1 Tế, Bộ Y, Bệnh sốt rét: Phòng chống và tiêu diệt sốt rét ở Việt Nam, 1958–1975 [Malaria: Preventing and eliminating malaria in Vietnam, 1958–1975] (Hanoi: VSR-KST-CT, 1976)Google Scholar. Thanks to Annick Guénel for sharing this volume.

2 Monnais, Laurence, Thompson, Claudia Michele, and Wahlberg, Ayo, eds, Southern medicine for southern people: Vietnamese medicine in the making (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2012)Google Scholar.

3 Rogaski, Ruth, Hygienic modernity: Meanings of health and disease in treaty-port China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), p. 297Google Scholar. This essay considers Rogaski's writing on ‘patriotic weisheng’ in the context of Vietnam. Like their Chinese counterparts, Vietnamese hygiene workers based their actions on biomedicine.

4 Anderson, Warwick and Pols, Hans, ‘Scientific patriotism: Medical science and national self-fashioning in Southeast Asia’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (2012): 113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 For instance, theoretical physicists trained in late twentieth-century Japan were no more colonised than their North American counterparts. Traweek, Sharon, Beamtimes and lifetimes: The world of high energy physicists (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. Even during the period of high imperialism, Gregory Clancey has shown how Japanese scientific knowledge could influence European thinkers. Clancey, Gregory K., Earthquake nation: The cultural politics of Japanese seismicity, 1868–1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

6 There is a vast literature dealing with the concept of place-based knowledge showing the influence of biophysical environments on knowledge formation. For example, see Landscapes of exposure: Knowledge and illness in modern environments, vol.19, ed. Mitman, Gregg, Murphy, Michelle and Sellers, Christopher (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).Google Scholar

7 Nhiều tác già, ‘Đảng bộ miền đông nam bộ lãnh đạo xây dựng kiện toàn tổ chức đảng và đẩy mạnh cuộc kháng chiến toàn dân, toàn diện (1947–1950)’ [Party committee of the southeastern region leading the construction and consolidation of the party structure and promoting the total people's war of resistance (1947–1950)], in Lịch sử đảng bộ miền đông nam bộ lãnh đạo kháng chiến (1945–1975) [History of the party committee of the southeastern region leading the war of resistance (1945–1975)], ed. Hội Đồng Biên Soạn Lịch Sử Đảng Miền Đông Nam Bộ (n.p., 2001), p. 35.

8 Most recently see Wahlberg, Ayo, ‘Family secrets and the industrialisation of herbal medicine in postcolonial Vietnam’, in Southern medicine for southern people, pp. 153–78Google Scholar.

9 Packard, Randall M., The making of a tropical disease: A short history of malaria (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), p. 114Google Scholar. See also Tinh Hien M.D. Tran et al. , ‘A controlled trial of artemether or quinine in Vietnamese adults with severe falciparum malaria’, New England Journal of Medicine 335, 2 (1996): 76–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Donald G. McNeil Jr., ‘For intrigue, malaria drug artemisinin gets the prize’, New York Times, 16 Jan 2012. Vũ Thị Phan cites 1972 as the date of first publication about artemisinin in Đặng Văn Ngữ et al. , Những kỷ niệm sâu sắc về giáo sư Đặng Văn Ngữ và công cuộc phòng chống sốt rét [Profound memories of professor Đặng Văn Ngữ and the task of preventing malaria] (Hanoi: VSR-KST-CT, 1997), p. 51Google Scholar. The 1977 date given in McNeil is supported by the fact that Bộ Y Tế, Bệnh sốt rét, makes no mention of artemisinin.

10 This phrase comes from Amrith, Sunil S., Decolonizing international health: India and Southeast Asia, 1930–65 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 See annual reports from 1911 in NAVN2 IA.8/113 and IA.8/103 and provincial material from 1906 in IA.8/077. Rapport Council Coloniale (CC), 1909, pp. xx, xxvi. Although malaria was present in the Mekong Delta, it was a less severe health threat there.

12 NAVN2 IA.8/103, Rapport pour le mois de février; See also Trần Văn Đôn, ‘Công trình khảo cứu về bịnh rét rừng (paludisme) taị Núi Bà Đen tỉnh Tâyninh’ [Research project about forest malaria at Ba Den mountain, Tay Ninh province], Khoa Học Phổ Thông [Popular science] 1 (1934).

13 ANOM, Rapport CC, 1915, p. 249.

14 Quoted in Bernard, Noël, ‘Notions générales sur le paludisme et les moyens de le combattre dans les centres agricole et forestiers de la Cochinchine’, Bulletin du Syndicat des planteurs de caoutchouc de l'Indochine 2, 13 (1919), p. 141Google Scholar.

15 NAVN2, IA.7/236(7), Procès verbale de la réunion du comité local d'hygiène de la Cochinchine, 21 janvier 1919, p. 5. That same year, Noël Bernard published a monograph on preventing malaria in colonial agricultural and forestry areas in the south. That same year, Noël Bernard published a monograph on preventing malaria in colonial agricultural and forestry areas in the south, Notions générales sur le paludisme et les moyens de le combattre dans les centres agricoles et forestiers de la Cochinchine (Saigon: Gouvernement de la Cochinchine, 1919)Google Scholar. Coincidentally, 1919 was also the year that the Japanese shifted their efforts on Formosa (colonial Taiwan) from human to environmental approaches, from ‘man to mosquito’. Yip, Ka-che, Disease, colonialism, and the state: Malaria in modern East Asian history (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009), pp. 39–41Google Scholar.

16 NAVN2, IA.7/236(7), Lettre, 21 janvier 1919, Gaide à Goucoch, a/s prophylaxie antipaludéenne.

17 IIB.56/029 Travail, rapports et procès verbale de la visite des plantations de l'inspecteur du travail, 1927–28, see Bu-Dop visits on 22 août 1927, 23 mars 1928, and 18 mai 1928.

18 Gouverneur Général de l'Indochine, ed. L' Indochine française (Hanoi: Imp. G. Taupin & Cie., 1938), p. 395Google Scholar.

19 Morin, Henri G.S., Entretiens sur le paludisme et sa prevention en Indochine (Hanoi: Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1935), pp. 111–12Google Scholar. For more on Morin see Notices biographiques, http://www.pasteur.fr/infosci/archives/ (last accessed in Nov. 2012).

20 Morin, H.G.S. and Robin, L.A., Essai sur la prévention pratique du paludisme dans les exploitations agricoles en Indochine (Saigon: Imprimerie Albert Portail, 1933), p. 1Google Scholar.

21 See Monnais, Laurence, Médecine et colonisation: L' Aventure indochinoise 1860–1939 (Paris: CNRS Editions, 1999)Google Scholar; Hermant, ‘Fonctionnement du service de vente de la quinine d’état dans la province de Nghê-an en 1912’, Bulletin de la Société médico-chirurgicale de l'Indochine 4 (1913): 231–3Google Scholar; Allain, ‘Paludisme et quinine d’état en Annam’, Bulletin de la Société de Pathologie Exotique 6 (1913): 730–52Google Scholar.

22 Thanks to Mike Fisher for pointing out this fascinating mechanism of quinine action. For a more detailed account see Packard, The making of a tropical disease and Prudêncio, Miguel, Rodriguez, Ana, and Mota, Maria M., ‘The silent path to thousands of merozoites: The plasmodium liver stage’, Nature Reviews: Microbiology 4, 11 (2006): 849–56Google ScholarPubMed.

23 For similar developments in the colonial Philippines, see Anderson, Warwick, Colonial pathologies: American tropical medicine, race, and hygiene in the Philippines (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

24 Justin Godart, ‘Discours inaugural du 22e congrès français de médecine’, Paris, 10 Oct. 1932, quoted in Grima, Roger, La lutte antipalustre dans les collectivités en Indo-Chine (Lyon: Intersyndicale Lyonnaise, 1932)Google Scholar.

25 Jennings, Eric T., Imperial heights: Dalat and the making and undoing of French Indochina (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

26 Guénel, Annick and Guerin, Mathieu, ‘“L' Ennemi, c'est le moustique”: Tirailleurs cambodgiens et pastoriens face au paludisme dans le Haut-Chhlong’, Revue Historique des Armées 3 (2004): 113–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 NAVN4 3932, Organisation et fonctionnement de la médecin rurale en Annam, 1938.

28 Morin, Entretiens sur le paludisme et sa prevention en Indochine, p. 128.

29 NAVN4 3932 Organisation et fonctionnement de la médecin rurale en Annam, 1938.

30 Research on derivatives of quinine featured prominently in the pharmacology section of Comptes-rendus du dixième congrès de medecine tropicale en extrême-orient (Tonkin: Far Eastern Association of Tropical Medicine [FEATM], 1938)Google Scholar. For more on FEATM, see David Arnold, ‘Tropical governance: Managing health in monsoon Asia, 1908–1938’, Asia Research Institute (ARI) Working Paper No. 116, National University of Singapore, 2009.

31 Guénel, Annick, ‘The conference on rural hygiene in Bandung of 1937: Towards a new vision of health care?’, in Global movements, local concerns: Medicine and health in Southeast Asia, ed. Monnais, Laurence and Cook, Harold John (Singapore: NUS Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Bynum, W.F., ‘Malaria in inter-war British India’, Parassitologia 42, 1–2 (2000): 25–31Google ScholarPubMed. See also ANOM FM Guernut 22. Dossier Bb. Société des Nations, Organisation d'hygiene, conference d'hygiene rurale des pays d'orient (Bandoeng, 3–13 Août 1937), Rapport sur l'organisation des services sanitaires et médicaux (Point I de l'ordre du jour) présenté par le Dr P.M. Dorolle, Médecin de 1ère classe de l'Assistance Médicale Indigène en Indochine, Hermant (Dr P) Programme d'organisation des services d'assistance et d'hygiène en Indochine, Paris, 1938.

32 League of Nations (LN), Intergovernmental conference of far-eastern countries on rural hygiene. Preparatory papers: Report of French Indo-China (Geneva: LN, 1937), p. 32. In 1936 the Pasteur Institute printed a volume of articles, a few previously published, on the science of malaria in Indochina.

33 For example, see Morin, Henri and Carton, Paul, ‘Contribution à l'étude de l'influence des facteurs climatiques sur la répartition de l'endémie palustre en Indochine’, Bulletin Economique de l'Indochine 37 (1934): 459–80Google Scholar. Bradley, Mark, Imagining Vietnam and America: The making of postcolonial Vietnam, 1919–1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2000), pp. 51–7Google Scholar.

34 Carton, Paul, ‘Le climat et l'homme (Les facteurs climatiques en écologie humaine)’, in Feuillets d' hygiène indochinoise, ed. Morin, Henri (Hanoi: IDEO), p. 161Google Scholar. In the conclusion, see pp. 172–4. On p. 174, the authors discuss how the same species could be an active transmitter or inoffensive, depending on the ‘microclimate’, as a comparison between a. malcultatus in British Malaya and Indochina showed. On ‘geoclimatic determinism’, see Jennings, Imperial heights, pp. 40–41, 50–51. See also Carton, ‘Le climat et l'homme’, pp. 106–8.

35 Carton quotes from Marchoux, ‘Afrique Occidentale française’, in Brouardel, Paul, Chantemesse, André, and Mosny, Ernest, Traité d' hygiène (Paris: J.B. Baillière et fils, 1907)Google Scholar.

36 For early examples, see Trinh-Van-Dam, Bernard, Le paludisme en Indochine (Montpellier: Impr. de la Manufacture de la Charité, 1932)Google Scholar and Le Van Tinh, Le paludisme en Cochinchine et sa prophylaxie (Paris: M. Lac, 1932)Google Scholar.

37 In a letter from 12 avril 1938, the RSA, Labbey, argued that simply translating the work of Dr Moreau on malaria would not be effective. He argued that the village notables needed something with only simple ideas, in plain language, preferably with illustrations.

38 See ‘The question of women’ in Marr, David G., Vietnamese tradition on trial, 1920–1945 (Berkeley: UC Press, 1981), pp. 190–251Google Scholar.

39 See Hardy, Andrew, Red hills: Migrants and the state in the highlands of Vietnam (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

40 For colonial officials' attitudes towards traditional medicine, see L' Indochine française.

41 ‘Bẹnh sót rét’, Khoa Học Phổ Thông, 15 mars 1938, no. 2.

42 Kien Tin Bui, ‘Le médecin en face du problème démographique de l’ Indochine' (Faculté de Médecine de Paris, 1940). Quote from Morin, Entretiens sur le paludisme et sa prevention en Indochine, pp. 33–4.

43 NAVN2 S.0/13 Phúc trình hành năm của Bộ Y tế 1949.

44 IMTSSA 167 Affaires diverses. Documentation sanitaire: rapport 1st Conference, ‘La pathologie speciale à l'Indochine’, 1947, p. 3.

45 For example, see Sở Quân Dân Y Nam Bộ, Bịnh sốt rét [Malaria] (n.p.: Nguyễn Văn Ba, 1954). On page 5, the work done by research institutes as well as on plantations is cited as an important source of knowledge about malaria.

46 IMTSSA 167 Affaires diverses. Correspondance et texte de la conférence sur ‘l'Organisation médico-sociale en Indochine et particulièrement au Vietnam’, 1949, p. 19.

47 Ibid.

48 While the colonial administration had indeed drawn up a number of plans for a rural health system few of these projects were ever carried out. Chuyển, Trịnh Ngọc, Contribution à la mise en pratique du programme de la santé rurale (Saigon: Université de Saigon, 1960)Google Scholar.

49 Đặng, Văn Đang and Nguyễn, Đăng Quế, Bệnh sốt rét tại Việt Nam [Malaria in Vietnam] (Saigon: NXB Trung Tâm Học Liệu, 1970), pp. 34, 193, 203–8Google Scholar.

50 Ibid., pp. 217–30, 285–87.

51 Ibid., p. 34.

52 Ibid., xvi.

53 Sở Quân Dân Y, Bịnh sốt rét, p. 30. The authors discuss both Western and Eastern medical approaches to the disease and argue that only independence, unification, democracy, peace, and socialism would enable the complete elimination of malaria.

54 Đặng et al., Những kỷ niệm sâu sắc.

55 As quoted in Đặng Văn Ngữ et al. , ‘Studies of the epidemiology of malaria in northern Vietnam, vol. 1. Landscape malariological studies in Thai-Nguyen province’, Russian Journal of Geography 30, 3 (1961): 293Google Scholar.

56 For more on Lysenko and Soviet malaria prevention research see Bruce-Chwatt, Leonard Jan, ‘Malaria research and eradication in the U.S.S.R.: A review of Soviet achievements in the field of malariology’, Bulletin of the World Health Organization 21 (1959): 737–72Google ScholarPubMed.

57 The DRV argued that its techniques were more successful than those of the WHO. Bộ Y Tế, Bệnh sốt rét.

58 Đặng, Những kỷ niệm sâu sắc, p. 48.

59 Ibid., p. 44.

60 Bộ Y Tế, Bệnh sốt rét, p. 39.

61 Đặng, Những kỷ niệm sâu sắc, pp. 50–51.

62 Bộ Y Tế, Bệnh sốt rét, p. 59.

63 Sở Quân Dân Y, Bịnh sốt rét, pp. 27–28.

64 Bộ Y Tế, Bệnh sốt rét, pp. 62–4.

65 Army Health Department, Chiến sĩ Điền vặn động phòng bệnh mùa hè [Soldier Điền's campaign to prevent summer maladies] (Hanoi: Cục Quân Y, 1953), p. 5Google Scholar. Cited in Malarney, Shaun Kingsley, ‘Germ theory, hygiene, and the transcendence of ‘backwardness’ in revolutionary Vietnam (1954–60)’, in Southern medicine for southern people, ed. Monnais et al. , p. 112Google Scholar.

66 Ibid.

67 Bộ Y Tế, Bệnh sốt rét, p. 41.

68 Disease Prevention Department–Ministry of Health, Nông thôn đang đổi mới, tập I: nông thôn đồng bằng [The countryside is being renovated, Vol. 1: The delta countryside] (Hanoi: Vụ Phòng Bệnh–Bộ Y Tế, 1957)Google Scholar. Cited in Malarney, ‘Germ theory, hygiene, and the transcendence of “ backwardness”’, p. 114.

69 Malarney, ‘Germ theory, hygiene, and the transcendence of “backwardness”’, p. 111.

70 Zonal Public Health, Việt Bắc Interzone, 1956, Vệ sinh phòng bệnh nông thôn [Rural prophylactic hygiene] (Hanoi: Khu Y Tế Liên Khu Việt Bắc), p. 10Google Scholar. Cited in Malarney, ‘Germ theory, hygiene, and the transcendence of “backwardness”’, p. 115.

71 Đặng, Những kỷ niệm sâu sắc, p. 38; Trương, Như Tạng, Chanoff, David and Doan, Van Toai, A Vietcong memoir: An inside account of the Vietnam War and its aftermath (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985), pp. 160, 162Google Scholar.