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⁴ Hutterer, K.L., “An Evolutionary Approach to the Southeast Asian Cultural Sequence”, Current Anthropology 17, 2 (1976): 221–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “Reinterpreting the Southeast Asian Paleolithic”, in Sunda and Sahul: Prehistoric Studies in Southeast Asia, Melanesia and Australia, ed. Allen, J., Golson, J. and Jones, R. (New York: Academic Press, 1977), pp. 31–77.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Gorman, C., “Hoabinhian: a Pebble-tool Complex with Early Plant Associations in Southeast Asia”, Science 163 (1969): 671–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “Excavations at Spirit Cave, North Thailand: Some Interim Interpretations”, Asian Perspectives 13 (1970): 79–107Google Scholar. Chester Gorman tragically died of cancer in 1981, at the age of 43. He would certainly have revised his earlier work in the light of subsequent discoveries had he had the opportunity.

¹¹ Yen, D.E., “Hoabinhian Horticulture? The Evidence and the Questions from Northwest Thailand”, in Sunda and Sahul, ed. Allen, J., Golson, J. and Jones, R. (London: Academic Press, 1977), pp. 567–99.Google Scholar

¹² For Gorman's later research in north Thailand, see Reynolds, T.E.G., “Excavations at Banyan Valley Cave, Northern Thailand: a Report on the 1972 Season”, Asian Perspectives 31, 1 (1992): 77–97.Google Scholar

¹³ Pyramarn, K., “New Evidence on Plant Exploitation and Environment During the Hoabinhian (Late Stone Age) from Ban Kao Caves, Thailand”, in Foraging and Farming, ed. Harris, D.R. and Hillman, G.C. (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 283–91.Google Scholar

¹⁴ White, J.C., “Ethnoecology at Ban Chiang and the Emergence of Plant Domestication in Southeast Asia”, in Southeast Asian Archaeology at the XV Pacific Science Congress, ed. Bayard, D.T. (Dunedin: University of Otago Studies in Prehistoric Anthropology Vol. 16, 1984), pp. 26–35Google Scholar; White, J.C., “Ethnoecological Observations on Wild and Cultivated Rice and Yams in Northeastern Thailand”, in Foraging and Farming, ed. Harris, D.R. and Hillman, G.C. (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 152–58.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The chronology of Ban Chiang has been intensively debated. Many of the remains are found in intercutting burials, creating difficulties in associating carbon samples with other materials. Thermoluminescence dating was employed in an endeavour to circumvent this problem, but yielded dates which are now thought to be too early. Remains once thought to be 6,000 years old are now dated at only 4,000. See articles by Loofs-Wissowa, H.H.E., Bayard, D. and Charoenwongsa, P., and Solheim, W.G. II in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 14, 1 (1983)Google Scholar; and Bayard, D.T., “Chronology, Evolution, and Diffusion in the Later Southeast Asian Cultural Sequence: Some Comments on Higham's Recent Revision”, in Man and His Culture – a Resurgence, ed. Bellwood, P. (New Delhi: Books & Books, 1992), pp. 267–92.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Glover, I.C., “Some Problems Relating to the Domestication of Rice in Asia”, in Recent Advances in Indo-Pacific Prehistory, ed. Misra, V.N. and Bellwood, P. (New Delhi: Oxford, 1985), pp. 265–74.Google Scholar

¹⁷ P. Bellwood, R. Gillespie, G.B. Thompson, J.S. Vogel, I.W. Ardika and Ipoi Datan, “New Dates for Prehistoric Asian Rice”, Asian Perspectives 31, 2 (1992): 161–70.

