁹¹ Bakkers, J.A., “Het leenvorstendom Boni”, Ttjdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (TGB) 15 (1866): 99Google Scholar.

⁹² , Noorduyn, Kroniek, p. 102Google Scholar.

⁹³ An examination of this process in South Sulawesi is found in Amansjah, A. Makarausu, “Mazhab Sji'ah di Tjikowang”, II, Bingkisan III/1-2 (09-10 1969): 27–28Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ , Noorduyn, Kroniek, p. 104Google Scholar. See also Andaya, L.Y., The Heritage of Arung Palakka: A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century (The Hague, 1981), pp. 41–42Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ , Skinner, Sja'ir Perang Mengkasar, pp. 110-13, 253–54Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Side, La. “Bagaimanakah watak Sultan Hasanuddin”, Bingkisan Th. 11/1 (1 09 1968): 15Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Contemporary archival records of the Dutch East India Company confirm this ruler's fervent belief in Islam and the support he received from Islamic Leaders. As has been mentioned above, a court document written either during or immediately after Arung Palakka's reign refers to him as “The Heroic Ruler of the Sufi”. See footnote 68.

⁹⁸ , Andaya, “Nature of Kingship”, p. 124Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Such contests to match spiritual prowess were apparently common among Sufis. But unlike the outcome recorded in the Hikayai Raja-Raja Pasai from north Sumatra where a Moslem Sultan displays his spiritual superiority over an Indian yogi (see , Milner, “Islam and Malay Kingship”, p. 54Google Scholar), the outcome between the forces of Islam and adat is reversed in South Sulawesi.

¹⁰⁰ , Matthes, “Legenden” pp. 453–54Google Scholar.