¹ These sea routes are described in full in Ming sources but they were of course known much earlier to navigators of different countries. For the Ming period, see especially Mills, J. V., “Chinese Navigators in Insulinde about A.D. 1500”, Archipel 18 (1979): 69–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Note that in some recent works sea links are also mentioned, but not always accurately in all points. See, for example, Yukun, Li, Quanzhou haiwai jiaotong shilüe, Quanzhou lishi wenhua congshu (Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 1995), pp. 17–20Google Scholar.

² One of the more recent monographs on Yuan maritime trade is Yu Changsen, , Yuandai haiwai maoyi (Xi'an: Xibei daxue chubanshe, 1994)Google Scholar. The same author has also published various papers, for example, “Yuandai haiwai maoyi fazhan de jiji zuoyong yu juxianxing”, Haijiaoshi yanjiu (hereafter HJSYJ), 26 (2/1994): 40–54Google Scholar. For the eastern route, see Wu Ching-hong, , “The Rise and Decline of Ch'üan-chou's International Trade and Its Relation to the Philippine Islands”, in International Association of Historians of Asia: Second Biennial Conference Proceedings, ed. Kuei-yung, Chang et al. (Taibei, 1962), pp. 469–83Google Scholar; Li Donghua, , Quanzhou yu wo guo zhonggu de haishang jiaotong (jiu shiji mo — shiwu shiji chu) (Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1986), pp. 204—205Google Scholar; Rita C. Tan, “Participation of the Philippines in the Nanhai Trade: 9th-16th Centuries”, manuscript c. 1991, pp. 7–8; Ptak, Roderich, “The Northern Trade Route to the Spice Islands: South China Sea — Sulu Zone — North Moluccas (14th to early 16th Century)”, Archipel 43 (1992): 27–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “China and the Trade in Cloves, circa 960–1435”, Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, 1 (1993): 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Dazhen, Chen, Dade Nanhai zhi canben (Guangzhou: Guangzhou shi difangzhi yanjiusuo, 1986), pp. 37–38Google Scholar; Jiarong, Chen (Aaron Chen), Zhongwai jiaotong shi (Hong Kong: Learner's Bookstore, 1987), pp. 366–69Google Scholar; Gaohua, Chen and Wu Tai, , Song Yuan shiqi de haiwai maoyi (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1981), pp. 40–41 and n. 4 on p. 40Google Scholar for additional references. The Xiao Xiyang is mentioned twice in the Nanhai zhi; could it be that one of the references should be replaced by Da Xiyang? Also see, for example, Jiarong, Chen, “Song Yuan Ming Qing zhih Dongxi'nanbei yang”, HJSYJ 21 (1/1992): 11–13Google Scholar.

⁴ The following edition of the DYZL was used here: Dayuan, Wang (author), Daoyi zhilüe jiaoshi, ed. Su Jiqing, , congkan, Zhongwai jiaotong shiji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981)Google Scholar. See especially pp. 159 and 213–23 there. Also see Jianxin, Hong, “Zheng He hanghai qianhou Dong, Xiyang diyu gainian kao”, in Jinian weida hanghaijia Zheng He xia Xiyang 580 nian choubei weiyuanhui, hanghaishi yanjiuhui, Zhongguo (eds.), Zheng He xia Xiyang lunwen ji, di yi ji (Beijing: Renmin jiaotong chubanshe, 1985), pp. 211–13Google Scholar; Jiarong, Chen, Zhongwai jiaotong shi, p. 376Google Scholar; Ptak, Roderich, “Glosses on Wang Dayuan's Daoyi zhilüe (1349/50)”, in Récits de voyages asiatiques: Genres, mentalités, conception de l'espace. Actes du colloque EFEO-EHESS de décembre 1994, Études thématiques 5, ed. Claudine Salmon (Paris: École française d'Extrême-Orient, 1996), p. 131Google Scholar; Ptak, Roderich, “Images of Maritime Asia in Two Yuan Texts: Daoyi zhilüe and Yiyu zhi”. Journal of Sung Yuan Studies 25 (1995): 55Google Scholar.

