1 Ames, Glenn J., Renascent empire? The house of Braganza and the quest for stability in Portuguese Monsoon Asia, ca. 1640–1683 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2000), pp. 12–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Newitt, Malyn, History of Portuguese overseas expansion: Expansion, 1400–1668 (London: Routledge, 2005), p. 120Google Scholar.

3 Boyagian, James C., Portuguese trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580–1640 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), pp. 242–3Google Scholar.

4 Boyajian, Portuguese trade, p. 14.

5 Pearson identifies four general types of Portuguese private traders: (1) officials and clerics; (2) casados or married residents in Portuguese-ruled areas; (3) a few wealthy merchants or agents of European trading firms; and (4) solteiros [lit. bachelors] or those who left Portuguese-ruled settlements and lived elsewhere in the coastal trading world. Michael Pearson, ‘Markets and merchant communities in the Indian Ocean: Locating the Portuguese’, in Portuguese oceanic expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 102.

6 Schwartz, Stuart B., ‘The economy of the Portuguese empire’, in Portuguese oceanic expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Bethencourt, Francisco and Curto, Diogo Ramada (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 33Google Scholar; Pearson, ‘Markets and merchant communities’, p. 104.

7 Newitt, History of Portuguese overseas, pp. 73–4. An even larger debate revolves around the characterisation of the entire Portuguese empire as either ‘highly centralised’ or ‘weak and headless’. Bethencourt is against these extremes and instead argues that the empire was always ‘improvised’ and was built on ‘conquest, negotiation and compromise’. Bethencourt, Francisco, ‘Political configurations and local powers’, in Portuguese oceanic expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Bethencourt, Francisco and Curto, Diogo Ramada (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 197–8Google Scholar. It is a position that accurately characterises the Estado da India.

8 Villiers, John, ‘The Estado da India in South-East Asia’, in South-East Asia: Colonial History, vol. 1—Imperialism before 1800, ed. Kratoska, Paul. (London: Routledge, 2001), p. 154Google Scholar.

9 Here I am following Dutch usage of the 17th and 18th centuries when they included in the Solor archipelago the eastern end of the island of Flores, Solor, Adonara, Lembata, Alor and Pantar.

10 Villiers, ‘Estado da India in South-East Asia’, p. 152.

11 Boxer, C.R., Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese merchant-adventurer in South-East Asia, 1624–1667 (’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1967)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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13 See for example, Mark, Peter, ‘The evolution of “Portuguese” identity: Luso-Africans on the Upper Guinea Coast from the sixteenth to the early nineteenth century’, Journal of African History, 40 (1999): 173–91Google Scholar, which examines the shifting identities of the Luso-Africans over the centuries. It provides an excellent picture of the dynamic interaction of the Portuguese and indigenous cultural factors in the ongoing redefinition of what it meant to be ‘Portuguese’ in the Upper Guinea Coast from Senegal to Sierra Leone.

14 Newitt, History of Portuguese overseas, pp. 98–9.

15 In addition to Mark, ‘Evolution of “Portuguese” identity’ cited above, a more recent study of this question can be found in Heywood, Linda and Thornton, John K., Central Africans, Atlantic creoles, and the foundation of the Americas, 1585–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 304–5Google Scholar.

16 Andaya, Leonard Y., The world of Maluku: Eastern Indonesia in the early modern period (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1993), pp. 152–3Google Scholar; Andaya, Leonard Y. and Andaya, Barbara Watson, A history of Malaysia, 2^nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Publishers Ltd., 2001), pp. 40, 58–9Google Scholar.

17 Newitt, History of Portuguese overseas, p. 235.

18 Andaya, Leonard Y., The heritage of Arung Palakka: A history of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the seventeenth century (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1981), pp. 27–8Google Scholar.

19 One ruler of Gowa was so influenced by the Portuguese friars that in 1658 he had the Jesuit church burned down and announced that he only wished to have ‘Portuguese’ priests (meaning the European Dominicans and the Franciscans) operating in his kingdom. Cesare Polenghi, ‘G.F. de Marini's Delle Missioni (1663): An annotated translation of the chapters on Cambodia, Siam and Makassar, Journal of the Siam Society, 95 (2007): 68.

