¹ See Pöschl, V., ‘Herrscher und Dichter in Vergils Georgica’, in Zehnacker, H. and Hentz, G. (eds), Hommages à Robert Schilling (1983), 393–402Google Scholar; R. F. Thomas, Virgil: Georgics, 2 vols (1988), vol. 1, 1–3; Galinsky, K., Augustan Culture: An Interpretive Introduction (1996), 250Google Scholar; and most recently, Miller, J. F., Apollo, Augustus, and the Poets (2009), 140Google Scholar: ‘Virgil's heroic epic of course turned out to be “Augustan” in a manner quite different from the impression created by the Georgic poet; the latter leads us to expect an historical epic that will focus squarely on the mighty deeds of Octavian rather than projecting those deeds into a prophetic future.’

² See discussions in Thomas, op. cit. (n. 1), vol. 2, 41–7; Kraggerud, E., ‘Vergil announcing the Aeneid: On Georgics 3.1–48’, in Stahl, H.-P. (ed.), Vergil's Aeneid: Augustan Epic and Political Context (1998), 1–20Google Scholar; Kofler, W., Aeneas und Vergil: Untersuchungen zur poetologischen Dimension der Aeneis (2003), 43–61Google Scholar; Nappa, C., Reading after Actium: Vergil's Georgics, Octavian, and Rome (2005), 115–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schauer, M., Aeneas Dux: Eine literarische Fiktion in augusteischer Zeit (2007), 48–56Google Scholar.

³ Note, however, that in the Aeneid, too, Augustus is located not only in the middle of the shield of Aeneas (8.675 in medio; cf. Barchiesi, A., ‘Virgilian narrative: ecphrasis’, in Martindale, C. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Virgil (1997), 276)Google Scholar, but also roughly in the middle of the poem, in the Heldenschau at the end of Book 6, where he is in turn located roughly in the middle (791–805) of the catalogue of heroes (755–846). For a recent brief summary of the discussion, see Schauer, op. cit. (n. 2), 49, n. 49 and 50. He imagines the following scenario (50): ‘Vergil gibt in diesem Proöm vor, an der Fertigstellung der Georgica eine Caesareis zu schreiben, in Wirklichkeit plant er aber von vornherein eine Aeneis. Mit diesem Vorgehen hätte Vergil mehrerlei gewonnen: In Form eines Selbstkommentars zur geplanten, wenn nicht bereits enstehenden Aeneis stellt Vergil Octavian gegenüber klar, in welchem Licht das neue Epos gelesen werden soll.’

⁴ In ancient rhetorical theory, description, or ekphrasis, is a type of speech that by means of vividness, ἐνάργεια, engenders in the recipient the illusion of presence and vision (e.g., Ps.-Hermogenes, Progymnasmata, p. 22, 1.10 ἔκφρασίς ἐστι λόγος περιηγηματικὸς ἐναργῶς ὑπ᾿ ὄψιν ἄγων τὸ δηλούμενον). On the mechanism of visualization in ekphrasis, see Webb, R., Ekphrasis, Imagination and Persuasion in Ancient Rhetorical Theory and Practice (2009), 87–106Google Scholar. Some of the ekphrastic passages in the Aeneid will be discussed in Section III of this article.

⁵ cf. Conte, G. B., The Rhetoric of Imitation: Genre and Poetic Memory in Virgil and Other Latin Poets (1986), 66Google Scholar.

⁶ cf. Lyne, R. O. A. M., Further Voices in Vergil's Aeneid (1987), 210Google Scholar: ‘We realize that they [sc. the pictures] were erected on triumph over the defeated, and in celebration of the victors. For this is the temple of Juno, one of the arch-enemies of Troy.’ Cf. Johnson, W. R., Darkness Visible: A Study of Vergil's Aeneid (1976), 99–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Quite significantly, pictorial representations displayed during Roman triumphal processions concentrated primarily on the sufferings of the defeated. See Östenberg, I., Staging the World: Spoils, Captives, and Representations in the Roman Triumphal Procession (2009), 258CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Dekel, E., Virgil's Homeric Lens (2011), 83–5Google Scholar.

⁸ The list of specific scenes follows what appears to be a brief summary of the Iliad and the epic cycle (Virg., Aen. 1.466–8): 1.469–73 (Rhesus, cf. Iliad 10), 1.474–8 (Troilus, cf. Cypria, Procl. Chrest., ed. Allen, p. 105 καὶ Τρωίλον φονεύει), 1.479–82 (the offering of the peplos to the statue of Pallas; cf. Iliad 6.263–311, especially 311 ἀνένευε δὲ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη), 1.483–8 (the maltreatment of Hector's corpse by Achilles and its ransoming by Priam; cf. Iliad 22–4), 1.489 (Memnon; cf. Aethiopis, Procl. Chrest. ed. Allen, p. 106 ἔπειτα Ἀχιλλεὺς Μέμνονα κτείνει), 1.490–3 (Penthesilea; cf. Aethiopis, Procl. Chrest., ed. Allen, p. 105 καὶ κτείνει αὐτὴν ἀριστεύουσαν Ἀχιλλεύς). Cf. Barchiesi, op. cit. (n. 3), 273: ‘The Virgilian hero is meeting his own past, but this act of recollection through images is inscribed in a literary work where the past is also equivalent to the literary tradition.’