⁵ DYZL, pp. 135–38 and n. 1 and 2 (Xiao Dongyang), 287 and 291 n. 2 (Dalang Ocean). Note the many formal and numerological arrangements in DYZL, as described in my papers quoted in the previous note. On Jianshan, see DYZL, pp. 135–38. For this name and the Dalang Ocean, also see Jiarong, Chen, Fang, Xie and Lu Junling, , Gudai Nanhai diming huishi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), pp. 144, 388–89Google Scholar; and Ptak, Roderich, “Yuan and Early Ming Notices on the Kayal Area in South India”, Bulletin de l'École française d'Extrême-Orient (hereafter BEFEO) 80.1 (1993): 144–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ See, for example, Mills, J.V.G. (tr. and ed.), Ma Huan. Ying-yai Sheng-lan. The Overall Survey of the Ocean's Shores [1433], Hakluyt Society Extra Series 42 (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1970), pp. 227–29Google Scholar.

⁷ Generally, for Yuan trade regulations, the old works by Kuwabara Jitsuzô, “P'u Shou-keng, a Man of the Western Regions, who was the Superintendent of the Trading Ship's Office in Ch'üanchou towards the end of the Sung Dynasty, together with a General Sketch of the Arabs in China during the T'ang and Sung Eras”, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 2 (1928): 1–79 (= pt. 1)Google Scholar, and 7 (1935): 1–104 (= pt. 2); and Rockhill, W.W., “Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the Coasts of the Indian Ocean during the Fourteenth Century”, T'oung Pao 15 (1914): 419–47 (= pt. 1)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, are still good. More recent Western literature is indicated in the writings of Clark, Hugh R., Community, Trade, and Networks: Southern Fujian Province from the Third to the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hennevogel, Ines, “Das Schiffahrtsamt in der Song-Zeit”, in Beamtentum und Wirtschaftspolitik in der Song-Dynastie, ed. Kuhn, Dieter (with the assistance of Ina Asim), Würzburger Sinologische Schriften (Heidelberg: Edition Forum, 1995), pp. 266–303Google Scholar. See also the works quoted above, in note 2. A special issue of the journal HJSYJ 13 (1/1988)Google Scholar, in celebration of the nine hundredth anniversary of the establishment of the Quanzhou shibosi, contains many additional articles on this subject. On licenses, see, for example, pt. I of Kuwabara's work, especially I, 67. For the Ming system of licenses, the main source is Xie, Zhang, Dongxiyang kao, ed. Fang, Xie, jiaotong shiji congkan, Zhongwai (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), especially j. 7, p. 132Google Scholar. For more on this, see Chang, Stephen Tseng-Hsin, “Commodities Imported to the Chang-chou Region of Fukien during the Late Ming Period. A Preliminary Analysis of the Tax Lists found in the Tunghsi-yang k'ao”, in Emporia, Commodities and Entrepreneurs in Asian Maritime Trade, c. 1400–1750, ed. Ptak, Roderich and Rothermund, Dietmar, zur Südasienforschung, Beiträge, Südasien-Institut, Universität Heidelberg 141 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1991), pp. 161–62Google Scholar.

⁸ Gaohua, Chen and Wu Tai, , Song Yuan shiqi de haiwai maoyi, 49Google Scholar, quoting the Zhizheng Siming xuzhi. On commodity categories, see. for example, the works quoted in note 7 above.

