¹ Oliver, inscriptions nos. 1–50, with ch. IV, ‘The Attic Panhellenion’; Follet, 125–36, with (133–4) five additional inscriptions; and Oliver, , ‘Panachaeans and Panhellenes’, Hesperia XLVII (1978), 185–91Google Scholar. Earlier discussions of the Panhellenion by M. N. Tod, JHS XLII (1922), 173–80, and by Graindor, P., Athénes sous Hadrien (1934), 102–11Google Scholar, although out of date, contain perceptive remarks.

² Oliver, 132.

³ Oliver, no. 1, II. 23–4, with p. 15; Follet, 134.

⁴ Oliver, no. 1, II. 17 (election) and 18–19 with p. 14 (eligibility).

⁵ Cyrene: see I. 12 of the inscription re-edited by Reynolds, J., JRS LXVIII (1978), 113Google Scholar with 117; Sparta: Oliver, no. 46.

⁶ See Oliver, no. 1, II. 24–5.

⁷ Based on the inscriptions cited by Oliver and Follet (above, n. 1). For Synnada's membership, see below, p. 91; for that of Rhodes, hitherto overlooked, see Part II, JRS LXXVI (1986).

⁸ Oliver, nos. 27 and 50. Cyrene: inscription cited above, n. 5.

⁹ Note, however, the much wider geographical spread reflected by the embassies attending the dedication of the Olympieion: Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 66–9.

¹⁰ Oliver, , Hesperia XLVII (1978), 189–90, no. 1Google Scholar; Oliver, nos. 41 and 19.

¹¹ Jones, A. H. M., Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces² (1971), 15Google Scholar.

¹² ibid., 65–83 passim.

¹³ Halfmann, H., Die Senatoren aus dem östlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum (1979), 68Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Robert, L., BCH CI (1977), 66–77Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Reynolds, , JRS LXVIII (1978), 113Google Scholar, II. 2–12 with 115–17.

¹⁶ Oliver, no. 5.

¹⁷ Hadrian's letter to Cyrene (n. 15); Oliver, nos. 5, 6, 45 and 50; and the Synnadan decree discussed below.

¹⁸ Oliver, nos. 5 and 6, a better edition of the latter (of which Oliver was evidently unaware) to be found in OGIS II, no. 497.

¹⁹ OGIS, ibid. 1. 6.

²⁰ ibid. II. 2–3: Ἡ Κιβυρατῶν πόλις ἄποικος Λ[ακεδαιμονίων καὶ] συγγενὶς Ἀθηναίων, IGRR III, 500 I (Oenoanda text); Strabo XIII, 4, 17, p. 63.

²¹ L. and J. Robert, REG LXXXV (1972), 397. The importance of these claims to the civic mentality, and their connection with the Panhellenion, have been stressed by L. Robert and were to have been treated by him in a forthcoming book: see, e.g. Hellenica VIII (1960), 90–1, where the proposed contents were summarized.

²² Oliver, no. 21. In 1. 15, ὰνανεούμεθα suggests that Severus on this occasion might have ‘renewed’ the Panhellenia's status as a hieros agon (see below).

²³ Oliver, no. 18, with Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 102 with n. 3.

²⁴ Oliver, , Hesperia XLVII (1978), 189–90, no. 1Google Scholar.

²⁵ See Williams, W., Historia XVI (1967), 470–83Google Scholar.

²⁶ Oliver, no. 1, II. 15–21.

²⁷ ibid. II. 23–4.

²⁸ op. cit. (n. 1), 106.

²⁹ EH IV, 26, 10.

³⁰ See the discussion by Millar, F., The Emperor in the Roman World (1977), 559–61Google Scholar.

³¹ ibid.; Barnes, T. D., JRS LVIII (1968), 37–8Google Scholar.

³² IG, 2711, II. 10, 62, 68, 102, and 2712, 1. 45. See U. Kahrstedt, SO XXVIII (1950), 70–5.

³³ Oliver, nos. 21 and 29.

³⁴ Millar, op. cit. (n. 30), 560–1.

³⁵ Oliver, 130–1.

³⁶ PIR ² C 1424.

