¹ There are Buddhist groups functioning as “defenders” of Buddhism against internal and external forces, such as new, more puritanical, reform groups like Santi Asoke and the activities of Christian missions. For examples see Phraphutthasātsanā kap khwāmmankhong khōng chāt [Buddhism and National Security] (Bangkok: Siva Phorn, 2530/1987)Google Scholar; and Group of the Defendants of Security of Buddhism [sic], Catholic Plot Against Buddhism (Bangkok: Siva Phorn, 1986)Google Scholar.

² Kirsch, A. Thomas, “Complexity in the Thai Religious System: An Interpretation”, Journal of Asian Studies 36, no. 2 (1977): 266CrossRefGoogle Scholar, has stated that there has been little confrontation between certain Brahmanistic practices and modernity. Though this may still be largely true for village religion, the statements to follow will suggest that there is more growing “confrontation” than meets the eye.

³ Wells, Kenneth, Thai Buddhism: Its Rites and Activities (Reprint; Bangkok: Suriyaban Publishers, 1975), pp. 198–200Google Scholar; and Terwiel, B.J., Monks and Magic: An Analysis of Religious Ceremonies in Central Thailand (London: Curzon Press, 1979), pp. 50 and 221Google Scholar. Rajadhon, Phya Anuman, Popular Buddhism in Siam and Other Essays on Thai Studies (Reprint; Bangkok: Thai Inter-religious Commission for Development and Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation, 1986), pp. 179–93Google Scholar, suggests that this pouring of water extends to the bathing of Buddha images and to the auspicious throwing of water during the old Thai New Year, Songkran.

⁴ See Wales, H.G. Quaritch, Siamese State Ceremonies (London: Bernard Quaritch, Ltd., 1931), pp. 193–98Google Scholar. The drinking of water — the ritual pouring of water down one's throat — became an important part of taking an oath to a king. The consecrated water prepared by monks for the oath of allegiance to a king is called nam phraphiphatana sattayā. Sunait Chutintaranond has pointed out the long-time political significance of this oath of drinking water in his paper “The Political Control of Ayudhya Kings Through Magical Rituals” (unpublished copy of paper delivered at the International Association of Historians of Asia, Manila, 21–25 Nov. 1983). He states that, “I believe I do not go far wrong to conclude that saiyasāt or magic had been well practised in Thailand by the local people long before the arrival of Indian culture…. In the world of Ayudhaya politics, the king not only left his fortune with the efficiency of the rigid administration and law system, but also stabilized his monarchic status with the terror of magical ritual. The ceremony of ‘drinking an oath’ was the magical ritual ceremony, that the king, with the support and co-operation of Brahmins and Buddhist monks, managed to put an indirect control over his state officials.”

⁵ Wells, , Thai Buddhism. “Lustral water” is used in weddings (p. 201)Google Scholar, to allay illness (p. 213), in consecrating a new house (p. 213), and in funeral ritual (p. 220).

⁶ Terwiel, has written that “Fully consistent with the animistic interpretation of Buddhism is the practice of asking for mantra-water nam mon, made by an experienced monk in order to cure aches and pains”, in Monks and Magic, p. 251Google Scholar. An extensive treatment of the subject of holy water can be found in Robert Textor (1960), pp. 80–98. Textor also points out that not only monks are involved in the making and pouring of holy water. The fact that this practice extends beyond the monks and is not their exclusive right, has also made the monk's use of holy water subject to question.

⁷ See, for example, Olson, Grant A., “Reform in the Thai Sangha: Limitation, Liberation and the Middle Path” (M.A. thesis, University of Hawaii, 1983)Google Scholar and Wasi, Prawase, Sūan Mōk, Thammakāi, Santi Asōk [Suan Mokh, Dhamma-kaya, and Santi Asoke] (Bangkok: Samnakphim Mō Chāobān, 2530/1987)Google Scholar.

⁸ See Thai rath, 11 Feb. 1987; Bangkok Post, 10 and 11 Feb. 1987.

⁹ Santi Asoke has, however, often maintained the terminology of certain rituals but has completely revised and reinterpreted their forms; for example, their pluk sēk phra retreat is meant as a comment on the pluk sēk phra ritual commonly practised; see Olson, , “Reform in the Thai Sangha”, pp. 111–13Google Scholar. Traditionally, pluk sēk phra has meant to magically ‘wake up’ the powers of a Buddha image or amulet by another monk; see Terwiel, , Monks and Magic, p. 77Google Scholar. But Santi Asoke has no Buddhist iconography and reinterprets this ritual as spending a week(end) in strict moral restraint and listening to talks on the Dhamma — it is meant, in other words, for ‘waking up’ (pluk) the Buddha in all people.

¹⁰ This monk's current name/rank is Phra Debvedi.

¹¹ His recent stance on the Santi Asoke movement has not been as compromising and has drawn a good deal of criticism; see Debvedi, Phra (Prayudh Payutto), Karanī Santi Asōk [The Case of Santi Asoke] (Bangkok: Amarin, 2531/1988)Google Scholar and Chaiyaphak, Wo., Wikhro Phra Thēpwēthī Karanī Santi Asōk [An Analysis of Phra Debvedi and the Case of Santi Asoke] (Bangkok: Fā Aphai, 2533/1990)Google Scholar. This is another complex issue that deserves separate treatment.