⁹ See, for example, Clark, , Community, pp. 135–37Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For tribute embassies to Song China, see, for example, Hartwell, Robert M., Tribute Missions to China, 960–1126 (Philadelphia, 1983)Google Scholar; Tianwei, Lin (Lin Tien-wai), Songdai xiangyao maoyi shigao (Hong Kong: Zhongguo xueshe, 1960), pp. 174—215Google Scholar. Chinese texts on the Philippines are collected in daxue, Zhongshanyanjiusuo, Dongnanya lishi (ed.), Zhongguo guji zhong youguan Feilübin ziliao huibian (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), pp. 9–20Google Scholar. Note that the association of some Song place names with the Philippines has caused considerable debate in the scholarly world. See, for example, Sei, Wada, “The Philippine Islands as Known to the Chinese before the Ming Period”, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 4 (1929): 121–66Google Scholar; Wu Ching-hong, , “A Study of References to the Philippines in Chinese Sources from Earliest Times to the Ming Dynasty”, Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review 24, 1–2 (1959): 1–181Google Scholar, and “A Supplement to the ‘Study of References to the Philippines’”, Journal of East Asiatic Studies 7, 4 (1958): 307–393Google Scholar; Scott, William H., Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History, Unitas-Filipiniana Series (Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Ching-ho, Ch'en, The Chinese Community in the Sixteenth Century Philippines, East Asian Cultural Studies Series 12 (Tokyo: The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1968)Google Scholar; Mulder, W. Z., “The Philippine Islands in the Chinese World Map of 1674”, Oriens Extremus 25, 2 (1978): 219–37Google Scholar; Ptak, Roderich, “Kurze Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten chinesischen Nachrichten zu den Sulu-Inseln während der Ming-Zeit”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 136, 3 (1986): 616–30Google Scholar. Most early references to the Philippines are translated in these sources; for additional listings refer to the last-mentioned article.

¹¹ On Yuan relations with Siam, see, for example, Suebsaeng, Promboon, “Sino-Siamese Tributary Relations, 1282–1853” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1971), esp. pp. 124–38Google Scholar. On the campaign against Java, see, for example, Lian, Song et al. , Yuan shi, 8 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976), j. 131, 162, 210Google Scholar; Groeneveldt, W. P., Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca Compiled from Chinese Sources (Batavia: W. Bruining, 1876), pp. 20–34, 147–55Google Scholar; Rockhill, “Notes on the Relations”, part 1, pp. 444–47; Saburô, Niwatomo, Gendai ni okeru Chûgoku Jawa kôshô shi (Tokyo, 1953)Google Scholar; Jiarong, Chen, Zhongwai jiaotong shi, pp. 344–46Google Scholar; Lombard, Denys, Le Carrefour javanais: essai d'histoire globale, 3 vols. (Paris: Éditions de l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1990), II, pp. 38–39Google Scholar; Dars, Jacques, La marine chinoise du Xe siècle au XlVe siècle, Études d'Histoire Maritime 11 (Paris: Éditions Economica, 1992), pp. 341—43Google Scholar. On Champa, some of the above titles are also useful. But also see, for example, Maspéro, Henri, Le royaume de Champa (Paris and Brussels: Librairie Nationale d'Art et d'Histoire, 1928)Google Scholar; Majumdar, R. C., Champa: History and Culture of an Indian Colonial Kingdom in the Far East, 2nd–16th Century A.D. (reprint, Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1985), chs. 11 and 12Google Scholar; Li Shi (Le Tac), zhilüe, Annan, ed. Wu Shangqing, , Zhongwai jiaotong shiji congkan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1995), p. 43Google Scholar.

¹² Su Jiqing, 's preface in DYZL, pp. 9–11Google Scholar. However, not all scholars share Su's opinions; see, for example, my “Glosses”, pp. 134—36.

¹³ For these works, see Netolitzky, Almut, Das Ling-wai tai-ta von Chou Ch'ü-fei, eine Landeskunde Südchinas aus dem 12. Jahrhundert, Münchener Ostasiatische Studien 21 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1977)Google Scholar; Hirth, Friedrich and Rockhill, W. W. (tr.), Chau Ju-kua, His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled Chu-fan-chï (reprint, Taibei: Ch'engwen Publishing Company, 1970)Google Scholar; Yuanjing, Chen, Shilin guangji, 6 vols. and pamphlet with the text of the Fangguo lei (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ On these events, see, for example, Dasheng, Chen, “Quanzhou Yisilan jiaopai yu Yuanmo Yisibaxi zhanluan xingzhi shitan”, in HJSYJ 4 (1982): 113–19Google Scholar, and Weiji, Zhuang, “Yuanmo waizu panluan yu Quanzhou gang de shuailuo”, Quanzhou wenshi 4 (1980): 19–26Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Mills, J.V.G. (tr.), Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan. The Overall Survey of the Star Raft by Fei Hsin, ed. Ptak, Roderich, South China and Maritime Asia 4 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), especially the houji sectionGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ See the texts in Zhongguo guji zhong youguan Feilübin ziliao huibian, 10, 12, 13, 16Google Scholar.