³⁷ Oliver, , Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio II (1982), 589–91Google Scholar.

³⁸ Oliver, no. 30, 1. 7.

³⁹ Oliver, op. cit. (n. 37), 592.

⁴⁰ Halfmann, op. cit. (n. 13), nos. 109 and 109a. For new evidence on this family, see Camodeca, G., Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio I (1982), 539–42Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Oliver, no. 12 and in op. cit. (n. 37), 593.

⁴² Oliver, op. cit. (n. 37), 591–2.

⁴³ Oliver, no. 49, now republished as IG X, 2, 181.

⁴⁴ Philostratus, VS 597.

⁴⁵ J. A. O. Larsen, ‘A Thessalian Family under the Principate’, Class. Phil. XLVIII (1953), 86–94.

⁴⁶ Inscr. Cret. IV, no. 275.

⁴⁷ G. Pugliese Carratelli, PP V (1950), 77, no. 1. Family: C. Blinkenberg, Lindos II, Inscriptions II (1941), nos. 458 (in II. 4–5, [Άγλωχάρτου] should perhaps be restored and a reference recognized to M. Cocceius Aglochartus, the archon's father), and 479.

⁴⁸ Oliver, 106–7, n. 8, pace whom there seems no good reason for identifying Antiochus as a son of C. Iulius Casianus Apollonius, archon c. 200.

⁴⁹ Philostratus, VS 549 (Herodes) and 597–8 (Rufus).

⁵⁰ Oliver, no. 49.

⁵¹ So H. Pleket, ZPE XX (1976), 7–8, commenting on PP V (1950), 77, no. 1, where Timasarchus is described as τὸν ἀγωνοθέτην τρὶς τῶν μεγάλων Ἁλιείων καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ὀλυμπ[ίων]; but it seems doubtful whether τρίς applies to both agonothesiai, as Pleket believed.

⁵² This man and his family are restudied by A. Spawforth, ‘Families at Roman Sparta and Epidaurus: some prosopographical notes’, ABSA LXXX (1985), forthcoming.

⁵³ See Oliver, AJPh LXXXIX (1968), 345–7, with the new inscription from Italy, Franco, M. C., Epigraphica XXXIII (1971), 82–90Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Follet, 133; for Severus, see Halfmann, op. cit. (n. 13), no. 62.

⁵⁵ A. Rehm, Didyma II: Die Inschriften (1958), no. 361, giving details of his own and his family's office holding.

⁵⁶ SEG XI, 501, II. 5–6: συνθύτης ἰς Νέαν πόλιν, ὑπερχρονίαν μὴ λαβών, with Robert, L., Opera Minora Selecta II (1969), 1182Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Philostratus, VS 57–8.

⁵⁸ OGIS II, 505, II. 7–8.

⁵⁹ Oliver, no. 49, II. 7–9.

⁶⁰ Oliver, no. 1, II. 15–23 and 27–9. Oliver, p. 40, also believed that Popillius Pius (11. 30–5) was a Panhellene-elect.

⁶¹ So Bowie, E. in Finley, M. (ed.), Studies in Ancient Society (1974), 196Google Scholar.

⁶² OGIS II, nos. 504–7 (cf. Oliver, nos. 28–30). In no. 504, 11. 11–12, Eurycles is described as ἰδίᾳ πρὸς τὸν θαυμασιώτατον ἡμῶν ἄρχοντα Φλάβιον Κύλλον φιλοτιμίᾳ κεχρημένον.

⁶³ ibid. 11. 8–10: ἐν τῶι κοινῶι ἐπὶ παιδείαι τε καὶ/τῆι ἄλληι ἀρετῆι καὶ ἐπιεικείαι διάδηλον ἑαυτὸν πεποιηκέν[αι].

⁶⁴ Oliver, , Hesperia Suppl. 6 (1941), 93–6Google Scholar, no. 11.

⁶⁵ Reynolds, J., Aphrodisias and Rome (1982), 185–9, no. 57Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ LXIX, 16, 1–3; cf. Follet, 115.