¹² Phillips, Herbert, Thai Peasant Personality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965)Google Scholar has pointed out the “social cosmetic” in Thai relationships that attempts to keep relationships smooth. Historians in Thailand also feel the Thai have maintained their unique position in Southeast Asia due to their flexible diplomatic policies. In his lectures on Thailand, David Wyatt has often referred to Thailand as a “success story” in this regard. For a recent example see Reynolds, Bruce E., “Ambivalent Allies: Japan and Thailand, 1941–45” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii, 1988), esp. pp. 756–69Google Scholar, in which he summarizes the ability of the Thai to maintain a kind of “two-track diplomacy”.

¹³ Interviews (unless otherwise noted) were conducted separately by the author during field research supported by Fulbright-Hays and Social Science Research Council grants between Sept. 1986 and Sept. 1987. In the following interviews “Q” will serve to represent comments and questions by the interviewer. Translations of interviews in Thai are mine. Proper names follow preferred spellings, otherwise the Library of Congress system has been adhered to as closely as possible. For further elaboration see Olson, Grant A., “A Person-Centered Ethnography of Thai Buddhism: The Life of Phra Rajavaramuni (Prayudh Payutto)” (Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1989)Google Scholar. Part of the methodology of this paper follows a biographical, person-centred ethnography approach of collecting and juxtaposing a set of interviews into a “mosaic” of ideas. The subject of this paper is one of three main contexts used in the above work to help “place” Phra Rajavaramuni in the picture of contemporary Thai Buddhism.

¹⁴ When I was at Suan Mokh in the summer of 1982, I sat waiting to see Buddhadasa Bhikkhu. When I had my chance to approach him, he chuckled. The monk who accompanied me asked what the three men before us had wanted. Buddhadasa Bhikkhu reported that they were soldiers who had driven all the way down from the Northeast and had arrived quite drunk requesting that he blow in their ears for good luck and protection. He told them that he did not know how to do this and sent them to talk with another monk up the hill (who would tell them about the problems of drinking and smoking and encourage them to quit).

¹⁵ Another monk who spent time at Suan Mokh told me a story similar to this: “Once a monk asked Buddhadasa Bhikkhu if he ever poured holy water or blessed anyone's car. He said he did it once and wrote the first letters of three words as a blessing above the rear view mirror: ‘be diligent and attentive’ (khayan, yā pramāt). After that, he said he never did it again. The monk asked why and he only laughed the way he often does. But I guess that he stopped this because if he continued people would keep coming and wanting this; and if he then said it was not important, no one would listen, whoever comes would want him to pour holy water (nam mon). So later, he completely refused. If anyone came asking for lottery ticket numbers or holy water, he would send them up to look at the artwork in the Dhamma Theatre. You can be sure that if he continued to pour holy water, he would soon have to sit there constantly with a bowl of water. It shows that he is very strong about this.”

¹⁶ Sāt or sastra, can mean art or science, and it can be contended that saiyasāt constituted an ancient science that has now become viewed as magic or superstition. Bhikkhu, Buddhadasa, Phutthasāt kap saiyasāt (Bangkok: Kānphim Phranakhpōn, 2526/1983)Google Scholar claims that these animistic beliefs were present in Thailand from ancient times and that even Asokan missionaries had to compete with these beliefs by stressing the Buddhist doctrine of ‘right view’ with the native people in peninsular Southeast Asia. He goes on to define two possible meanings for the term saiya: one is ‘sleeping’ (nōn lap), which he says is in direct contrast with phuttha, which means ‘to awaken’; he also says that saiya can mean ‘better than’. So he asks better than what? His answer: Better than nothing at all.

¹⁷ Aporn explained that dēratchān-wichā were practices that do not lead to the final goal of enlightenment, including “corrupt” or magical practices.

¹⁸ Pathumsut, Somsri, Wiriyawit, Payong, and Pukaman, Aporn, Carana 15 (Bangkok: Rōngphim Čharœnphōn, 2525/1982)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Some of Santi Asoke's literature also warns against the throwing of holy water because it may give people colds. See the pamphlet New Life at Dawn (Bangkok: Dhamma Santi Foundation Printing House, n.d.), p. 6Google Scholar. I thank Jim Taylor for bringing this to my attention.

²⁰ Bangkok: Mahachulalongkorn Buddhist University, 2529/1986.

²¹ Sīang thāi refers to performing an action and looking for an omen in it or basing a prediction upon it. In the annual Plowing Ceremony (phithī rǣk nā khwan), for example, one of the more prominent “Brahmanical” rituals in Thailand, cows are freed to select between different rice types from the various kernels before them. The success of rice crops is believed to be determined by this selection process.

²² From field notes, 3 Jan. 1990.

²³ The membership of people like Chamlong Srimuang, who have been in key political positions since the Prem government to today, have also helped to shield the movement from harm's way.

²⁴ The movement is critical of Buddhadasa Bhikkhu as well and (among other things) occasionally chides him for being too overweight for a monk.

²⁵ O'Connor, Richard A., “Urbanism and Religion: Community, Hierarchy and Sanctity in Urban Thai Buddhist Temples” (Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1978), p. 277Google Scholar, has said that “The thrust of [certain] reforms has been to separate Buddhism as a doctrine from its specific and present manifestations, which, of course, include monks and wat.” Phra Rajavaramuni's approach to change can be viewed as an attempt to avoid what O'Connor has noted.