⁹ Virg., Aen. 1.461–3. Cf. Lyne, op. cit. (n. 6), 210; Putnam, M. C., Virgil's Epic Designs: Ekphrasis in the Aeneid (1998), 24–5Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For the mixture of joy, relief, contempt, and pity in literary accounts of Roman triumphal processions, see Östenberg, op. cit. (n. 7), 265.

¹¹ Virg., Aen. 1.459 ‘lacrimans’, 465 ‘multa gemens, largoque umectat flumine vultum’, 470 ‘agnoscit lacrimans’, 485 ‘ter vero ingentem gemitum dat pectore ab imo’.

¹² On the use of ‘deviant focalization’ in the Aeneid in general, see Fowler, D., ‘Deviant focalization in Virgil's Aeneid’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 36 (1990), 42–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ On the temporality of viewing, pace Lessing, who is ultimately responsible for the widespread (un)critical cliché postulating the incompatibility between viewing and reading (cf. Salzman-Mitchell, P., A Web of Fantasies: Gaze, Image, and Gender in Ovid's Metamorphoses (2005)Google Scholar, 5: ‘The most obvious difference between reading and viewing is that viewing is a synchronic experience performed all at once. Reading, on the contrary, is a diachronic process performed in time and which is carried out by appreciating one element after another.’), see Giuliani, L., Bild und Mythos: Geschichte der Bildererzählung in der griechischen Kunst (2003), 25–7Google Scholar.

¹⁴ For a comparison between the linear reading and the non-linear viewing, see Giuliani, op. cit. (n. 13), 27–9. Cf. Didi-Huberman, G., Confronting Images: Questioning the Ends of a Certain History of Art (2005)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Note that the preservation of the correct chronological order of the epic events was sometimes considered to be the most valuable thing about the poems of the epic cycle: Photius, cod. 239f. 318b λέγει δὲ [sc. ὁ Προκλός] ὡς τοῦ ἐπικοῦ κύκλου τὰ ποιήματα διασώζεται καὶ σπουδάζεται τοῖς πολλοῖς οὐχ οὕτω διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀκολουθίαν τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ πραγμάτων.

¹⁶ Aeneas’ reaction to the pictorial representation of Priam on the murals anticipates his emotionally charged account of Priam's death in Aeneid 2 (526–58).

¹⁷ Is this neat summary of the Iliad and the Trojan cycle supposed to be identical with the representation of the battles fought ‘ex ordine’, mentioned earlier?

¹⁸ cf. Petrain, D., ‘Moschus’ Europa and the narratology of ecphrasis’, in Harder, M. A., Regtuit, R. F. and Wakker, G. C. (eds), Beyond the Canon (2006), 249–69Google Scholar.

¹⁹ cf. Thomas, R. F., ‘Virgil's ecphrastic centerpieces’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 87 (1983), 175–84, at 180–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Unlike Thomas, I do not consider ll. 466–8 (the Greeks and the Trojans alternately defeating each other) part of the sequence, as these lines do not refer to specific episodes, but can be read as a brief summary of the Iliad (or the Trojan War) as a whole.

²⁰ cf. Virg., Aen. 1.475–8 and 483–4.

²¹ The death of Hector is already associated with the impending fall of Troy in the Iliad, e.g. 22.410–11. For the theft of the Palladium and the death of Troilus as causes of Troy's defeat, see e.g. Plaut., Bacchides 953–5.

²² See e.g. Clay, D., ‘The archaeology of the temple of Juno in Carthage (Aen. 1.446–93)’, Classical Philology 83 (1988), 195–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lowenstam, S., ‘The pictures on Juno's temple in the Aeneid’, Classical World 87 (1993), 37–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 36–47.

²³ Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 23. This scenario is, however, sometimes envisaged in other genres, e.g. in satyr plays (Aesch., Theoroi); see Männlein-Robert, I., Stimme, Schrift und Bild: Zum Verhältnis der Künste in der hellenistischen Dichtung (2007), 24–7Google Scholar.

²⁴ See Ahl, F., ‘Homer, Vergil, and complex narrative structures in Latin epic: an essay’, Illinois Classical Studies 14 (1989), 27Google Scholar; Hexter, R. J., ‘Sidonian Dido’, in Hexter, R. J. and Selden, D. (eds), Innovations of Antiquity (1992), 353–4Google Scholar; Dekel, op. cit (n. 7), 84.

²⁵ Hom., Il. 13.463–544, 16.608–31, and, most notably, 17.319–760, where Aeneas continually fights alongside Hector.