⁶⁷ For an aspect of these interventions, see Wörrle, M., Chiron I (1971), 325–40Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Follet, 115–16 and 129.

⁶⁹ Follet, 348 and 346.

⁷⁰ Follet, 348.

⁷¹ Jones, A. H. M., The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (1940), 185 and 343, n. 56Google Scholar.

⁷² Follet, 331–3.

⁷³ Oliver, nos. 45 and 50; also the Synnadan decree discussed below.

⁷⁴ Note, from Mylasa, M. lulius Apellas, Athenian citizen and archon of the Eumolpidae: IG III, 731; also IG IV², 955 and J. Crampa, Labraunda III, 2, The Greek Inscriptions (1972), nos. 58–9 and p. 171; from Ephesus, M. Tigellius Lupus, Athenian citizen and herald of the boule and demos: Traill, J. S., Hesperia XLVII (1978), 303, no. 28Google Scholar, 11. 5–6, with Hesperia LI (1982), 211–12, no. 16 and D. Knibbe and R. Merkelbach, ZPE XXXIII (1979), 124–5. Arrian of Nicomedia, Athenian citizen and archon in 145/6: Oliver, ‘Arrian in two roles’, reprinted in The Civic Tradition and Roman Athens (1983), 66–75Google Scholar. Also the Athenian notable married to an Asiarch's daughter: IG II², 3704.

⁷⁵ Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio II, 589.

⁷⁶ Oliver, no. II.

⁷⁷ Oliver, , Hesperia XLVII (1978), 190–1, no. 2Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ OGIS II, no. 505.

⁷⁹ Crampa, op. cit. (n. 74), no. 66.

⁸⁰ Oliver, op. cit. (n. 75), 589–92.

⁸¹ Oliver, no. 39.

⁸² D. J. Geagan, TAPhA CIII (1972), 133–55; Follet, 191–3 pace whom there is no reason at present for preferring to identify the archon with the nephew of Andragathus, also called Attalus, but not, it seems, an Athenian citizen.

⁸³ Geagan, ibid. 152–5 and 156–8 (other Athenian priests of Concord; note too IG II² 1990, II. 3–4, an Athenian priest of Zeus Eleutherius in 61/2); also the Plataean inscription published by R. Etienne and M. Piérart, BCH XCIX (1975), 51–3. Eleutheria: Follet, 349.

⁸⁴ MAMA VI, no. 374.

⁸⁵ A. Kokkou, Άδριάνεια ἕργα εἴς τὰς Άθηνας, ADelt. XXV (1970), 150–73; Travlos, passim. For individual sites, see the references given below. On Hellenistic patronage of Athens, see Thompson, H. A., ‘Athens and the Hellenistic Princes’, Proc. Am. Phil. Soc. XCVII (1953). 254–61;Google ScholarBraund, D., Rome and the Friendly King (1984), 77Google Scholar; Veyne, P., Le Pain et le Cirque (1976), 229Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Revett, J. Stuart-N., The Antiquities of Athens I–IV (1762–1816)Google Scholar. This remains the only source of measured drawings of several major Hadrianic monuments. For the influence of this work on contemporary taste, see Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Greek Revival (1972)Google Scholar and Watson, David, ‘Athenian’ Stuart (1982)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ S. Walker, ‘Corinthian capitals with ringed voids: the work of Athenian craftsmen in the second century A.D.’, AA (1979), 103–29.

⁸⁸ D. E. Strong, ‘Late Hadrianic architectural ornament in Rome’, PBSR N.S. VIII (1953), 118–51, esp. p. 134.

⁸⁹ S. Walker, art. cit. (n. 87) and Shear, 376.

⁹⁰ This point was first raised in discussion by G. S. Barrass. See Pausanias 1, 18, 9 for the use of Phrygian marble at Athens; on the imperial quarries, see Waelkens, M., Dokimeion (1982), 125, n. 338Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Dio Cassius LXIX, 4; SHA, Hadrian 19, 9–13.

⁹² SHA, Hadrian 20, 4–5; Steph. Byz., s.v. ‘Olympieion’. See also Zahrnt, M., Chiron IX (1979), 393–8Google Scholar.

