This is a slightly revised version of a paper read at the Eighth Conference of the International Association of Historians of Asia at Kuala Lumpur (Aug. 1980) and published in the Brunei Museum Journal 4, no. 4 (1980).

¹ Ferrand, G., Relations de voyages et textes géographiques arabes persons et turks relatifs à l'Extrême-Orient du VIIIe an XVIIe siècles, 2 vols. (Paris, 1913 & 1914), p. 329.Google Scholar

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³ Coedes, G., “On the Origin of the Sailendras of Indonesia”, Journal of the Greater India Society 2, no. 2 (1934): 67.Google Scholar

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ Coedes, G., The Indianized States of Southeast Asia (Honolulu, 1968), pp. 89, 108.Google Scholar

⁶ Ferrand, Relations, p. 344.

⁷ Ibid., p. 308.

⁸ There were other Mountains of Camphor, which were mentioned by Ibn Sa'id (Ferrand, Relations, p. 343). They ran from east to west through the northern Sumatran area of Fancur.

⁹ Nicholl, R., “Relations between Brunei and Manila,” Brunei Museum Journal 4, no. 1 (1977): 157Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Ferrand, Relations, p. 187.

¹¹ Burkill, I.H., A Dictionary of Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula, 2 vols. (Kuala Lumpur, 1966), vol. I, pp. 337, 553, 876Google Scholar.

¹² A small amount appears to have been produced in Johore; Lake, H. and Kelsall, H.J., “The Camphor Tree and the Camphor Language of Johore”, Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 26 (1894): 35ff.Google Scholar

¹³ Moor, J.H., Notices of the Indian Archipelago (London, 1968), p. 94.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Ibid., vol. 1, p. 100. Meilink-Roelfsz, M.A.P., Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630 (The Hague, 1962), p. 345, n. 27.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Moor, Notices, p. 94.

¹⁷ Coedes, “Origin of the Sailendras”, p. 68.

¹⁸ As quoted by the T'ai p'ing yu Ian, tr. Hsü Yün-ts'iao (unpublished manuscript). The same passage as quoted in the T'ai p'ing huan yu chi is translated by Wolters, O. W. in Early Indonesian Commerce (Ithaca, New York, 1967), p. 174.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Ferrand in “Le K'ouen Louen”, p. 103, romanizes these characters as Ku or Gu and lun or run. If the sound expressed was Gu-run, then it is very close to Darun. Ki is a common prefix to toponyms in northwest Borneo: Kilanas, Kinarut, Kimanis, Kinabalu, etc. There is a possible link between these two characters and Kidurong.

²⁵ Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, p. 200.

²⁶ Ferrand, G., “L'Empire Sumatranaise de Crivijaya”, Journal Asiatique (1922): 7.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ferrand, Relations, p. 589. English translation in Tibbetts, G.R., A Study of Arabic Texts Containing Material on South East Asia (London, 1979), p. 46.Google Scholar

²⁸ Groenveldt, W. P., Notes on Indonesia and Malaya (Jakarta, 1960), p. 63.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ferrand, Relations, pp. 564–65. Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 47.

³⁰ The account of Sribuza is prefaced by the words: “I have already spoken of Sribuza, which is situated at the extremity of the Island of Lamuri, at one hundred zam from Kalah. God alone knoweth the truth!” Lamuri was the Arabic name for Acheh; see Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, p. 179. A zam was an Arabic watch of three hours, equivalent to 12.05 nautical miles; see Mills, J.V.G., “Arabic and Chinese Navigators in Malaysian Waters”, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 47, 2 (1974): 58Google Scholar. Wherever Kalah was on the Malay Peninsula, and the matter is still much in dispute (see Wheatley, P., Golden Chersonese [Kuala Lumpur, 1966], pp. 217–24Google Scholar), this statement makes no sense at all. The caveat “God alone knoweth the truth!” shows that the author cannot youch for the veracity of what he has just said. As it conflicts with the Captain's narrative on several important points, it may fairly be dismissed as an interpolation, of which several can be detected; see Ferrand, Relations, vol. 2, p. 565.

³¹ Admiralty Tide Tables for Malaya and Singapore (London, published annually).

³² Corrections to Admiralty Tide Tables (Bandar Seri Begawan: Brunei Marine Department, published annually).

³³ Rockhill, W. W., “The Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the Coasts of the Indian Ocean in the Fourteenth Century”, T'oung Pao 16 (1915): 264CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ It must be stressed that not all Arabic references to Sribuza are to Sribuza-Brunei, any more than all references to Srivijaya or Vijayapura are.

³⁵ Ferrand, Relations, p. 319.

³⁶ Ibid., p. 319. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, p. 153.

³⁷ Ferrand, Relations, p. 399.

³⁸ Ibid., p. 620 note.

³⁹ The writer must record his gratitude to Dr. J. Népote of the Centre National des Récherches Scientifiques for having drawn his attention to this very important point. Dr. Pou's research will soon be published by the C.N.R.S. as “Notes Historico-linguistiques”.

⁴⁰ Coedes, “Origin of the Sailendras”, p. 67.

⁴¹ Stanilas Julien noted that both the P'o character and the fo character found here were used for the first syllable of Buddha; Méthode pour Déchifrer et Transcrire les Noms Sanskrits (Paris, 1861), p. 298, n. 3, and p. 172 no. 1415. Thus, whichever pair of characters was used, the sound expressed would be “Bu-(r)-ni”.