²⁶ Hom., Il. 20.302–4 µόριμον δέ οἵ ἐστ᾿ ἀλέασθαι, / ὄφρα μὴ ἄσπεριμος γενεὴ καὶ ἄφαντος ὄληται / Δαρδάνου, ὃν Κρονίδης περὶ πάντων φίλατο παίδων. Cf. Hexter, op. cit. (n. 24), 353; Smith, R. A., Poetic Allusion and Poetic Embrace in Ovid and Virgil (1997), 34–7Google Scholar; Dekel, op. cit. (n. 7), 84.

²⁷ On parallels between Aeneas’ transference of Troy to Italy and Virgil's creation of a Roman epic on the basis of the Homeric tradition, see e.g. Kofler, op. cit. (n. 2), 63–74. Cf. Dekel, op. cit. (n. 7), 109–15.

²⁸ As if retrospectively to corroborate this connection, one of the things that Dido wants to learn from Aeneas at the end of Aeneid 1 (752) is ‘quales Diomedis equi’.

²⁹ Notably, it is in Iliad 5 that the chariot belonging to Hera is described in a lengthy passage (Hom., Il. 5.722–32), whereas at the very beginning of Book 1 Virgil explicitly states that Juno has transferred both her chariot and her arms to the newly founded city of Carthage (Virg., Aen. 1.16–17 ‘hic illius arma, / hic currus fuit’), to be preserved, one would assume, as votive gifts in her own temple.

³⁰ Curiously enough, Aeneas can as a result be perceived as enjoying Apollo's protection as early as in Book 1 — even if only intertextually. See Sections II and III, for my discussion of the two temples of Apollo. On Apollo's function in the Aeneid in general, see Miller, op. cit. (n. 1), 95–184.

³¹ Hom., Il. 5.4–7. Note also that Pandaros is unsure whether Diomedes may in fact be a god: 5.180–91, especially 183 σάφα δ᾿ οὐκ οἶδ᾿ εἰ θεός ἐστιν.

³² Note that in his reported speech Diomedes understands his current exile as a punishment for wounding Venus (Virg., Aen. 11.276–7 ‘caelestia corpora demens / appetii et Veneris violavi vulnere dextram’) and declares Aeneas to be paramount, or even superior, to Hector (Virg., Aen. 11.291–2 ‘ambo animis, ambo insignes praestantibus armis, / hic pietate prior’).

³³ Venus in fact stages a highly complex interplay of images here. First, she appears to Aeneas in the guise of (a companion of) Diana (cf. Virg., Aen. 1.329 ‘an Phoebi soror?’), which Aeneas deplores as a ‘false image’ (1.407–8 ‘quid natum totiens, crudelis tu quoque, falsis / ludis imaginibus?’) and which, at the same time, makes him particularly receptive to the Diana-like appearance of Dido (1.498–9 ‘qualis in Eurotae ripis aut per iuga Cynthi / exercet Diana choros’). Then, to beguile Dido, she not only makes Aeneas similar to a god, but also induces Cupid to assume the appearance of Aeneas’ son Ascanius (1.657–722). It is quite interesting to see how Virgil here adapts a reference to Apollonius Rhodius (Arg. 3.281–2; cf. D. Nelis, Vergil's Aeneid and the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius (2001), 93–4) to his characteristic play of images: whereas in Apollonius Eros is simply invisible when he shoots Medea with his arrow, in Virgil Cupid becomes a mimetic image.

³⁴ Hom., Il. 3.380–2 τὸν δ᾿ ἐξήρπαξ᾿ Ἀφροδίτη / ῥεῖα μάλ᾿ ὥς τε θεός, ἐκαλύψε δ᾿ ἠέρι πολλῇ, / κὰδ δ᾿ εἶσ᾿ ἐν θαλάμῳ εὐώδει κηώεντι; 391–4 κεῖνος ὅ γ᾿ ἐν θαλάμῳ καὶ δινωτοῖσι λέχεσσι, / κάλλεί τε στίλβων καὶ εἵμασιν·οὐδέ κε φαίης / ἀνδρὶ μαχεσσάμενον τόν γ᾿ ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλὰ χορόνδε / ἔρχεσθ᾿, ἠὲ χοροῖο νένο λήγοντα καθίζειν.

³⁵ cf. K. W. Gransden, Virgil's Iliad: An Essay on Epic Narrative (1984), 59–60.

³⁶ Virg., Aen. 4.215 ‘et nunc ille Paris cum semiviro comitatu’, 7.363–6 ‘at non sic Phrygius penetrat Lacedaemona pastor, / Ledaeamque Helenam Troianas vexit ad urbes? / quid tua sancta fides? quid cura antiqua tuorum / et consanguineo totiens data dextera Turno?’ For Turnus as Achilles, see 6.89–90 ‘alius Latio iam partus Achilles, / natus et ipse dea’. Cf. Reed, J. D., Virgil's Gaze: Nation and Poetry in the Aeneid (2007), 85Google Scholar.

³⁷ cf. Dekel, op. cit. (n. 7), 109–10.