⁹³ See n. 92. The texts: IG II², 5185; SEG XXI, 820; XXIX, 198. On the architecture, see Travlos, 253; Strong, art. cit. (n. 88), 131; W.-D. Heilmeyer, Korinthische Normalkapitelle (Erg.-heft 16, DAI Rom, 1970), 72 and n. 281; Walker, art. cit. (n. 87), 111–13.

⁹⁴ The analogy is noted by Vanderpool, E., ‘Some Attic Inscriptions’, Hesperia XXXIX (1970), 44Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Benjamin, A. S., ‘The altars of Hadrian in Athens and Hadrian's Panhellenic Program’, Hesperia XXXII (1963), 57–86Google Scholar. The arguments were developed in depth in a seminar paper (as yet unpublished) by Professor C. P. Jones.

⁹⁶ Travlos, 402–3; Heilmeyer, op. cit. (n. 93), 57, no. 237. Abramson, H., CalifStClAn VII (1974), I ffGoogle Scholar.; Walker, art. cit. (n. 87), 107–9.

⁹⁷ Contra Benjamin, art. cit. (n. 95), 58–9.

⁹⁸ Travlos, 429; Benjamin, 59.

⁹⁹ P. Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 170.

¹⁰⁰ Travlos, AAA III (1970), 7, fig. 1. Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 165–7.

¹⁰¹ IG II², 1102. T. Sauciuc, ‘Ein Hadriansbrief und das Hadriansgymnasium in Athen’, AM XXXVII (1912), 182–9. Travlos, art. cit. (n. 100), 11–13.

¹⁰² Travlos, 340.

¹⁰³ Thompson, H. A., Hesperia XIX (1950), 321Google Scholar, fig. 1 and 326, pl. 102. Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 167.

¹⁰⁴ Shear (see abbreviations, p. 78). This valuable account, unfortunately not illustrated, contains references to earlier reports on the buildings discussed below.

¹⁰⁵ IG II² 3250. Shear, 362 and nos. 26–8.

¹⁰⁶ Dinsmoor, W. B. Jr., ‘Anchoring two floating temples’, Hesperia LI (1982), 425Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Hesperia XLII (1973), 370–82Google Scholar. Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 94–5Google Scholar; figs. 3–4. Shear, 369–70 suggests that the stoa was funded by the demos.

¹⁰⁸ Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 131–4Google Scholar with earlier bibliography. On Pantaenus see J. H. Oliver, HThR LXXII (1979), 157–60. See also Shear, 370–1.

¹⁰⁹ Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 127–31Google Scholar; reconstruction, 128, fig. 64. Shear, 371–2.

¹¹⁰ Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 100Google Scholar. Shear, 376–7. On the dating evidence, see Hesperia XLII (1973), 136–8Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Shear, 376.

¹¹² Hesperia XLII (1973), 136Google Scholar. The fragmentary decoration of the interior of the basilica is unpublished. Susan Walker would like to thank Professor Shear for allowing her to see it in 1976.

¹¹³ Hesperia XLII (1973), 136Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Shear, 375–6, nos. 77–8.

¹¹⁵ id.; see also Ward-Perkins, J. B., Roman Imperial Architecture² (1982), 269Google Scholar. An account of the remains is given by M. A. Sisson, ‘The Stoa of Hadrian at Athens’, PBSR XI (1929), 50–72. See also Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 162–5. On the architectural decoration, see Strong, art. cit. (n. 88), 131, and Heilmeyer, op. cit. (n. 93), 75 with no. 295.

¹¹⁶ Shear, 376; here the library is linked with the north-east basilica.

¹¹⁷ Travlos, 28–9, figs. 38–45. See the earlier accounts given by Graindor, P., Athènes sous Auguste (1927), 183–97Google Scholar; H. S. Robinson, AJA XLVII (1943), 291–305, and K. Tuchelt, IstMitt XXXI (1981), 180 and n. 74.

¹¹⁸ The embassy of Eucles is recorded on the inscribed propylon, IG II², 3175. A statue of Lucius Caesar was set on the top of the pediment: IG II², 3251. Neither text records the endowment of a market.