¹⁷ If the geographical names were incorrectly identified, this would of course be detrimental to the arguments presented here and in many previous studies. The identifications assumed here are “standard” by now, but some doubts always remain. See, for example, the discussion on Mait in Tibbetts, G. R., A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material on South-East Asia, Oriental Translation Fund, new series 44 (Leiden and London: E. J. Brill, 1979), pp. 147–49Google Scholar.

¹⁸ For a recent example, see Wade, Geoff, “On the Possible Cham Origin of the Philippine Script”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24.1 (1993), especially pp. 82–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see, for example, Fenner, Bruce Leonard, Cebu under the Spanish Flag, 1521–1896: An Economic-Social History (Cebu City: The University of San Carlos, 1985), pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Zisheng, Huang, “Shiliu shiji qishi niandai yiqian de Zhong Fei guanxi”, Ji'nan xuebao (2/1984): 32Google Scholar; Cembrano, Margarita R., “Guangdong Song Dynasty Sherds Discovered at Balangay Area, Butuan, Northeastern Mindanao”, in Guangdong Ceramics from Butuan and Other Philippine Sites: An Exhibition Catalogue Presented by the Oriental Ceramic Society of the Philippines jointly with the National Museum, October 3–19, 1988, ed. Brown, Roxanna (Manila: Oriental Ceramic Society of the Philippines, 1989), p. 71Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Wade, “On the Possible Cham Origin”, pp. 84–85; Scott, William Henry, Filipinos in China before 1500 (Manila: China Studies Programme, De La Salle University, 1989), p. 3Google Scholar; Hirth, and Rockhill, , Chau Ju-kua, p. 53Google Scholar. Perhaps another toponym in the Song huiyao, Sanmalan, also stood for Basilan; see Scott, pp. 33 and 19 n. 3; Jiarong, Chen, Fang, Xie and Junling, Lu, Gudai Nanhai, p. 133Google Scholar.

²⁰ See Brown, Carrie C., “The Eastern Ocean in the Yung-lo Ta-tien”, The Brunei Museum Journal (hereafter BMJ) 4, 2 (1978): 49–50Google Scholar. Tatsuro, Yamamoto, “Thailand as it is Referred to in the Da-de Nan-hai zhi at the Beginning of the Fourteenth Century”, Journal of East-West Maritime Relations 1 (1989): 48Google Scholar, thinks guan implies mainly commercial and economic superiority. Thirteenth-and fourteenth-century Arabic and other sources are so vague in their references to eastern Indonesia and Borneo that they are of little avail in reconstructing events. The interpretations given in Nicholl, Robert, “Brunei Rediscovered: A Survey of Early Times”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 14, 2 (1983): 40–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholl, Robert, “Odoric of Pordenone: A Fourteenth Century Visitor to Borneo”, BMJ 3, 1 (1973): 62–65Google Scholar; Nicholl, Robert, “Ibn Batata and Borneo”, BMJ 4, 2 (1978): 34–45Google Scholar; and other publications are controversial. Tibbetts, A Study, and other works have arrived at different conclusions.

²¹ DYZL, p. 248; also Mills, and Ptak, , Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan, p. 41Google Scholar; see also sources in note 11.

²² Brown, “The Eastern Ocean”, pp. 50–53, 55; Hirth, and Rockhill, , Chau Ju-kua, pp. 83–85Google Scholar; Th. Pigeaud, Theodore G., Java in the 14th Century, A Study in Cultural History: The Nagara-Kertagama Rakawi Prapanca of Majapahit, 1365 A.D., 5 vols. (3rd ed., The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1960–1980), IV, p. 31CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One of the places listed among Tanjongpura's subordinates in the Nanhai zhi is Hulumantao, which may have stood for the Karimata group (near Gelam Islet) or some nearby site on Borneo; see Jiarong, Chen, Fang, Xie and Junling, Lu, Gudai Nanhai, p. 498Google Scholar. On Tanjongpura, see also Tsung-i, Jao. “Some Place-Names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo tatien”, in Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region. Papers Presented at Meetings Held in September 1961 as Part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong, ed. Drake, F.S. (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), pp. 194–95Google Scholar.

²³ Chau Ju-kua lists, for example, Diwu (Timor), Pingyayi (Banggai), Wunugu (Moluccas). See Hirth and Rockhill, p. 83 (note: wrong segmentation of names there). It is still difficult to match information in these sources with archaeological and other data related to southern Sulawesi and other islands. One of the more recent studies on southern Sulawesi with some references to the Song and Yuan periods is Bougas, W.A., “Bantayan: An Early Makassarese Kingdom”, in Archipel 55 (1998)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Many Chinese and Japanese publications have appeared on the Quanzhou Muslims since the first studies on this subject came out in Europe. Most older European publications are cited in Kuwabara's “P'u Shou-keng”. For recent works on epigraphic evidence, see, for example, Dasheng, Chen and Kalus, Ludvik, Corpus d'inscriptions arabes et persanes en Chine. Vol. 1: Province de Fujian (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1991)Google Scholar, and Dasheng, Chen, Quanzhou Yisilanjiao shike (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1984)Google Scholar. Also see the recent survey by Clark, Hugh, “Muslims and Hindus in the Culture and Morphology of Quanzhou from the Tenth to the Thirteenth Century”, Journal of World History 6, 1 (1995): 49–74Google Scholar.

²⁵ On possible links between Champa and Java, see, for example, Lombard, Denys, “Le Campa vu du Sud”, BEFEO 76 (1987), especially pp. 314–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the links between Champa, Hainan and coastal China, see, for example, Kuwabara, “P'u Shou-keng”, I, pp. 28, 44; II, pp. 3–4, 15, 20– 23; Maspéro, , Le royaume de Champa, pp. 125, 163–64Google Scholar; Schafer, Edward H., The Shore of Pearls (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), pp. 83–84Google Scholar; Manguin, Pierre-Yves, “Études Cham. II: l'introduction de I'Islam au Champa”, BEFEO 66 (1979): 259CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There are also claims that Champa refugees went to the Sulu Islands in Song times; see, for example, Taiming, Chen, Zhong Fei guanxi yu Feilübin huaqiao (reprint, Hong Kong: Chao Yang Publishing, 1985), p. 25Google Scholar.