³⁸ Hom., Il. 3.125–8 ἡ δὲ μέγαν ἱστὸν ὕφαινε, / δίπλακα πορφυρέην, πολέας δ᾿ ἐνέπασσεν ἀέθλους / Τρώων θ᾿ ἱπποδάμων καὶ Ἀχαίων χαλκοχιτώνων, / οὓς ἕθεν ἔπασχον ὑπ᾿ Ἄρεος παλαμάων.

³⁹ Virg., Aen. 1.466–8 ‘namque videbat uti bellantes Pergama circum / hac fugerent Grai, premeret Troiana iuventus; / hac Phryges, instaret curru cristatas Achilles’.

⁴⁰ Hom., Il. 6.288–93 αὐτὴ δ᾿ ἐς θάλαμον κατεβήσετο κηώεντα, / ἔνθ᾿ ἔσαν οἱ πέπλοι παμποίκιλα ἔργα γυναικῶν / Σιδωνίων, τὰς αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος θεοειδὴς / ἤγαγε Σιδονίηθεν, ἐπιπλὼς εὐρέα πόντον, / τὴν ὅδον ἣν Ἑλένην περ ἀνήγαγεν εὐπατέρειαν· / τῶν ἕν᾿ ἀειραμένη Ἑκάβη φέρε δῶρον Ἀθήνῃ.

⁴¹ Virg., Aen. 1.446, 613, 619, 677–8. Cf. Hexter, op. cit. (n. 24).

⁴² cf. Virg., Aen. 1.650–2 ‘quos illa Mycenis, / Pergama cum peteret inconcessosque hymenaeos, / extulerat, matris Ledae mirabile donum’.

⁴³ cf. Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 47–54; Beck, D., ‘Ecphrasis, interpretation, and audience in Aeneid 1 and Odyssey 8’, American Journal of Philology 128 (2007), 533–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Virg., Aen. 2.240 ‘ille subit mediaeque minans inlabitur urbi’ and 1. 439–40 ‘infert se saeptus nebula (mirabile dictu) / per medios, miscetque viris neque cernitur ullis’.

⁴⁵ Knauer, G. N., Die Aeneis und Homer: Studien zur poetischen Technik Vergils mit Listen der Homerzitate in der Aeneis (1964), 181–99Google Scholar; Dekel, op. cit. (n. 7), 75–89.

⁴⁶ cf. Romm, J. S., The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought: Geography, Exploration, and Fiction (1992), 183–96Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ On Aeneas as narrator see, most recently, Powell, J. F. G., ‘Aeneas the spin doctor: rhetorical self-presentation in Aeneid 2’, Vergilius 27 (2011), 185–202Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ For the juxtaposition of gifts and feigned words, see Virg., Aen. 1.709–10. By 4.259–64, Aeneas has practically gone native, which echoes Priam welcoming Sinon at 2.148: ‘noster eris’.

⁴⁹ cf. Hardie, P., Virgil's Aeneid: Cosmos and Imperium (1986), 282–5Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Cairns, F., Virgil's Augustan Epic (1989), 215–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ cf. Theodorakopoulos, E., ‘The name of the game: the Troia, and history and spectacle in Aeneid 5’, Proceedings of the Virgil Society 25 (2004), 63–72Google Scholar. On the games in the Aeneid in general as signalling the Trojans’ transition from losers to winners, see Dunkle, R., ‘Games and transition: Aeneid 3 and 5’, Classical World 98 (2005), 153–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² For Daedalus’ sculptures as ‘a metaphor for the progress of any artist’, see Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 75.

⁵³ cf. Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 82: ‘Death renders this artist artless’.

⁵⁴ Pace Michael Putnam, who sees in Daedalus not so much a contrastive foil as an artistic paradigm followed by Virgil: Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 82: ‘My thesis is that this treatment by one artist of the spiritual biography of another serves as paradigm of the Virgilian career.’

⁵⁵ Note, however, the parallel between Aeneas’ inability to touch with his hands the elusive, bird-like image of Anchises and Daedalus’ inability to create with his hands the pictorial image of winged Icarus leaving him forever: Virg., Aen. 6.700–2 ‘ter conatus ibi collo dare bracchia circum / ter frustra comprensa manus effugit imago, / par levibus ventis volucrique simillima somno’ (=2.792–4) and 6.32–3 ‘bis conatus erat casus effingere in auro, / bis patriae cecidere manus’.

⁵⁶ cf. Verg., Aen. 6.27 ‘hic labor ille domus et inextricabilis error’ and 128–9 ‘sed revocare gradum superasque evadere ad auras, / hoc opus, hic labor est’. See Armstrong, R., ‘Crete in the Aeneid: recurrent trauma and alternative fate’, Classical Quarterly 52 (2002), 338CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Galinsky, op. cit. (n. 1), 216; Kofler, op. cit. (n. 2), 54–5. On associations between Daedalus’ Cumean temple and Augustus’ temple on the Palatine, see Miller, op. cit. (n. 1), 133–49.