¹⁸ Higham, C., Kijngam, A. et al. , Prehistoric Investigations in Northeast Thailand (Oxford: BAR International Series 231, 1984), 3 parts.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The Excavation of Khok Phanom Di, A Prehistoric Site in Central Thailand (London: Society of Antiquaries of London, Reports of the Research Committee), no. 47, vol. I: “The Excavation, Chronology and Human Burials” by Higham, C.F.W. and Bannanurag, R. (1990)Google Scholar; no. 48, vol. II: ‘The Biological Remains (Part I)”, ed. Higham, C.F.W. and Bannanurag, R. (1991)Google Scholar; no. 50, vol. III: “The Material Culture (Part I)”, ed. Higham, C.F.W. and Thosarat, R. (1993).Google Scholar

²⁰ Higham, C.F.W., The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 73.Google Scholar

²¹ Monographs by Thai scholars on ethnoarchaeology include: Suchitta, P., Past and Present Use of Khok Phanom Di Mound, Thailand: an Anthropological-Archaeological Assessment (Bangkok: Thammasat University, Thai Khadi Research Institute Research Series No. 3, 1980)Google Scholar; and Pookajorn, S. and Staff, Preliminary Report of Excavations at Moh-Khiew Cave, Krabi Province, Sakai Cave, Trang Province and Ethnoarchaeological Research of Hunter-Gatherer Group, Socall “Sakai” or “Semang” at Trang Province (Bangkok: Silpakorn University, The Hoabinhian Research Project in Thailand, Vol. 1, 1991Google Scholar). For a summary of such research in Asia, see Griffin, P.B. and Solheim, W.G. II, “Ethnoarchaeological Research in Asia”, Asian Perspectives 28, 2 (1988–1989): 145–62.Google Scholar

²² Bellwood, P., Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago (Sydney: Academic Press, 1985), p. 230.Google Scholar

²³ Stuijts, I.-L.M., “Late Pleistocene and Holocene Vegetation of West Java, Indonesia”, Modern Quaternary Research in Southeast Asia 12 (1993).Google Scholar

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²⁵ Maloney, B.K., “Pollen Analytical Evidence for Early Forest Clearance in North Sumatra”, Nature 287 (1980): 324–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁷ Khoach, Nguyen Ba, “Phung Nguyen”, Asian Perspectives 23, 1 (1980): 23–53Google Scholar; Chinh, Hoang Xuan and Tien, Bui Van, “The Dongson Culture and Cultural Centers in the Metal Age in Vietnam”, Asian Perspectives 23, 1 (1980): 55–65.Google Scholar

²⁸ Dongson drums are now known from Borneo, an island where they had previously been unknown; McKinnon, E. Edwards, “The Sambas Hoard: Bronze Drums, and Gold Ornaments Found in Kalimantan in 1991”, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 67, 1 (1994): 9–28.Google Scholar

²⁹ Hoang Xuan Chinh and Bui Van Tien, “Dongson Culture”.

³⁰ Ha, “Development”, pp. 78–79.

³¹ Miksic, J.N., “Settlement Patterns and Sub-regions in Southeast Asian History”, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 31, 1 (1991): 86–144.Google Scholar

³² C.F.W. Higham, Archaeology, p. 210.

³³ See for example Mabbett, I.W., “The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the Prehistoric Sources”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 8, 1 (1977): 1–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the Historical Sources”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 8, 2 (1977): 143–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³⁷ A. Srisuchat, “A New Viewpoint on the Early Contact Period in Thailand Based on Archaeological Data”, Current Developments: 122–31.

³⁸ Bronson, B., “The Late Prehistory and Early History of Central Thailand with Special Reference to Chansen”, in Early South East Asia, ed. Smith, R.B. and Watson, W. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 315–36.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ See for example Casparis, J.G. de, “Pour une histoire sociale de l'ancienne Java principalement au x-eme S”, Archipel 21 (1981): 125–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁵ Projects in Thailand which cover the period from late prehistory to prohistory include Ho, C.M., “An Analysis of Settlement Patterns in the Lopburi Area”, in Early Metallurgy, Trade and Urban Centres in Thailand and Southeast Asia, ed. 1. SuchittaGlover, P. Glover, P. and Villiers, J. (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1992), pp. 39–46Google Scholar; and D.J. Welch, “Settlement Pattern as an Indicator of Subsistence and Political Organization in the Phimai Region, Thailand”, in Southeast Asian Archaeology at the XV Pacific Science Congress, pp. 129–51.