¹¹⁹ Shear, 359 and nn. 16–18. The literary sources do not record such a project at Athens.

¹²⁰ Robinson, art. cit. (n. 117), 300.

¹²¹ IG II², 1100, re-edited by Oliver, J. H., The Ruling Power (TAPhA XLIII, 4, 1953), 960–3Google Scholar. See also P. Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 74–9; Day, J., An Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination (1942), 189–92Google Scholar; Follet, 117 and n. 4.

¹²² Shear, 359.

¹²³ The dedication inscribed on the architrave (Travlos, 39, figs. 47–8 and 41, fig. 50) refers to the ϴεοί Σεβαστοί, and is thought to be a Claudian or Neronian honour to Augustus and Livia. It may, however, have been copied from an earlier structure on the same site, or may even refer to Roman emperors as a group. Part of this structure is now located in front of the Parthenon (Travlos, fig. 50). There is then no reason to accept his view that on the grounds of find-spots of other inscriptions the Agoranomion must have been located to the west of the Roman Agora (Travlos, 37).

¹²⁴ IG II², 3391; Travlos, fig. 51.

¹²⁵ G. Dondas, AAA I (1968), 221–4; II (1969), 1–3; ADelt XXV (1969), Chron. 19–23 for reports of the excavations. The identification was cautiously reported by Kokkou, art. cit (n. 85), 159–61 and appears in Travlos, 439. Shear, 375, sees the foundations as the substructures of a podium temple larger than the Parthenon. The relationship with the ‘Roman Agora’ is well illustrated by Travlos, fig. 362.

¹²⁶ Bartoli, A., Curia Senatus (1963)Google Scholar; Zanker, P., Forum Romanum (1972), 10, abb. 9–12Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Bartoli, op. cit. (n. 126), fig. 1 reproduced by Zanker, fig. 8. The coin was issued in 29 B.C.

¹²⁸ Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (n. 115), 287, fig. 186 (Smyrna); 253, fig. 161 (Doclea). Both are basilicas set alongside fora in the western manner.

¹²⁹ As estimated by Coarelli, F., Guida Archeologica di Roma (1976), 168Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ ibid.

¹³¹ Macdonald, W., The Political Meeting Places of the Greeks (1943), esp. pp. 97–126Google Scholar, ‘The Federal Leagues’.

¹³² id. 204. Pausanias VIII, 32, 1 describes the building as ‘the council-house built for the Ten Thousand Arcadians’. He saw it in ruins.

¹³³ On Delphi, see Macdonald, op. cit. (n. 131), 123, and on the Phokikon, id., 261. In view of the disparity between this description and the attested forms of other Greek meeting-halls, Macdonald (Pl. xvii) restored a building with a single interior row of columns alongside a three-aisled alternative.

¹³⁴ Pausanias 1, 3, 5 for Zeus Boulaeus. See the discussion by Macdonald, op. cit. (n. 131), 136–7, and K. Tuchelt, ‘Buleuterion und Ara Augusti’, Ist. Mitt. XXV (1975), 91–140, esp. 136 ff.

¹³⁵ We are indebted to I. Knithakis and F. Mallouchou-Tufano for information on the current excavations.

¹³⁶ On the post-Herulian defences, see Travlos, Πολεοδομικὴ Ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (1960), 121–4; Dictionary, 161, 163, 179. See also Thompson, H. A., ‘Athenian Twilight A.D. 267–600’, JRS XLIX (1959), 64–5Google Scholar; Millar, F., JRS LIX (1969), 12–29Google Scholar and de Ste., G. E. M. Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World (1981), 653–5, n. 42Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Travlos, ΠΑΕ 1950, 52. Compare the later history of Building ‘M’ at Side, Pamphylia, a structure of similar plan to Hadrian's Library and of uncertain function: Mansel, A. M., Die Ruinen von Side (1963), 109–21Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ On the lack of evidence for local militias in the later third century, see Macmullen, R., Soldier and Civilian in the later Roman Empire (1963), 138Google Scholar. For a mid-third century phrourion on the Athenian acropolis, see IG II², 3193. This is thought to be the work of Illyrius, proconsul Achaiae under Valerian (D. Geagan, ANRW 7, 1 (1979), 410).