⁵⁸ On the Augustan temple of Apollo as a triumphal monument, see Zanker, P., Augustus und die Macht der Bilder (1990), 90–6Google Scholar; Galinsky, op. cit. (n. 1), 213–24; Miller, op. cit. (n. 1), 185–252.

⁵⁹ On the population of Virgil's underworld, see A. Powell, ‘The peopling of the Underworld: Aeneid 6.608–27’, in Stahl, op. cit. (n. 2), 85–100.

⁶⁰ Virg., Aen. 6.648–50 ‘hic genus antiquum Teucri, pulcherrima proles, / magnanimi heroes nati melioribus annis, / Ilusque Assaracusque et Troiae Dardanus auctor’ and 6.645–7 ‘Threicius sacerdos’ (Orpheus).

⁶¹ Hor., Epist. 2.1.48–50. Cf. Enn., Ann. frg. 2–11 (Skutsch). See Hardie, op. cit. (n. 49), 77–83; Kofler, op. cit. (n. 2), 75–93; Gildenhard, I., ‘Virgil vs. Ennius, or the undoing of the annalist’, in Fitzgerald, W. and Gowers, E. (eds), Ennius perennis: The Annals and Beyond (2007), 73–102Google Scholar; Elliott, J., ‘Ennian epic and Ennian tragedy in the language of the Aeneid: Aeneas' generic wandering and the construction of the Latin literary past’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 104 (2008), 241–72Google Scholar.

⁶² Feeney, D. C., ‘History and revelation in Vergil's underworld’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 32 (1986), 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Flower, H. I., Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture (1996), 113Google Scholar; Geiger, J., The First Hall of Fame: A Study of the Statues in the Forum Augustum (2008), 50CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with bibliography.

⁶³ Galinsky, op. cit. (n. 1), 210–11; Geiger, op. cit. (n. 62), 59–61.

⁶⁴ cf. Galinsky, op. cit. (n. 1), 197–213, especially 206: ‘Virgil is likely to have been one of the inspirations behind the Augustan idea for an equivalent in his forum.’ See also Zanker, op. cit. (n. 58), 211–17; Geiger, op. cit. (n. 62), 53–115. For a discussion of the arrangement of individual statues in the Forum of Augustus as well as of the extant fragments of the accompanying inscriptions, see Geiger, op. cit. (n. 62), 117–62, with bibliographical references. See also Beard, M., The Roman Triumph (2007), 43CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the Forum of Augustus as a triumphal monument.

⁶⁵ Virg., Aen. 6.760–76 (Silvius, Procas, Capys, Numitor, kings of Alba Longa, and the list of their conquests), 777–87 (Romulus, the founder of Rome: 782 ‘imperium terris, animos aequavit Olympo’, etc.), 791–805 (Augustus Caesar, his conquests will surpass those of Hercules and Liber), etc. Note that Augustus, like Minerva in the Carthaginian murals and like Augustus in the Georgics prologue, is located roughly in the middle of this catalogue (755–846).

⁶⁶ On the tradition of Daedalus as the inventor of life-like artefacts, see Morris, S., Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art (1992)Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ On Virgil's Daedalus as a producer of artistic deceits, see Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 78–80.

⁶⁸ On Catullus’ Ariadne (C. 64) as a model for Virgil's Dido, see Clausen, W., Virgil's Aeneid and the Tradition of Hellenistic Poetry (1987), 40–60Google Scholar; Armstrong, R., Cretan Women: Pasiphae, Ariadne, and Phaedra in Latin Poetry (2006), 56–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ See primarily the abhorrence of civil bloodshed at Virg., Aen. 6.832–3 ‘ne, pueri, ne tanta animis adsuescite bella / neu patriae validas in viscera vertite viris’.

⁷⁰ Virg., Aen. 6.868–86, especially 872–4 ‘quantos ille virum magnam Mavortis ad urbem / campus aget gemitus! vel quae, Tiberine, videbis / funera, cum tumulum praeterlabere recentem!’ On the significance of the figure of Marcellus in Virgil's underworld, see Feeney, op. cit. (n. 62), 15; R. F. Glei, ‘The show must go on: the death of Marcellus and the future of the Augustan Principate: Aeneid 6. 860–86’, in Stahl, op. cit. (n. 2), 119–34.

⁷¹ Virg., Aen. 6.855–9. On the rôle of M. Claudius Marcellus in the tradition of the spolia opima and on the Augustan appropriation of this tradition, see Flower, H. I., ‘The tradition of the spolia opima: M. Claudius Marcellus and Augustus’, Classical Antiquity 19 (2000), 34–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷² Flower, op. cit. (n. 62), 109–14 (the chapter entitled ‘Virgil and the Funeral Procession’), at 110: ‘The identification with a funeral procession depends on the allusions to the funeral of Marcellus at the end.’

⁷³ cf. Feeney, op. cit. (n. 62), 15: ‘There is no question of seeing this lament as a late addition to an existing parade. The melancholy coda was part of the basic conception from the very beginning.’