²⁶ On early Islam in Brunei and the Sulu area, see, for example, Saleeby, Najeeb M., The History of Sulu, Publications of the Filipiniana Book Guild 4 (Manila, 1963)Google Scholar; Majul, Cesar Adib, Muslims in the Philippines, 2nd ed. (Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 1973), especially pp. 39, 63Google Scholar; “An Analysis of the ‘Genealogy of Sulu’”, in Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia, ed. Ibrahim, Ahmad, Siddique, Sharon and Hussain, Yasmin (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), p. 54Google Scholar; “Islamic and Arab Cultural Influences in the South of the Philippines”, Journal of Southeast Asian History 7, 2 (1966): 66, 69Google Scholar; “Chinese Relationship with the Sultanate of Sulu”, in The Chinese in the Philippines, 1570–1770, vol. 1, ed. Felix, Alfonso Jr, (Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1966), pp. 144—45Google Scholar. On early epigraphic evidence, see Tieh-Fan, Chen and Franke, Wolfgang, “710 Years Old Chinese Tomb Stone Discovered in Brunei”, in Lombard, Denys (organizer), Chinois d'outre-mer: Actes du XXIXe Congrès International des Orientalistes (Paris: L'Asiathèque, 1976), pp. 1–2Google Scholar; idem., “A Chinese Tomb Inscription of A.D. 1264, Discovered Recently in Brunei. A Preliminary Report”, BMJ 3, 1 (1973): 91–99Google Scholar; bin Haji Ibrahim, Abdul Latif and Shariffuddin, P. M. Dato, “The Discovery of an Ancient Muslim Tombstone in Brunei”, BMJ 4, 3 (1979): 31–37Google Scholar; Shaochuan, Lin, “Boni ‘You Song Quanzhou panyuan Pu gong zhi mu’ xin kao”, HJSYJ 20 (2/1991): 57–64Google Scholar; Yanming, Gong, “Wenlai guo Song mu ‘Panyuan Pu gong’ suojie — jian ping ‘Xishan zazhi’ (shouchaoben) de shiliao jiazhi”, HJSYJ 20 (2/1991): 65–69Google Scholar; Dasheng, Chen, “A Brunei Sultan in the Early 14th Century: Study of an Arabic Grave Stone”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, 1 (1992): 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ Some authors have drawn attention to the presence of Indian elements in the Philippines. Wang Tayuan mentions a custom in his chapter on Mindoro that is reminiscent of the sati custom in India. In Malilu (probably Polillo or Manila Bay; also see note 33 below), he says, some widows read jing, obviously Buddhist scripts (?). These pieces of information are not found in Zhao Rugua's Zhufan zhi. Perhaps Zhao had not heard of them, or, alternatively, they were introduced to the Philippines after the completion of the Zhufan zhi, i.e., after 1225, but before the decline of relations between continental Southeast Asia and the Philippines and before the growth of trade along the eastern route (?). For these and other Indian and Hindu elements, see DYZL, pp. 33, 89; Scott, , Prehispanic Source Materials, p. 74Google Scholar; Wada Sei, “The Philippine Islands”, p. 138; Mills, and Ptak, , Hsing-ch'a sheng-lan, 92 and note 52 thereGoogle Scholar; Fenner, , Cebu under the Spanish Flag, p. 20Google Scholar.

²⁸ See, for example, Chin, John M., The Sarawak Chinese (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 3–4Google Scholar; Huang Zisheng, “Shiliu shiji”, pp. 34–35.

²⁹ Studies on Chinese ceramics found in the Philippines abound. Here only three or four representative works in English are listed: Fox, Robert B., “The Archaeological Record of Chinese Influence in the Philippines”, Philippine Studies 15, 1 (1967): 41–62Google Scholar; Leandro, and Locsin, Cecilia, Oriental Ceramics Discovered in the Philippines (Rutland and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1967)Google Scholar; Hutterer, Karl, An Archaeological Picture of a Pre-Spanish Cebuano Community (Cebu City: University of San Carlos, 1973), especially pp. 11, 23–25Google Scholar; Brown, Guangdong Ceramics from Butuan and Other Philippine Sites; Ronquillo, Wilfredo P. and Tan, Rita C., “Yue, Yue-Type Wares and Other Archaeological Finds in Butuan, Philippines”, paper presented to an international meeting on “Ceramic Ecology in the Far East”,Hong Kong1992, especially pp. 3–5Google Scholar. More titles are in Chinben See and Ang, Teresita, Chinese in the Philippines. A Bibliography (Manila: De La Salle University, 1990), especially ch. 3Google Scholar. Some useful references are also in New Light on Chinese Yue and Longquan Wares: Archaeological Ceramics found in Eastern and Southern Asia, A.D. 800–1400, ed. Chuimei, Ho (Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies, 1994Google Scholar).

³⁰ On Dehua exports see, for example, Ye Wencheng, and Xu Benzhang, , “Changxiao guoji shichang de gudai Dehua waixiao ciqi”, HJSYJ 2 (1980): 21–29Google Scholar. For more recent literature on export ceramics, see the many studies in that same journal (especially nos. 1, 2, 3, 6, 12); in Journal of Southeast Asian Archaeology; papers presented to the meeting on “Ceramic Ecology in the Far East”,Hong Kong,1992Google Scholar; and, more generally, the many studies by Ho Chuimei, E. Edwards McKinnon, John Guy, and others, which cannot all be listed here. For an old but still useful Western survey of Yuan wares, see Medley, Margaret, Yüan Porcelain and Stoneware (London: Faber and Faber, 1974)Google Scholar.

