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Indonesian Nationalism and the Pre-war Youth Movement: A Reexamination*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Leo Suryadinata
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Extract

There are only a few studies on the Indonesian youth movement in the pre-World War II period. Apart from those dealing with specific organizations and hence not concerned with the more general trend, most of the authors tend to emphasize the unity of the movement after the 1928 youth congress. The usual story told is that after that year, a clear concept of an Indonesian nation emerged and the movement was no longer divided. There is hardly any discussion about the division between secular and Islamic movements. Concerning Indonesian national symbols, the impression is created by these authors that they were adopted unanimously in 1928 although evidence shows that at that time only certain groups accepted them. The general acceptance of these national symbols took place only late in the thirties.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 9 , Issue 1 , March 1978 , pp. 99 - 114
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1978

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References

1 For more general studies of the pre-war youth movement in Indonesia, see for example Biro Pemuda Departemen P.D. & K., Sedjarah Perdjuangan Pemuda Indonesia (Djakarta, 1965) especially pp. 17–96Google Scholar; Amstutz, James Bruce, “The Indonesian Youth Movement, 1908–1955,” Ph.D. thesis (Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1958)Google Scholar; and Nurliana, Nana, “Peranan Pemuda Dalam Gerakan Kebangsaan, 1908–1942,”Paper presented to the Seminar Sedjarah Nasional II,Yogyakarta,1970Google Scholar. For specific studies on the Perhimpunan Indonesia, see Sunario, , “Perhimpunan Indonesia dan Peranannja Dalam Perdjuangan Kemerdekaan Kita,”Paper presented to the Seminar Sedjarah Nasional II,Yogyakarta,1970Google Scholar; Ingleson, John, Perhimpunan Indonesia and the Indonesian Nationalist Movement, 1923–1928 Papers on Southeast Asia, No. 4, Monash University (Melbourne, 1975)Google Scholar; and Bachtiar, Harsja W., “The Development of a Common National Consciousness among Students from the Indonesian Archipelago in the Netherlands,” Majalah Ilmu-Ilmu Sastra di Indonesia, VI, 2 (May 1976), 31–44Google Scholar. For a detailed study on the youth movement in one Indonesian region, see Abdullah, Taufik, School and Politics: The Kaum Muda Movement in West Sumatra (Ithaca. 1971)Google Scholar.

2 It is extremely difficult to draw a clear distinction between youth and adult in the Indonesian context. Usually the term “youth” (pemuda) refers to persons from fifteen to twenty-five years of age. See Abdullah, Taufik, Pemuda dan Perubahan Sosial (Jakarta, 1974). p. 1Google Scholar. The Jong Islamieten Bond accepted persons from fourteen to thirty years of age as its members and hence one can argue that persons of thirty years of age are still considered as youth. For an interesting discussion on the definition of youth in the Indonesian context, see Tamney, Joseph B., ed., Youth in Southeast Asia: Edited Proceedings of the Seminar of 5–7 March 1971 (Singapore, 1972), pp. 1–2Google Scholar. In this paper, the youth movement refers to organizations or movements whose members were primarily students or young people. In fact, the student movement was the major portion of the youth movement in pre-war Indonesia.

3 Pringgodigdo, A.K., Sedjarah Pergerakan Rakjat Indonesia, Sixth edition (Djakarta. 1967)Google Scholar. The manuscript was prepared in 1945.

4 For the full information of his thesis, see footnote 1.

5 For the autobiography of Soetomo, see his Kenang-Kenangan: Beberapa Poengoetan Kissah Orang Jang Bersangkoetan Dengan Kehidoepan Saja (Batavia, 1934)Google Scholar. Biographical data of the student leaders associated with the B.O. are included in this book.

6 For a good study of the B.O., see Nagazumi, Akira, “The Origin and the Earlier Years of the Budi Utomo,” Ph.D. thesis (Cornell University, 1967)Google Scholar.

7 Among the students of STOVIA in the years 1900–1910, the annual totals of the students according to their ethnic origins were as follows: Javanese, 90–111; Sumatrans, 10–32; Ambonese, 2–17; and Menadonese, 8–18. Nagazumi, op. cit, p. 96.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid., pp. 67–68.

10 Ibid., pp. 69–70.

11 ” For example. Nurliana.op. cit., p. 3; Amstutz, op. cit., p. 1.

12 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 20; Biro Pemuda, op. cit., p. 29.

13 “Onze Vereeniging ‘Tri Koro Dharmo’,” Tri Koro Dharmo, 2 (1 Dec. 1915), 2Google Scholar.