⁷⁴ For a discussion of the central position of the Hercules and Cacus episode for the ideological thrust of the Aeneid, see L. Morgan, ‘Assimilation and civil war: Hercules and Cacus. Aeneid 8’, in Stahl, op. cit. (n. 2), 175–97, with bibliography. On the significance of aetiology in the Pallanteum section of Aeneid 8, see Tueller, M. A., ‘Well-read heroes: quoting the Aetia in Aeneid 8’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 100 (2000), 361–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Both Hercules and Aeneas are demigods deified, or destined to be deified, after death (cf. 8.301 ‘vera Iovis proles, decus addite divis’ and 1.259–60 ‘sublimemque feres ad sidera caeli / magnanimum Aenean’); they are both forced by Juno's wrath to undergo privations and to accomplish heroic deeds, including a descent into the underworld (see the mention of Hercules in Aeneid 6 (123 ‘quid memorem Alciden?’) as one of the models for Aeneas’ descent into the underworld; cf. Labate, M., ‘In search of the lost Hercules: strategies of the fantastic in the Aeneid,’ in Hardie, P. (ed.), Paradox and the Marvellous in Augustan Literature and Culture (2009), 141–4Google Scholar); and they both appear in Pallanteum after crossing roughly a half of the Mediterranean world (Hercules the western and Aeneas the eastern half). More specifically, Aeneas’ passage to Pallanteum is facilitated by the Tiber benevolently flowing back, which is precisely what the river did, albeit out of fear, when Hercules pulled out the tree obstructing the entrance into Cacus’ cave (Virg., Aen. 8.86–9, especially 87); the cave opened up by Hercules bears a marked resemblance to the underworld visited by Aeneas in Book 6 (Virg., Aen. 8.243–6; on connections between Cacus’ cave and the underworld, see Hardie, op. cit. (n. 49), 114–15); and the fact that Aeneas is twice brought into close proximity with a lion hide, one of Hercules’ most salient visual attributes, reads like an additional element in the notional merger between the two heroes (Virg., Aen. 8.177–8 and 551–3). In another similar gesture, reinforced by an intertextual reference, Aeneas follows in Hercules’ footsteps in deigning to come under the roof of Evander's humble house and thus in imitating the scenario previously elaborated in Callimachus’ two famous aetiological narratives — in the Hecale and in the Molorchos episode of Aetia 3 (Victoria Berenices), the latter, quite suitably, featuring Heracles defeating the Nemean lion (see Tueller, op. cit. (n. 74), 371–5).

⁷⁶ On the rôle of epiphany in Graeco-Roman religion from the early Classical period to the Second Sophistic, see Platt, V., Facing the Gods: Epiphany and Representation in Graeco-Roman Art, Literature, and Religion (2011)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Cacus vs. Turnus: 8.196–7 ‘foribusque adfixa superbis / ora virum tristi pendebant pallida tabo’ and 10. 465–7 ‘quin ipsa arrectis (visu miserabile) in hastis / praefigunt capita et multo clamore sequuntur / Euryali et Nisi’. On parallels between Turnus and Cacus, see Hardie, op. cit. (n. 49), 118–19, with further references. See also Galinsky, K., ‘The Hercules-Cacus episode in Aeneid VIII’, American Journal of Philology 87 (1966), 18–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ Virg., Aen 8.97–100 ‘sol medium caeli conscenderat igneus orbem / cum muros arcemque procul ac rara domorum / tecta vident, quae nunc Romana potentia caelo / aequavit, tum res inopes Euandrus habebat’.

⁷⁹ Virg., Aen. 8.306–61 with Eden, P. T., A Commentary on Virgil: Aeneid VIII (1975)Google Scholar, ad loc., especially 360–1 ‘passimque armenta videbant / Romanoque foro et lautis mugire Carinis’. For the Saturnian golden age as an aetiological model for the golden age of Augustus, see 8.324–5 ‘aurea quae perhibent illo sub rege fuere / saecula’ and 6.791–4 ‘hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, / Augustus Caesar, divi genus, aurea condet / saecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arva / Saturno quondam’. See Edwards, E., Writing Rome: Textual Approaches to the City (1996), 10–11Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Virg., Aen. 1.257–96. On Jupiter's prophecy, see O'Hara, J. J., Death and the Optimistic Prophecy in Vergil's Aeneid (1990), 132–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Feeney, D. C., The Gods in Epic: Poets and Critics of the Classical Tradition (1991), 138–41Google Scholar. On the representation of Roman history on the shield, see Hardie, op. cit. (n. 49), especially 346–66; A. G. McKay, ‘Non enarrabile textum? The shield of Aeneas and the triple triumph of 29 BC’, in Stahl, op. cit. (n. 2), 199–221; Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 119–88.