³¹ Some of these questions are also addressed in the articles cited in notes 18 and 30.

³² Archaeological discoveries in northern Borneo are documented, for example, in the various articles published in BMJ and The Sarawak Museum Journal. An early reference to the “Ming gap” is contained in Wolters, O. W., The Fall of Srivijaya in Malay History (London: Asia Major Library, 1970), p. 189Google Scholar; also see Christie, Jan Wisseman, “On Po-ni: The Santubong Sites of Sarawak”, The Sarawak Museum Journal 34, 55 (1985): 77–90Google Scholar. For eastern Borneo, see, for example, McKinnon, E. Edwards, “A Note on Recent Ceramic Finds at Muara Kaman, Kabupaten Kutei, Kalimantan Timur”, HKI Newsletter (09, 1995): 2, 4Google Scholar, and private correspondence with the author. For Vietnamese wares, see Yoji, Aoyagi, “The Trend of Vietnamese Ceramics in the History of the Ceramic Trade with Particular Reference to the Islands of Southeast Asia”, Journal of East-West Maritime Relations 2 (1992): 1–17Google Scholar and idem., “Production and Trade of Champa Ceramics in the 15th Century”, paper presented to the Second Euro-Japanese International Seminar: Trade and Navigation in Southeast Asia,Tokyo,1997.Google Scholar For Siam's influence, see, for example, Metussin Omar and Shariffuddin, Dato P. M., “Distributions of Chinese and Siamese Ceramic in Brunei”, BMJ 4, 2 (1978): 59–66Google Scholar; Harrisson, Tom, “Brunei Cannon: Their Role in Southeast Asia (1400–1900 A.D.)”, BMJ 1, 1 (1969): 104–105Google Scholar; Fenner, , Cebu under the Spanish Flag, p. 19Google Scholar; Hutterer, , An Archaeological Picture, pp. 11, 14, 24–25, 52Google Scholar.

³³ Jiarong, Chen, Fang, Xie and Junling, Lu, Gudai Nanhai, pp. 388–89 (Jianshan), 743 (Malilu), 795 (Xialaiwu)Google Scholar. For Wang's descriptions of these three and other places, see DYZL, pp. 23–28, 89–96, 135–38, 148–51, 175–81, 204–213. The toponym “Three Islands” has been identified in various ways; see Mills, and Ptak, , Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan, pp. 90–91Google Scholar, and titles listed in note 46. For translations of Wang's descriptions, see the different entries in Rockhill, , “Notes”, pt. 2, T'oung Pao 16 (1915)Google Scholar. These translations contain many errors and should be reworked.

³⁴ For lists, see, for example, Li Donghua, , Quanzhou yu wo guo, pp. 209–215Google Scholar; Li Zhiyan, and Peng, Chen, “Song Yuan shiqi Quanzhou gang de taoci shuchu”, in HJSYJ 6 (1984): 46–48Google Scholar, and Ye Wencheng, and Guoyao, Rui, “Song Yuan shiqi Longquan qingci de waixiao ji qi youguan wenti de tantao”, HJSYJ 12 (2/1987): 4–6Google Scholar.

³⁵ For a list of textiles mentioned by Wang Dayuan, see, Weiji, Zhuang, “Quanzhou san da waixiao shangpin — si, ci, cha”, HJSYJ 3 (1981): 108–109Google Scholar.

³⁶ Jiarong, Chen, Fang, Xie and Lu xJunling, , Gudai Nanhai, p. 803Google Scholar (on Puben). Note that Zhao Rugua, Zhou Qufei and others already refer to Hainan and Champa export fabrics. See, for example, Hirth, and Rockhill, , Chao Ju-kua, pp. 48, 183, 219–20Google Scholar, and Netolitzky, , Das Ling-wai tai-ta, pp. 110–11Google Scholar. For references to Champa and Hainan cottons in DYZL, see pp. 93, 99, 102, 123, 173, 199, 209, 227. On cotton and related products see also, for example, Pelliot, , Notes on Marco Polo Ouvrage posthume, 3 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Librairie Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1959–1973Google Scholar).