20 Boxer, Francisco Vieira, p. 31.

21 Sá, Artur Basílio de, Documentação para a história das missões do padroado Português do Oriente. Insulindia, vol. 5 (1580–1595) (Lisbon: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1958), pp. 3–4Google Scholar; Biermann, B.M., ‘Die alte Dominkanermission auf den Solorinseln,’ Zeitschrift fuer Missionswissenschaft, 14 (1924): 12–48Google Scholar; Villiers, John, ‘As derradeira do Mundo: The Dominican missions and the sandalwood trade in the Lesser Sunda Islands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’, in Il Seminário Internacional de História Indo-Portuguesa, Actas, ed. Albuquerque, Luís de and Guerreiro, Inácio (Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, 1985Google Scholar).

22 The Regimento was written in 1718 by Dom Luis de Meneses, the Fifth Count of Ericeira, in 1718. Sousa, Ivo Carneiro de, ‘Mercantilism, reforms and the Portuguese colonial society in Southeast Asia in the 18^th century’, in Indonesia-Portugal: Five hundred years of historical relationship, ed. Sousa, Ivo Carneiro de and Leirissa, Richard Z. (Lisbon: CEPESA, 2001), pp. 180–1, 197Google Scholar.

23 In a previous article I termed this composite group in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago, the ‘Portuguese tribe (suku)’ because it functioned very much as other suku in the archipelago. Andaya, Leonard Y., ‘The Portuguese tribe in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, in Proceedings of the international colloquium on the Portuguese and the Pacific, ed. Dutra, Francis A. and Santos, João Camilo dos (Santa Barbara: Centre for Portuguese Studies, UC Santa Barbara, 1995), pp. 129–48Google Scholar.

24 H.G. Schulte Nordholt saw the ruler of Sikka with a Portuguese type hat in 1939. Nordholt, H.G. Schulte, The political system of the Atoni of Timor (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971), p. 165CrossRefGoogle Scholar, fn. 25; 17th- and 18th-centuries VOC reports from eastern Indonesia contain regular references to raja of small communities in the Southeastern and Southwestern Islands requesting hats from the Dutch for themselves and even for their sons and heirs. They regarded this article of clothing as a sign of their Christian links to the Europeans. In the Mekong valley in mainland Southeast Asia, there is also a report that a large black hat associated with the Portuguese was included in the regalia of some of the communities. Népote, Jacques, ‘The Portuguese, Cambodia and the Mekong valley: The logic of discovery’, in Proceedings of the international colloquium on the Portuguese and the Pacific, ed. Dutra, Francis A. and Santos, João Camilo dos (Santa Barbara: Centre for Portuguese Studies, UC Santa Barbara, 1995), p. 122Google Scholar.

25 There is one report which claims that Jan de Hornay was actually a Dane (een deens inboorling), which is not so far-fetched since many Europeans were in VOC service. Consideratien…op het reguard van het eylandt Timor [1689]. Manuscript H49 in the KITLV Western manuscript collection, Leiden, p. v.

26 Abdurachman, Paramita R., ‘Atakiwan, Casados and Tupassi, Portuguese settlements and Christian communities in Solor and Flores (1586–1630)’, Masyarakat Indonesia, 10, 1 (1983), pp. 104–5Google Scholar; Tiele, P.A., Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen archipel, 2 vols. (’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1890), pp. L–LICrossRefGoogle Scholar; G.P. Rouffaer, ‘Chronologie der Dominikaner missie op Solor en Flores, vooral Poeloe Ende, ca. 1556–1638 en bibliografie over het Ende-Fort’, Nederlandsch-Indië Oud en Nieuw 8 (1923–24), p. 215.

27 Middelkoop, P., ‘Migrations of Timorese groups and the question of the Kase Metan or overseas black foreigners’, International Archives of Ethnography, 51 (1968), pp. 121–2Google Scholar.