⁸¹ Virg., Aen. 8.671–705 (the battle of Actium), 705–13 (barbarians fleeing; Cleopatra fleeing to the Nile), 714–28 (Augustus’ triumph). On the shield of Aeneas as a piece of ‘triumphal art’, see McKay, op. cit. (n. 80). Cf. Barchiesi, op. cit. (n. 3), 276.

⁸² On the depiction of the triumphal procession on the shield in comparison with historical triumphal processions, see McKay, op. cit. (n. 80), 203–14.

⁸³ Other sources, too, indicate that the temple of Apollo on the Palatine stood more or less exactly where Evander used to live: e.g., Prop. 4.1.3–4 ‘atque ubi navali stant sacra Palatia Phoebo, / Euandri profugae procubuere boves’.

⁸⁴ On the Roman triumphal procession as a kind of mimetic re-enactment of the victory, see Beard, op. cit. (n. 64), passim; Östenberg, op. cit. (n. 7), 258–92.

⁸⁵ See Philip Hardie's remarks on the Hercules-Cacus episode anticipating ‘the elemental confusion’ of Actium in ‘Virgil: a paradoxical poet?’ in Hardie, op. cit. (n. 75), 100 n. 14. See also Duncan, G., ‘The Hercules/Cacus episode in Aeneid VIII: monumentum rerum Augusti’, Ancient History 33 (2003), 18–30Google Scholar, on connections between the Cacus episode and the shield of Aeneas. On the connections between Aeneas and Augustus in Aeneid 8, see Binder, G., Aeneas und Augustus: Interpretationen zum 8. Buch der Aeneis (1971)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Virg. Aen. 8.698 ‘omnegenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis’. On theriomorphic gods as a symbol of ‘another, foreign, and hostile culture, which Augustus had fought against and defeated at Actium’, see G. Rosati, ‘Latrator Anubis: alien divinities in Augustan Rome, and how to tame monsters through aetiology’, in Hardie, op. cit. (n. 75), 272.

⁸⁷ Hardie, op. cit. (n. 49), 97–110. See also K. W. Gransden, Virgil: Aeneid Book VIII (1976), comm. ad Aen. 190–305: ‘Vergil emphasizes typological parallels between Cacus, Turnus and Antony as enemies of civilization, and between Hercules, Aeneas and Augustus as defenders of it, so that the exploit becomes a model of the “heroic encounter” with evil.’ For an ‘anti-Augustan’ reading of the Cacus episode, see Lyne, op. cit. (n. 6), 27–35. For a more balanced view, see Gordon, P., ‘Dido the Phaeacian: lost pleasures of an Epicurean intertext’, Classical Antiquity 19 (1998), 188–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁸ Virg., Aen. 10.462–3 ‘cernat semineci sibi me rapere arma cruenta / victoremque ferant morientia lumina Turni’.

⁸⁹ Virg., Aen. 11.53–4 ‘infelix, nati funus crudele videbis! / hi nostri reditus exspectatique triumphi?’

⁹⁰ The identity between Pallanteum and the Palatine in Virgil is additionally based on an etymological wordplay. See O'Hara, J. J., True Names: Vergil and the Alexandrian Tradition of Etymological Wordplay (1996), 202Google Scholar.

⁹¹ cf. Barchiesi, op. cit. (n. 3), 279.

⁹² This seems to be the emphasis in Aeschylus’ Danaid trilogy, of which only the Suppliants is extant. Cf. Winnington-Ingram, R. P., Studies in Aeschylus (1983), 55–72Google Scholar; S. Harrison, ‘The sword-belt of Pallas: moral symbolism and political ideology. Aeneid 10. 495–505’, in Stahl, op. cit. (n. 2), 228–9. Note that, according to Apollodorus, Bibl. 2.1.4, the Danaids were ritually purified after their murder — the tradition that probably goes back to Aeschylus. Cf. Winnington-Ingram, op. cit., 70.

⁹³ Keuls, E., The Water Carriers in Hades: A Study of Catharsis through Toil in Classical Antiquity (1974)Google Scholar, argues that it was only in Rome that the iconography of water carriers in the underworld, who originally represented the uninitiated, was reinterpreted as portraying the murderous Danaids. For the moralistic portrayal of the punishment of the Danaids in Roman poetry from Lucretius onwards, see Leach, E. W., ‘Hypermestra's querela: co-opting the Danaids in Horace Ode 3.11 and in Augustan Rome’, Classical World 102 (2008), 13–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁴ Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 196–7.

⁹⁵ Conte, op. cit. (n. 5), 185–95; Schmitzer, U., ‘Turnus und die Danaiden: Mythologische Verstrickung und personale Verantwortung’, Grazer Beiträge 20 (1994), 109–26, at 112–13Google Scholar; Harrison, op. cit. (n. 92), 223–30, with a summary of different approaches to the symbolism of the Danaids in the context. See also Reed, op. cit. (n. 36), 54–5.