³⁷ On tortoise-shell, see Ptak, Roderich, “China and the Trade in Tortoise-shell (Sung to Ming Periods)”, in Ptak, and Rothermund, (eds.), Emporia, Commodities and Entrepreneurs, pp. 195–229Google Scholar; on cotton, Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo. For a general view of Song imports and commodities traded in Song times, see Wheatley, Paul, “Geographical Notes on Some Commodities Involved in Sung Maritime Trade”, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 32, 2 (1959): 5–140Google Scholar. See also the many references in Burkill, Isaac H., A Dictionary of the Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula, with Contributions by William Birtwistle et al., 2 vols. (London and Oxford: On behalf of the Governments of the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States, At the University Press, 1935), and other handbooksGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ For the Gulf of Mannar and Punnaikayal, see DYZL, pp. 287–88; Ptak, “Yuan and Early Ming Notices on the Kayal Area”, pp. 138 note 3, 146–47. For domestic Chinese pearls, see, for example, Dazhen, Chen, Nanhai zhi, pp. 26, 28, 38Google Scholar.

³⁹ Hirth, and Rockhill, , Chau Ju-kua, especially pp. 157, 160, 229Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Based on table in Tianwei, Lin, Songdai xiangyao maoyi, table, with list of imports, pp. 174–215Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Ptak, “China and the Trade in Cloves”, pp. 6–8. Much has been written on cloves. One of the most recent works is Luís Filipe Thomaz, F. R., “Especiarias do velho e do novo mundo (Notas histórico-filológicas)”, in an offprint of the Arquivos do Centro Cultural Calouste Gulbenkian 34 (1995): 267–75Google Scholar. Thomaz also examines some other commodities discussed in the present study.

⁴² DYZL, p. 177 n. 4; Tianwei, Lin, Songdai xiangyao maoyi, table with list of imports, pp. 174–215Google Scholar.

⁴³ Ptak, “China and the Trade in Cloves”, pp. 8–9; Jacobs, Th. M. (tr. and ed.), A Treatise on the Moluccas (c. 1544): Probably the Preliminary Version of António Galvo's Lost História das Molucas, Sources and Studies for the History of the Jesuits 2 (Rome and St. Louis: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1979), pp. 78, 81Google Scholar; DYZL, pp. 204–205.

⁴⁴ Dazhen, Chen in his Nanhai zhi, p. 36Google Scholar, lists nutmeg and cloves as commodities available on the Guangzhou market. This would seem to indicate that small quantities of nutmeg somehow reached China, perhaps by way of the Java Sea.

⁴⁵ On camphor, see, for example, Toon, Han Wai (Han Huaizhun), “Notes on Bornean Camphor Imported to China”, BMJ 6, 1 (1985): 1–31Google Scholar (this is an English version of Han, 's “Longnaoxiang kao”, in Nanyang xuebao 2, 1, no. 3 [1941]: 3–17Google Scholar); Nicholl, Robert, “Brunei and Camphor”, BMJ 4, 3 (1979): 52–74Google Scholar; Ptak, Roderich, “Camphor in East and Southeast Asian Trade, circa 1500: A Synthesis of Portuguese and Asian Sources”, paper presented to the Vasco da Gama Conference in Melbourne and Perth,June 1997Google Scholar. For the places, see DYZL, pp. 44, 55, 79, 93, 102, 123, 141, 148, 173, 240.

⁴⁶ Ptak, Roderich, “Some References to Timor in Old Chinese Records”, Ming Studies 17 (1983): 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Pulau Rondo and Hualuo, see, for example, Mills, and Ptak, , Hsing-ch'a Sheng-lan, pp. 60–61 and n. 140Google Scholar; DYZL, pp. 43–50, 291–94.

⁴⁷ Tianwei, Lin, Song dai xiangyao maoyi, p. 191Google Scholar; Hartwell, , Tribute Missions, pp. 175, 179Google Scholar.