14 Ibid., 3 (1 Jan. 1916), 30.

15 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 20.

16 Ibid., pp. 20–21.

17 Blumberger, J.Th. Petrus, De Nationalistische Beweging in Nederlandsch-Indie (Haarlem, 1931) p. 164Google Scholar; Hanifah, Abu, “Beberapa Momenta Dalam Sedjarah Gerakan Pemuda Sebelum Perang,” Budaja Djaja (Jakarta), 41 (Oct. 1971), 584Google Scholar.

18 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 95.

19 The chairmen of the Jong Java before Raden Mas were Soehardo Arjotedjo (1917–18), Satiman Wirjosandjojo (1918–19), Soetomo (1919–22), Pringgoadmodjo (1922–23). Biro Pemuda, op. cit., pp. 33–34. It is interesting to note that Raden Sam later changed his name to Samsuridjal. He was active in the post-war Masjumi, a modernist Islamic party. See Noer, Deliar, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia 1900–1942 (Kuala Lumpur, 1973) p. 248Google Scholar.

20 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 96; Biro Pemuda, op. cit., pp. 34–35.

21 Blumberger, op. cit., pp. 170–71; Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 96.

22 Blumberger, op. cit., p. 171; Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 96.

23 Clifford Geertz first popularized the terms “abangan” for nominal Muslims and “santri” for pious Muslims in his classic, the Religion of Java (Glencoe, 1960). R.M. Koentjaraningrat argues that while “santri” simply means “religious person”, “abangan”is a degrading term for Javanese who do not take Islamic principles seriously. Therefore he uses “kejawen” to refer to “abangan”. For Geertz's detailed but incomplete description of the abangan belief, see his work, op. cit., pp. 11–118; for Koentjaraningrat's succinct version of the “kejawen” religion, see his Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of Indonesia and Malaysia (California, 1975), pp. 112–21Google Scholar.

24 Noer, op. cit., p. 257.

25 Slametan — a socioreligious ritual which is performed by abangan Javanese to create a state of slamet, or emotional calm, in which nothing unfortunate will happen to anyone. The slametan involves a communal sacred meal, either very simple or very elaborate, depending on the importance of the occasion. Geertz, op. cit, pp. 11–15; Koentjaraningrat, op. cit., pp. 115–16.

26 Noer.op. cit., p. 257.

27 For an interesting discussion on the views of these two groups, see Noer, op. cit., pp. 247–95.

28 Blumberger, op. cit., p. 172; Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 96.

29 Blumberger, op. cit., p. 173.

10 Sunario, op. cit., p. 3.

11 Ibid., pp. 14–15; Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 48.

32 Sunario. op. cit., pp. 14–15; Djoyoadisuryo, Ahmad Subardjo, Peranan Ide-Ide Dalam Gerakan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (Jakarta, 1975). p. 26Google Scholar.

33 Sunario, op. cit., p. 8; John Ingleson, op. cit., p. 7. Van Niel states that in 1922 the Indische Vereeniging changed its name to the Perhimpunan Indonesia. van Niel, Robert, The Emergence of the Modern Indonesian Elite (The Hague, 1960). p. 223Google Scholar. In fact, in that year, the name was changed to Indonesische Vereeniging rather than Perhimpoenan Indonesia. Sunario, op. cit., pp. 4, 47.

34 Sunario, op. cit., pp. 29–30; also Pringgodigdo, A.G., “Dari Gula-Kelapa Djawa Mendjadi Merah-Putih Indonesia,” Berita LIPI, XV, 3 (1971), 24Google Scholar.

35 Sunario, op. cit., pp. 46–47.

36 Djojopuspito, Sugondo, “Koreksi Atas Tjeramah Sdr. Abu Hanifah,” Budaja Djaja, 45 (Feb. 1972), 83–84Google Scholar.

37 In 1928, there were 75 Indonesian students at the R.H.S., 20 at the T.H.S. and 17 at the G.H.S. See the Hollandsch-Inlandsch Onderwijs-Commissie in its Publicaties, 1 (Buitenzorg, 1929). Tables 40Google Scholar. 41, and 42.

38 Amstutz, op. cit., p. 26

39 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 99.

40 Ibid., p. 100; Alisjahbana, Sutan Takdir, Indonesia: Social and Cultural Revolution (Kuala Lumpur, 1966), p. 63Google Scholar.

41 Hanifah, “Beberapa Momenta,” op. cit., p. 587.

42 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 97; Biro Pemuda, op. cit., p. 52.

41 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 97.