¹³⁹ Possible evidence of administrative activity in this area may be seen in the tetrarchic decree, IG II², 1121. This does not indicate that Hadrian's Library was originally intended as an archive (contra Sisson, art. cit. (n. 115), 66).

¹⁴⁰ E. Ziller, ‘Untersuchungen über die antiken Wasserleitungen Athens’, AM II (1877), 120–2. A. Kordellas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι ἐξεταξόμεναι ὑπὸ ὑδραυλικὴν ἔποψιν (1879), 78–89, 114–22. Travlos, 242.

¹⁴¹ The Latin inscription (CIL III, 549) adorned an arcaded portico set in front of the reservoir.

¹⁴² The portico is illustrated by Stuart and Revett, op. cit. (n. 86), ch. iv, reproduced by Travlos, 243.

¹⁴³ Travlos, 180 ff.

¹⁴⁴ Reconstruction by Walker, S. and Sunter, N. in Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 151, fig. 77Google Scholar. For the aqueduct, see p. 143 and p. 142, fig. 72.

¹⁴⁵ Travlos, 436. Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 137Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Dinsmoor, W. B. Jr. in Hesperia XLIII (1974), 412–17Google Scholar. See also Thompson, , Agora Guide³, 117Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ Geagan, art. cit. (n. 138), 399. See also Travlos, 477.

¹⁴⁸ Thompson, H. A., ‘The Odeion in the Athenian Agora’, Hesperia XIX (1950), 31–141Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Dinsmoor, art. cit. (n. 106), 410–52.

¹⁵⁰ Graindor, P., Hérode Atticus: un milliardaire attique et sa famille (1931)Google Scholar; Ameling, W., Herodes Atticus I. Biographie; II. Inschriftenkatalog (1983)Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ Travlos, 378 ff.

¹⁵² C. Gasparri, ‘Lo stadio Panatenaico: documenti e testimonianze per una riconsiderazione dell'edificio di Erode Attico’, ASAA LI–LII (1974–1975), 313–92.

¹⁵³ Travlos, 345. For the route to the stadium see the plan, p. 291.

¹⁵⁴ id. 180 ff. and plan, p. 171. See also Zahrnt, art. cit. (n. 92).

¹⁵⁵ The evidence comes from Olympia: Philostratus, Vita Apollonii V, 43; Pausanias V, 21, 12–24.

¹⁵⁶ Gasparri, art. cit. (n. 152), 379–80 for the tomb; 367–75 for the temple. Herodes' wife Annia Regilla appears to have been first priestess: IG II², 3607; Gasparri, 374.

¹⁵⁷ The conversion to an arena apparently occurred in the third century. The site was gradually abandoned after the Herulian invasions: Gasparri, 316. For the modern excavation and use of the stadium, see also C. H. Weller, ‘The story of the stadium at Athens’, BAIA III (1911–1912), 172–7.

¹⁵⁸ Aristides, Or. XXII, 4.

¹⁵⁹ Meiggs, R. and Lewis, D., A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions (1969), no. 73Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁰ The link was first noted by Tod, M. N., JHS XLII (1922), 178Google Scholar.

¹⁶¹ Oliver, nos. 15 and 16; Oliver, no. 15 with Follet, 128.

¹⁶² Meiggs-Lewis, ibid. (n. 159), II. 40–4.

¹⁶³ See Jameson, M. in Garnsey, P. and C. Whittaker, R., Trade and Famine in Antiquity (1983), 10–11Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁴ Oliver, no. 8, dated to 172–5.

¹⁶⁵ Date: Follet, 127.

¹⁶⁶ Inscr. Cret. IV, no. 300.

¹⁶⁷ Oliver, no. 12; K. Clinton, AE (1971), 116–17, no. 10.

¹⁶⁸ Oliver, , Hesperia XXI (1952), 381–99,Google Scholar republishing IG II², 1092.

¹⁶⁹ So Follet, 127. See S. N. Dragoumis, AE (1900), 75, restoring [τῶι σ]εμνοτάτ[ωι συν]εδρίωι [τῶν Πανελλήνων] and [τῶν Πα]νελλ[ή]νω[ν] in (as it became) IG II², 1092, 11. 2–3 and 6.