⁴² Sweeney, A., “Silsilah Raja-Raja Berunai”, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 41, 2(1968): 51.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lawrence, A.E., “First Brunei Conquests on the Sarawak Coast”, Sarawak Museum Journal 1 (1911): 120 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Groenveldt, Notes, p. 84.

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⁴⁸ There was another Muja on the borders of Yunnan and Szechuan; Sauvaget, J., Ahbar as-Sin wa l'Hind (Paris, 1948), p. 54 n. 31.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ferrand, Relations, p. 333.

⁵⁰ Ibid., pp. 189–92.

⁵¹ Yule, H. and Cordier, H., Cathay and the Way Thither, 4 vols. (London, 1915), vol. 1, p. 31 n. 3.Google Scholar

⁵² Nicholl, “Brunei and Manila”, pp. 149–63.

⁵³ Ferrand, Relations, p. 344.

⁵⁴ Southeast Sumatra; Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, p. 56.

⁵⁵ Ferrand, Relations, p. 344.

⁵⁶ Ibid., p. 185.

⁵⁷ Ibid., p. 186.

⁵⁸ Ibid., p. 78.

⁵⁹ Ibid., p. 48.

⁶⁰ Evans, I.H.N., Among the Primitive Peoples in Borneo (London, 1924), pp. 274–90.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ferrand, Relations, p. 78.

⁶² Ibid., p. 99.

⁶³ Hirth, F. and Rockhill, W.W. (trs.), Chau Ju-kua (Taipeh, 1970), pp. 62, 193.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Groenveldt, Notes, p. 109.

⁶⁵ Ferrand, Relations, p. 582. Tibbetts, Arabic Texts, p. 44.

⁶⁶ Sauvaget, Ahbar, p. 14.

⁶⁷ Groenveldt, Notes, p. 109.

⁶⁸ Coedes, Indianized States, pp. 128, 132.

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⁷⁰ Ferrand, Relations, pp. 189–92.

⁷¹ Ibid., p. 344.

⁷² Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-Kua, pp. 155–58, 193.

⁷³ Brown, “The Eastern Ocean”, pp. 46–58.

⁷⁴ There are many versions of Marco Polo's travels, but the most valuable for this purpose is Professor Jack-Hinton's, “Marco Polo in South East Asia”, The Journal of Southeast Asian History 5, 2 (1964): 48ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁵ Coedes, Indianized States, p. 200.

⁷⁶ Nicholl, R., “The Mediaeval Cartography of Borneo”, Brunei Museum Journal 4, no. 4 (1980): 180–218.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Ibid., vol. 1, p. 100.

⁸² Groenveldt, Notes, p. 109.

⁸³ Yule and Cordièr, Cathay, vol. 2, pp. 151–53.

⁸⁴ Coedes, Indianized States, p. 201.

⁸⁵ Ibid., p. 234.

⁸⁶ Pigeand, T.G., Java in the Fourteenth Century, 5 vols. (The Hague, 1960), vol. 4, p. 499.Google Scholar

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⁸⁹ Coedes, Indianized States, p. 233.

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⁹⁶ Ibid., pp. 451–54. Yule and Cordier, Cathay, vol. 4, pp. 103–108.

⁹⁷ Pigeand, Java, vol. 3, p. 16, and vol. 4, p. 31.

⁹⁸ Groenveldt, Notes, p. 112.

⁹⁹ Ibid., p. 103.

¹⁰⁰ When Chinese envoys visited Brunei in 1371, they found a sorry and impoverished place; see Brown, C., “An early account of Brunei by Sung Lien”, Brunei Museum Journal 2, no. 4 (1972): 219–31.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ The name is represented in various ways in Chinese, but they all express the traditional Brunei title Karna. For variations, see Brown, C., “Two Ming texts concerning King Ma-na-je-chia-na of P'o-ni”, Brunei Museum Journal 3, no. 2 (1974): 222–29.Google Scholar

¹⁰² The visit is described by Groenveldt, Notes, pp. 111–13. The missing passages are translated in Brown, “Two Ming texts”.

¹⁰³ The tomb was discovered and restored in 1958. It was recently photographed by Dr. Paulo Koch of Zurich, who is preparing an illustrated article on the subject for the Brunei Museum Journal.

¹⁰⁴ For a translation of the inscription, see Brown, “Two Ming texts”.

¹⁰⁵ Hsi yang chau kung tien lu; see Rockhill, “Relations and Trade”, p. 264 n. 1.

¹⁰⁶ Groenveldt, Notes, pp. 114–15.

¹⁰⁷ Hong, Wu Ching, “A study of references to the Philippines in Chinese sources from the earliest times to the Ming dynasty”, Philippines Social Sciences and Humanities Review 24, 1–2 (1950): 126.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Sei Wada, The Philippine Islands, p. 128, n. 3.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., p. 149.

¹¹⁰ Groenveldt, Notes, pp. 103–105.

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¹¹⁴ Both are in Artur Basilio de Sá, Insulindia: Documentaçāo para a Historia das Missōes do Padroado Português do Oriente, 5 vols. (Lisbon, 1951), vol. 1, p. 46. Nicholl, Also R. (ed.), European Sources for the History of the Sultanate of Brunei in the Sixteenth Century (Brunei, 1975), p. 4.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁶ Sweeney, “Silsilah”, p. 52.