44 Ibid., p. 98.

45 Soekarno. ex-Algemene studieclub; Anwari, ex-P.P.P.I. (?); Iskaq. ex-P.I.; Boediarto. ex-P.I.; Sunario, ex-P.I.; and Samsi. ex-P.I. A.G. Pringgodigdo. “Dari Gula-Kelapa…,” op. cit., p. 25.

46 Sugondo. op. cit., p. 80.

47 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 100; Bachtiar, Harsja W., “The Formation of the Indonesian Nation,” Ph.D. thesis (Harvard University, 1972), 271Google Scholar.

48 Soegondo, the Chairman of the congress, in a recent article maintained that a representative of the J.I.B., Djohan Muhammad Tjai, was a member of the congress committee. See Sugondo, op. cit., p. 80. Most Indonesian history books mention that there were J.I.B. representatives in the congress. A contemporary newspaper report prepared by a participant, Saeroen, mentions that Maʼmoenalrasid of the J.I.B. delivered a speech which resulted in an argument between the speaker and Moeh. Yamin, a leading nationalist, over an unspecific issue. Moeh. Tjai (of the J.I.B.) attempted to reconcile their differences. See Keng Po (Jakarta), 31 Oct. 1928.

49 Abu Hanifah, a Muslim participant in the congress, was of the opinion that the J.I.B. did not agree with the principle of the P.P.P.I. and refused to take part in the second youth congress. However, he noted that a few members did participate at the congress in an individual capacity. Hanifah, “Beberapa Momenta,” op. cit., p. 285; also his Tales of a Revolution (Sydney, 1972), p. 69.

50 Keng Po (Jakarta), 29 Oct. 1928.

51 Ibid.

52 For a full text of Moeh. Yamin's speech, see Bara Eka, I, 3 (1964), 6–11Google Scholar

53 Most publications did not have a full citation of the congress resolution. Even the partial citation of the resolution was often different from the original text. For instance, Biro Pemuda op. cit, p. 55. For the full text of the resolution, see Bara Eka, I, 3 (Aug./Sept./Oct. 1964), 11.

54 It is interesting to note that Soekarno claimed that he “officially proclaimed the solemn pledge: ‘One Nation, One Flag, One Language.’” See Sukarno: An Autobiography as Told to Cindy Adams (New York, 1965), p. 87Google Scholar. Hanifah said that it was a lie, but he did not mention who proclaimed the Youth Oath. Hanifah, “Beberapa Momenta,” op.cit., pp. 588–59. Since Yamin drafted the resolution and he was also the secretary of the congress, it is very likely that the Youth Oath (or Solemn Pledge) was proclaimed by him or one of his committee members. Soekarno was not a committee member.

55 Blumberger, op. cit., p. 406.

56 Most of the writers on the Youth Oath or the second youth congress fail to mention the disagreement between secular and Islamic youths as if there was a full agreement on the congress.

57 Many writers note that the congress adopted Indonesia Raya as the Indonesian national song. See for instance Slametmuljana, , Nasionalisme Sebagai Modal Perdjuangan Bangsa Indonesia, II (Djakarta, 1969), 104Google Scholar. But the participants of the congress rejected the story. Hanifah. “Beberapa Momenta,” op. cit., pp. 587–88; Sugondo, op. cit., pp. 81–82.

58 Sugondo, op. cit., p. 82.

59 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 159.

60 Members of this Komisi Besar included R.K. Poerbopranoto (Javanese). R.T. Wongsonegoro (Javanese), Muh. Yamin (Minangkabau), A.K. Gani (Minangkabau), Assaat (Minangkabau), and Moh. Tamsil (Minangkabau). Amstutz, op. cit., p. 35.

61 A.G. Pringgodigdo, “Dari Gula Kelapa….,” op. cit., p. 26.

62 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 176.

63 Ibid., p. 102

64 Ibid., p. 181.

65 Ibid., p. 101.

66 Ibid., p. 182.

67 Ibid., p. 178.

68 Ibid., p. 178.

69 Indisch Verslag 1934, I, 19, cited in Amstutz, op. cit., p. 38.

70 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 178.

71 Amstutz, op. cit., p. 38; Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 179.

72 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 184.

73 Ibid., p. 179.

74 Ibid., p. 180.

75 Pluvier, J.M., Overzicht van de Ontwikkeling der Nationalistische Beweging in Indonesie in de jaren 1930 tot 1942 (The Hague and Bandung. 1953), p. 153Google Scholar; Pringgodigdo op. cit., p. 181.

76 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 181

77 Ibid.

78 Pluvier, op. cit., p. 154.

79 Pringgodigdo, op. cit., p. 182.