28 Heijmering, G., ‘Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van het eiland Timor’, Tijdschrijft voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 9, 3 (1847): 59–60Google Scholar.

29 Widiyatmika, Munandjar, ‘Peranan politik dan militer Portugis hitam di Timor pada abad ke-17 dan 18’, Jurnal Sejarah, 1, 2 (2005): 3Google Scholar.

30 Haan, F. de, ‘De laatste der Mardijkers’, Bijdragen tot het Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 73 (1917): 221Google Scholar.

31 Schotte, Apolonius, ‘Verovering van het Portugeesche fort op Solor enz. in 1613’ [signed 5 July 1613], in Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen archipel, ed. Tiele, P.A., vol. 1 ('s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1886), pp. 17–18Google Scholar; Vatter, Ernst, Ata Kiwan [trans. Sjah, Ny. S.D. from the original German, 1932] (Ende: Nusa Indah, 1984), p. 33Google Scholar; Abdurachman, ‘Atakiwan’, p. 102.

32 VOC 1217, Timor, Beschrijvinge van de quartieren van Solor ende Timor gedaen door den E. Arnold de Vlamingh van Outshoorn…aan den GG Joan Maetsuycker en Raad, 1656, fol. 213r.

33 Hägerdal, Hans, ‘Rebellions of factionalism? Timorese forms of resistance in an early colonial context, 1650–1769’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 163, 1 (2007), pp. 5–6Google Scholar.

34 VOC 1180, Solor, Missive Hendricq ter Horst, Ft. Hendricus op Solor, 15 May 1650, fol. 583v.

35 While le'u is an Atoni or Dawan term, the concept is shared by the Belunese.

36 ‘Een massa-overgang is daarom onder een natuur-philosophisch aspect een meest natuurlijk gebeuren…’, Alphen, R. van, Timor', ‘Een ‘le'oe’-onderzoek op, De Heerbaan, Algemeen Zendingstijdschrift, 3 (1950), p. 58Google Scholar.

37 This was reported by a missionary of the Dutch Reformed Church in the mid-20th century. Alphen, ‘Een “Le'oe”’, pp. 58–60.

38 Middelkoop, P., Curse – retribution – enmity as data in natural religion, especially in Timor, confronted with the scripture (Amsterdam: Jacob van Campen, 1960), p. 26Google Scholar.

39 Andaya, Leonard Y., ‘The bissu: Study of the third gender in Indonesia’, in Other Pasts, ed. Andaya, Barbara Watson (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

40 Middelkoop, Curse, p. 26.

41 Ibid., pp. 74–80.

42 McWilliam, Andrew, Paths of origin, gates of life: A study of place and precedence in southwest Timor (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002), pp. 80, 131Google Scholar.

43 Marshall Sahlins, ‘Depending on the kindness of strangers; or, elementary forms of the political life’, paper presented at the conference on ‘Stranger-kings in Southeast Asia and elsewhere’, Jakarta, 5–7 June 2006, pp. 3, 24–5.

44 Leitão, Humberto, Os Portugueses em Solor e Timor de 1515 à 1702 (Lisbon: Tip. De Liga dos Combatentes da Grande Guerra, 1948), p. 57Google Scholar; Artur Teodoro Matos, Timor Portugues, 1515–1769: Contribuição para a sua historia (Lisbon: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto Histórico Infante Dom Henrique), p. 32; Felgas, Helio A. Esteves, Timor Portugues (Lisbon: Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1956), p. 223Google Scholar; Thomaz, Luís Filipe F.R., De Ceuta à Timor (Algés, Portugal: DIFEL 82, 1998), p. 594Google Scholar.

45 Roever, Arend de, De jacht op sandelhout: De VOC en de tweedeling van Timor in de zeventiende eeuw (Zutphen: Walberg Pers, 2002), pp. 78–9Google Scholar.

46 Schotte, ‘Verovering’, pp. 17–18; Velde, Adriaen van der, ‘Berichten van Solor en Timor’, in Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen archipel, ed. Tiele, P.A., vol. 1 ('s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1886), pp. 80–1Google Scholar; Rouffaer, ‘Chronologie’, p. 206.

47 Boxer, Francisco Vieira, p. 61.

48 Ibid.

49 Ponchaud, François, La cathédrale de la rizière: 450 ans d'histoire de l'église au Cambodge (Paris: Le Sarment Fayard, 1990), p. 35Google Scholar.

50 Franca, António Pinto da, Portuguese influence in Indonesia (Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian, 1985), pp. 10–12Google Scholar.

51 Franca, Portuguese influence, p. 15.

52 Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions of factionalism?’, p. 21.

53 Sá, Isabel dos Guimarães, ‘Ecclesiastical structures and religious action’, in Portuguese oceanic expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Bethencourt, Francisco and Curto, Diogo Ramada (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 267Google Scholar.

54 Vatter, Ata Kiwan, pp. 34–5; Franca, Portuguese influence, p. 15.

55 Kolff, D.H., Jr., Reize door den weinig bekenden Zuidelijken Moluschen Archipel en langs de geheel onbekende zuidwest kust van Nieuw-Guinea (Amsterdam: G.J.A. Beijerinck, 1828), pp. 115–16Google Scholar.

56 Fernandez, Felix and Tukan, Johan Suban, Ziarah iman: Ibu Maria berduka cita (Jakarta: Yayasan Putera-Puteri Maria, 1997), pp. 13–14Google Scholar.

57 Sejarah pejuang lokal daerah Nusa Tenggara Timur, Seri II (Kupang: Dinas Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 2007), pp. 25–7.

58 Dutch contemporary reports tend to speak condescendingly of the ‘creatures’ of the Portuguese, meaning those who had been ‘created’ by the Portuguese through marriage, blood or religion. VOC 1233, Timor, Rapport … aen den Edeln Heere Joan Maetsuyker GG end d'EE heeren Raeden van India, door den oppercoopman Johan Treutman, in qualite als Commissaris over d'affairen op het Eylandt van Timor ende die vicine twee eylanden daer ontrent gelegen…, 22 Nov. 1660, fol. 721r.

59 VOC 1461, Timor, Missive Opperhoofd Willem Moerman en Raad, 4 July 1689, fols. 553r–v.

60 Ian C. Glover, ‘The southern silk road: Archaeological evidence for early trade between India and Southeast Asia’, in Ancient trades and cultural contacts in Southeast Asia (Bangkok: Office of the National Culture Commission), pp. 19, 66–8, 74, 80.

61 C.R. Boxer, ‘The topasses of Timor’, Koninklijke Vereeniging Indisch Instituut. Mededeling no. 73, Afdeling Volkenkunde no. 24, 1947, p. 6.

62 VOC 1271, Timor, fols. 719–20.

63 Generale Missiven, vol. III, 31 Jan. 1674, p. 902.

64 VOC 1461, Timor, Missive Opperhoofd Willem Moerman en Raad, 4 July 1689, fols. 553r–v, 554r.

65 In the books the date given for his death is 1673, but according to Dutch sources he died in November 1672.

66 While Matos acknowledged the fact that Antonio Hornay had helped defend Timor from the Dutch, he believed that this was done purely out of self-interest. Yet at Antonio Hornay's deathbed, he willed a considerable fortune to the Royal Treasury. Matos, Timor Português, pp. 113–14.

67 Generale Missiven, vol. IV, 13 Feb. 1679, p. 273.

68 Ibid., vol. IV, 31 Dec. 1683, p. 612; Leitão, Os Portugueses, p. 243.

69 Ibid., vol. IV, 13 Feb. 1679, p. 273.

70 Ibid., vol. IV, 31 Dec. 1683, p. 612; Ibid., vol. V, 13 Dec. 1686, pp. 36, 38.

71 Ibid., vol. V, 30 Dec. 1689, p. 311; Ibid., vol. V, 31 Jan. 1692, p. 459.

72 ‘Parecer do Conselho Ultramarino’, Doc. X, in Matos, Timor Português, p. 303.

73 ‘Memorial das Ilhas de Timor e Solor’, Doc. III, in Matos, Timor Português, p. 216.

74 In a letter written by Domingos da Costa to the King of Portugal dated 5 May 1703 he mentions that Francisco Hornay had succeeded his brother. ‘Carta de Domingos da Costa a El-Rei’ Matos, Doc. XI, in Matos, Timor Português, p. 308.

75 Generale Missiven, vol. V, 30 Nov. 1697, p. 841.

76 Ibid., vol. VI, 23 Nov. 1699, p. 73; 1 Dec. 1700, p. 123.

77 The Portuguese presence in Macau was always dependent upon the goodwill of the Chinese authorities, who saw the value of maintaining Macau as an open port for international trade. A captain was only appointed to Macau by Goa in 1623, and the Portuguese merchants there only sought support from the Estado to reinforce their position vis-à-vis the Chinese. Francisco Bethencourt, ‘Political configurations and local powers’, in Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800, ed. Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 207–8.

78 O `Livro de Rezão' de António Coelho Guerreiro, ed. Virginia Rau (Lisbon: Museu do Dundo, 1956), pp. 21–3, 90–3; Boxer, C.R., Fidalgos in the Far East (Hong Kong / London: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 187ffGoogle Scholar.

79 VOC 1663, Timor, Missive, Opperhoofd en Raad Timor, 8 May 1702, fol. 14.

80 VOC 1663, Timor, Twee rapporte van t opperhoofd den ondercoopman concernerende syne verrigtinge op Liffauw, Benjauw, Savo en Solor, fols. 18–19; Matos, Timor Português, pp. 84–8.

81 ‘Carta de António Coelho Guerreiro’, Doc. XIV, in Matos, Timor Português, p. 323.

82 Ibid.

83 VOC 1676, Timor, Missive van Opperhoofd Joannes van Alphen en Raad Timor, 31 Oct 1702, fols. 2–3; ibid., 22 May 1703, fol. 7; VOC 1691, Timor Missive Opperhoofd Joannes van Alphen en Raad Timor, 31 May 1704, fols. 9–10.

84 Generale Missiven, vol. VI, 30 Nov 1704, p. 354.

85 VOC 1711, Timor, Missive Opperhoofd en Raad Timor, 2 Sept. 1705, fol. 133.

86 Salomon Müller, Reizen en onderzoekingen in den Indischen archipel gedaan op last der Nederlandsche Indische regering, tusschen de jaren 1828 en 1836, vol. 2 (Amsterdam: Frederik Muller, 1857, ‘Timor’), p. 190.

87 Generale Missiven, vol. VI, 30 Nov. 1707, pp. 486, 539.

88 VOC 2741, Timor, Missive, Opperhoofd Daniel van der Burgh, 15 Sept. 1749, fols. 35–7, 40–2.

89 This is one of the earliest indications in the sources of the disappearance of sandalwood. Hornay warned the Dutch in Kupang to take measures to limit the amount of logs being taken from Lifau or risk a premature end to the sandalwood trade. VOC 1461, Timor, Letter from Captain Major Antonio Hornay from Larantuka to Hoge Regering Batavia, 23 June 1689, fols. 571v–572r.

90 VOC 1403, Timor, Missive Joannes v.d. Heeden, 14 Sept. 1684, fols. 224r–v.

91 VOC 1217, Timor, Beschrijvinge van de quartieren van Solor ende Timor gedaen door den E. Arnold de Vlamingh van Outshoorn … aan den GG Joan Maetsuycker en Raad, 1656, fols. 224r–225r.

92 VOC 1226, Solor en Timor, Rapport nopende ‘s Comps staet ende gelegentheyt in de quartieren van Solor en Timor door den oppercoopman Hendrick ter Horst in dato 3 Oct. 1658, fols. 509r–510r.

93 VOC 1233, Timor, Rapport … aen den Edeln Heere Joan Maetsuyker GG end d'EE heeren Raeden van India, door den oppercoopman Johan Treutman, in qualite als Commissaris over d'affairen op het Eylandt van Timor ende die vicine twee eylanden daer ontrent gelegen … 22 Nov. 1660, fols. 721r, 723v.

94 The following account is based on van den Burg's contemporary report in the VOC archives. See also a published version of the events in Haga, A., ‘De slag bij Penefoeij en vendrig Lip. Naschrift op ‘de Mardijkers van Timor’, Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap, 27 (1882), pp. 389–408Google Scholar.

95 According to McWilliam, these titles were given to the Topasses by the Portuguese Governor and Captain-General Coelho in 1702, when they came to profess their loyalty to him as representative of the Portuguese Crown. McWilliam, Paths of origin, p. 54.

96 As Hans Hägerdal has noted, Portuguese drums and flags were highly prized by the Timorese because they symbolised Portuguese authority and were readily adopted into their ‘tradition of relic cult’. Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions of factionalism?’, p. 20.

97 VOC 2761, Timor, Missive, Opperhoofd Daniel van der Burgh, 17 May 1750, fols. 9–24, 29–30.

98 VOC 2763, Timor, Secret Letters, Opperhoofd Daniel van der Burgh, 15 Sept. 1750, fols. 590-1.

99 VOC 2761, Timor, Missive, Opperhoofd Daniel van der Burgh, 17 May 1750, fols. 25–6.

100 Literally, the ‘visitor to the sick’, an individual during the VOC period who performed the function not only of visiting the sick but administering also to the spiritual needs of the Christian community. Because of the lack of sufficient Protestant ministers, krankenbezoekers often fulfilled many of their functions.

101 Middelkoop, ‘Curse’, p. 39; Heijmering, ‘Bijdragen’, p. 41.

102 Müller, Reizen, pp. 115–16. In this oral tale there is a confusion of the events in 1656 and 1749. It is obvious from the description that these were episodes from the battle of Penfui.

103 VOC 2761, Timor, Missive, Opperhoofd Daniel van der Burgh, 17 May 1750, fol. 70.

104 P.J. Veth, Het eiland Timor. Overgedrukt uit ‘De Gids’, Nieuwe Serie, Achtste jaargang. 1855, p. 67.

105 Bethencourt, ‘Low cost empire’, p. 120.

106 VOC 2763, Secret Letters, Timor, Secret Letter from Timor by van den Burgh, 15 Sept. 1750, fol. 592.

107 In the early 1750s both the domains of Amakono and Amarasi, which had earlier been allies of the Topasses, once again were accused by the Dutch of disloyalty and punished. Hägerdal, ‘Rebellions or factionalism?’, p. 21.

108 Lapis, Maria Fatima, ‘Perang om mabun tahun 1760–1767 di kefetoran Noemuti kerajaan Miomaffo kabupaten Timor Tengah Utara’ (Pendidikan Sejarah, Universitas Cendana, Kupang, 2005), pp. 31–3, 36, 40, 44Google Scholar; Widiyatmika, ‘Peranan Politik’, p. 10.

109 VOC 2908, Timor, Missive Opperhoofd en Raad Timor, 21 May 1757, fol. 9.

110 Italics added. VOC 3121, Timor, Missive Opperhoofd Ter Herbruggen en Raad Timor, 4 Oct. 1763, fol. 10; VOC 3151, Timor, Missive Opperhoofd van Voorst en Raad, 1 Oct. 1765, fol. 2.

111 Winius, George, ‘Private trading in Portuguese Asia: A substantial will-o’-the-wisp', in Studies on Portuguese Asia, 1495–1689 (Ashgate: Variorum, 2001), ch. 19, pp. 8–9Google Scholar.

112 Newitt, History of Portuguese overseas, p. 98.

113 Bethencourt, ‘Low cost empire’, pp. 125–6.

114 Winius, ‘Private trading’, p. 2.