¹⁷⁰ Oliver, ibid. (n. 168), 382, 11. 25–6: μεθ᾿ οὓς ἔι τ[ι πε]ριττεύοι κα[θάπερ τι] καὶ ἐπε[ρίττε]υσεν ἤδη.

¹⁷¹ So Follet, 127 (cautiously).

¹⁷² IG II², 3676 = Oliver, ibid. (n. 168), 396–7, with Follet, 127 no. 7. For the ‘hearth-initiates’, see K. Clinton, The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries (1974), 98–114.

¹⁷³ Follet, 127.

¹⁷⁴ For a summary of Roman building activity at Eleusis, see G. Mylonas, Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (1061) and Mylonas, s.v. ‘Eleusis’ in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, ed. R. Stillwell, W. Macdonald, M. McAllister (1976), 296–8. His identifications of buildings are not always reliable.

¹⁷⁵ A plan of the Roman sanctuary and its entrance is given by Travlos, ΠΑΕ 1960, 14, fig. 2. On the fountain see A. K. Orlandos, Ἡ κρήνη τῆς Ἐλευσῖνος in Studies presented to Edward Capps (1936), 282 ff.

¹⁷⁶ Kordellas, op. cit. (n. 140); Curtius, L.-Kaupfert, G., Karten von Attika (1896)Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 171–3.

¹⁷⁸ Mylonas, , Eleusis, 166–7Google Scholar; see also H. Kähler, RE VII, AI (1939), no. 6, s.v. ‘Triumphbögen’.

¹⁷⁹ Mylonas, , Eleusis, 167Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ Kourouniotes, K., Eleusis (trans. Broneer, O., 1936), 38Google Scholar. Heilmeyer, op. cit. (n. 93), 73.

¹⁸¹ Mylonas, , Eleusis, 166Google Scholar. On the architectural decoration see Heilmeyer, and Walker, art. cit. (n. 87), 122–3.

¹⁸² Mylonas, , Eleusis, 167–8Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ id. 168–9.

¹⁸⁴ id. 162–5.

¹⁸⁵ O. Deubner, ‘Zu den grossen Propyläen von Eleusis’, AM LXII (1937), 73–81. For the inscription, not fully published, see p. 73 and n. 4.

¹⁸⁶ id. 75 and Taf. 39.

¹⁸⁷ The bust from Marathon is now in the collections of the Musée du Louvre. See Deubner, art. cit. (n. 185), 75–6.

¹⁸⁸ id. 78.

¹⁸⁹ Among numerous references to other propylaia in which the donors are commemorated, Deubner cites that of the Asklepieion at Pergamon given by A. Claudius Charax, ibid. 78.

¹⁹⁰ Hormann, H., Die inneren Propyläen von Eleusis (1932), 46Google Scholar = CIL III, 547.

¹⁹¹ Mylonas, Eleusis, 161. On the early Telesterion and its history in the fifth century B.C., see now Shear, T. Leslie Jr., ‘The Demolished Temple at Eleusis’, Hesperia Suppl. 20 (1982), 128–40Google Scholar.

¹⁹² Mylonas, , Eleusis, 180Google Scholar. See n. 174 above for problems over methods of identification of Roman buildings at Eleusis.

¹⁹³ Travlos, , ADelt XVI (1960)Google Scholar, Chron. 55–60.

¹⁹⁴ R. Lindner, ‘Die Giebelgruppe von Eleusis mit Raub der Persephone’, Jdl XCVII (1982), 303–400.

¹⁹⁵ id. 393–4. K. Clinton, op. cit. (n. 172), 36, suggests a contemporary expression of such unity in the order of priestesses in procession.

¹⁹⁶ Aelius Aristides, Logos Eleusinios.

¹⁹⁷ Clinton, op. cit. (n. 172), 38–9, no. 25. Ίούλιος may have been the grandson of Flavius Pantaenus: see id., 30, no. 19 and Oliver, art. cit. (n. 108).