⁹⁶ Hom., Od. 11.609–12 σμερδαλέος δέ οἱ ἀμφὶ περὶ στήθεσσιν ἀορτὴρ / χρύσεος ἦν τελαμών, ἵνα ἔργα τέτυκτο, / ἄρκτοι τ᾿ ἀργότεροί τε σύες χαροποί τε λέοντες, / ὑσμῖναί τε μάχαι τε φόνοι τ᾿ ἀνδροκτασίαι τε. Cf. Schmitzer, op. cit. (n. 95), 114; Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 193–4.

⁹⁷ On the gender ambiguity of Pallas, as well as of other young men dying in the second half of the Aeneid, including Turnus, see Reed, op. cit. (n. 36), 16–72.

⁹⁸ Virg., Aen. 7.789–92 ‘at levem clipeum sublatis cornibus Io / auro adsignibat, iam saetis obsita, iam bos, / argumentum ingens, et custos virginis Argus, / caelataque amnem fundens pater Inachus urna’.

⁹⁹ The Danaids effectively retrace Io's journey: Aesch., Supp. 11–18 Δαναὸς δὲ πατὴρ καὶ βούλαρχος / καὶ στασίαρχος τάδε πεσσονομῶν / κύδιστ᾿ ἀχέων ἐπέκρανε, / φεύγειν ἀνέδην διὰ κῦμ᾿ ἅλιον, / κέλσαι δ᾿ Ἄργους γαῖαν, ὅθεν δὴ / γένος ἡμέτερον τῆς οἰστροδόνου / βοὸς ἐξ ἐπαφῆς κἀξ ἐπινοίας / Διὸς εὐχόμενον τετέλεσται.

¹⁰⁰ For Turnus’ family tree, see Schmitzer, op. cit. (n. 95), 118.

¹⁰¹ cf. Schmitzer, op. cit. (n. 95), 118–19.

¹⁰² O'Hara, op. cit. (n. 90).

¹⁰³ Virg., Aen. 8.695 ‘regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro’. Reed, op. cit. (n. 36), 70.

¹⁰⁴ See e.g. the typically ‘pessimistic’ reading in Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 197: ‘As he acts, the hero assumes many roles as does his humbled antagonist, but the one most directly etched before us is of Turnus as a youth basely slaughtered and of Aeneas as a type of Danaid enforcing the vendetta of her father.’

¹⁰⁵ This is comparable to the radically diverging interpretations in scholarship of the symbolic significance of the portico of the Danaids in the context of the Apollo temple on the Palatine. See Harrison, op. cit. (n. 92), 232–6, with bibliography.

¹⁰⁶ This would agree with Aeneas’ usual practice. On the contrast between Turnus and Aeneas in this respect, see Harrison, op. cit. (n. 92), 228: ‘[…] Turnus keeps the sword-belt of Pallas and puts it on; he is clearly wearing it at the end of the poem. This is wrong in terms of ancient religious thought and practice: the spoils of the dead were in some sense taboo and should be dedicated to the gods. […] Aeneas himself always dedicates spoils to the gods, and those who keep or seek to keep the spoils of the dead in the Aeneid usually come to grief.’

¹⁰⁷ Prop. 2.31.1–4 ‘Quaeris, cur veniam tibi tardior? aurea Phoebi / porticus a magno Caesare aperta fuit. / tantam erat in speciem Poenis digesta columnis, / inter quas Danai femina turba senis’. On the portico of the Danaids in Augustan poetry, see Leach, op. cit. (n. 93), 21–3, especially 21: ‘Literary references that virtually equate the portico with the temple fabric itself bear witness to the strong impression they made.’ Cf. Putnam, op. cit. (n. 9), 198–202; Harrison, op. cit. (n. 92), 230–7; Galinsky, op. cit. (n. 1), 220–2. For the appearance of the statues, see Leach, op. cit. (n. 93), 23–6 and 29–32, with bibliography and plates. For a recent tentative reconstruction of the portico as a whole, see Quenemoen, C. K., ‘The Portico of the Danaids: a new reconstruction’, American Journal of Archaeology 110 (2006), 229–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Harrison, op. cit. (n. 92), 236–7.

¹⁰⁹ On different interpretations of the Danaid sculptures in the context of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, see Leach, op. cit. (n. 93), with bibliography.

¹¹⁰ Virg., Aen. 12.830–40. In this respect, too, the Aeneid resembles the Iliad, which can be understood as a funerary memorial set up by Homer to both the Greeks and the Trojans. Cf. Taplin, O., Homeric Soundings: The Shaping of the Iliad (1992), 279–84Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ The function of the Aeneid to commemorate the dead on both sides of the conflict is particularly stressed in the similar poetic pledges Virgil makes upon the death of Nisus and Euryalus (9.446–9 ‘fortunati ambo! si qui mea carmina possunt, / nulla dies umquam memori vos eximet aevo, / dum domus Aeneae Capitoli immobile saxum / accolet imperiumque pater Romanus habebit’) and the death of Mezentius’ son Lausus (10.791–3 ‘hic mortis durae casum tuaque optima facta, / si qua fidem tanto est operi latura vetustas, / non equidem nec te, iuvenis memorande, silebo’).