⁴⁶ On p. 24 of Melaka: the Transformation of a Malay Capital c. 1400–1980, vol. 1, ed. Sandhu, K.S. and Wheatley, P. (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar, reprinted in Wheatley, P., Nagara and Commandery: Origins of the Southeast Asian Urban Traditions (Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography Research Paper nos. 207–208, 1983), p. 426.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ I must admit that more work on this subject may be available in Thai or Vietnamese language sources. Another important problem inhibiting progress in Southeast Asian archaeology is that a large amount of data is only published in government reports or other sources with limited distribution and in local languages. For Indonesia I know this is true, and I know of isolated examples from other countries in the region.

⁴⁸ Hutterer, K.L. and MacDonald, W.K. (eds.), Houses Built on Scattered Poles: Prehistory and Ecology in Negros Oriental, Philippines (Cebu City: University of San Carlos Press, 1982).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See for examples Junker, L., “Craft Goods Specialization and Prestige Goods Exchange in Philippine Chiefdoms of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries”, Asian Perspectives 32, 1 (1993): 1–35Google Scholar; Junker, L., “The Development of Centralized Craft Production Systems in AD 500–1600 Philippine chiefdoms”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 25, 1 (1994): 1–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵² Bronson and Wisseman, “Lateness of Early Cities”; Wheatley, Nagara and Commandery, pp. 245–48.

⁵³ Perhaps his best-known article is “Pottery and the Malayo-Polynesians”, Current Anthropology 5, 5 (1964): 360, 376–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ An excellent recent example of an innovative intrasite settlement pattern study is that of Nastiti, Titi Surti and Rangkuti, Nurhadi, Laporan Penelitian dan Ekskavasi Caruban, Lasem, Jawa Tengah (Jakarta: Berita Penelitian Arkeologi 38, 1988).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ A recent doctoral dissertation by an epigrapher on the inscriptions of Majapahit wilt no doubt be useful to future archaeological research on this topic: Machi Suhadi, “Tanah Sima Dalam Masyarakat Majapahit” (Ph.D. diss., Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta, 1993).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Howitz, P.C., “Two Ancient Shipwrecks in the Gulf of Thailand: a Report on Archaeological Investigations”, Journal of the Siam Society 65, 2 (1977): 1–22.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Representative publications include: Green, J. and Harper, R., The Excavation of the Pattaya Wreck Site and Survey of Three Other Sites, Thailand, 1982 [Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology: Special Publication No. 1 (1983)]Google Scholar; J. Green and R. Harper, The Maritime Archaeology of Shipwrecks and Ceramics in Southeast Asia and Green, J., Harper, R. and Intakosi, Vidya, The Ko Si Chang Three Shipwreck Excavation 1986 [Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology: Special Publication No. 4 (1987)].Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Sheaf, C. and Kilburn, R., The Hatcher Porcelain Cargoes: The Complete Record (Oxford: Phaidon/Christie's, 1988).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ For examples, see Dossiers Histoire et Archeologie No. 113, 1987 (a report on research in the Philippines) and Flecker, M., “Excavation of an Oriental Vessel of c. 1690 off Con Dao, Vietnam”, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21, 3 (1992): 221–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁰ For a summary of this topic, see Manguin, P.-Y., “Late Mediaeval Asian Shipbuilding in the Indian Ocean: a Reappraisal”, Moyen Orient et Ocean Indien 2, 2 (1985): 1–30.Google Scholar

⁶¹ An example is the Pulau Buaya wreck, found in Riau, Indonesia, in 1989. Ridho, Abu, “The Pulau Buaya Wreck”, MS.Google Scholar

⁶² Hutterer, K., “Early Southeast Asia: Old Wine in New Skins? – A Review Article”, Journal of Asian Studies 41, 3 (1982): 559–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶³ Peterson, W., “Colonialism, Culture History, and Southeast Asian Prehistory”, Asian Perspectives 25, 1 (1982–1983): 123–32.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Soejono, R.P., “Tinjauan Tentang Perkerangkaan Prasejarah Indonesia”, Aspek-Aspek Arkeologi Indonesia 5 (1976).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ The most recent statement on this topic is Wolters, O.W., “Southeast Asia as a Southeast Asian Field of Study”, Indonesia 58 (1994): 1–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar